Spain
November 1536, 1-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1888

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279-294

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'Spain: November 1536, 1-20', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2: 1536-1538 (1888), pp. 279-294. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=87973 Date accessed: 22 October 2014.


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November 1536, 1-20

5 Nov.114. Eustace Chapuys to the Empress [Isabella].
S.E., L. 806, f. 52.
B. M. Add 28,589,
f. 101.
Hears from a gentleman, one of the chief officers in the Royal army, that the duke of Norphoch (Norfolk), Taleboch (Talbot), and the marquis [of Dorset), the earl of Rotelland (Rutland), and other captains, have held a conference with the rebels in the North, who, as stated in a former despatch, have risen in arms against this king. They could not have acted more prudently, for otherwise both the King and his kingdom might have been placed in jeopardy.
Indeed, all the nobility and gentry in the duchy of York, numbering 40,000 fighting men, among whom are 10,000 horse, have risen against the King; they are orderly, and use as their chief standard a crucifix, having at their head the archbishop (Diort) of York and the sieur Darcy, whom the King considers more blameworthy than the rest, believing them to be the chief instigators of the rebellion.
The duke of Norphoch and his colleagues in command do not wish to come to blows with the insurgents, all of them being good Christians, warily, though significantly enough, expressing their opinion that what the people of the northern counties ask for is just and founded on right, and promising them that the King will ultimately grant their petitions.
Believes that the Duke's arrival at Court is first of all for the justification of his own conduct in the affair, and then for the sake of introducing to the King's presence the ambassadors of the northern people, namely, Master Raphael Endecherche, one of the four knights of the King's Chamber, and Master Dos, (fn. 1) a barrister, to whom a fortnight only has been allowed for the fulfilment of their commission, namely, 12 days to come here to London, 12 to go back to the North, and three more to negociate. The better to disconcert the plans of the rebels, the King wishes that their petition be endorsed, and, as it were, authorised by Parliament. They ask that henceforward the House be composed as in old times, all officers of the Royal household and others receiving pay from the King being excluded from it.
Thus they intend remedying the wrongs of the Princess, as well as the harm done in other matters, having an act passed to the effect that the King cannot levy contributions on his subjects except for the purpose of making war on France or Scotland. And it appears, moreover, that the instructions given to the ambassadors are signed by the majority of the nobles and gentlemen residing in the said duchy of York.
No one knows yet what resolution the King will take in the present emergency. It is, however, to be feared that his own arrogance, and the persuasions of those by whom he is surrounded, will prevent him from acceding, as he ought, to the demands of the northern people, also because it is said that king Francis has promised to come personally to his aid with 40 or 50,000 men, if he should want them.
The rebels, on the other hand, are sufficiently numerous to defend themselves, and there is every appearance that, instead of diminishing, their number will increase, especially if they only get some assistance in money from abroad. This is particularly His Holiness' concern, and, if he only would send here Master Pole, (fn. 2) who is now in Rome, much good might be done.
Among the 15 or 20 articles demanded by the ambassadors of the North, there are two which seem really exorbitant. One is that they want to know what has become of the treasure which the present king inherited from his father, and how he has spent the numberless and incredible sums of money he has taken from his subjects, both laymen and ecclesiastics. The other is their demanding that in future there should be no confiscation of property, not even for the crime "læsæ Majestatis," or any other, but that such property be only sequestered and kept for the legitimate heirs; and in a like manner that the estates and lands taken from the duke of Buckingham (Edward Stafford) and other noblemen, now retained by the King and his ministers, should be restored to their legitimate heirs and successors. But it is generally believed that, should the King grant some of the 15 or 20 above-mentioned articles, which have not yet been laid before Parliament, the rebels will not insist on these latter and other demands.
Other counties and provinces of England, it is said, are desirous that the northern people should go on with their demands, so as to give them time to join the movement; at any rate they have deputed people to encourage and exhort them to keep firm, and not listen to the flattering words and practices this King is using to create schism and division among them. Indeed, it is to be feared that the rebels of the North will be deceived in the end, and pursuaded to put down their arms; for, after all, the chiefs of the movement have no money, nor means of procuring it. Should His Holiness consent to send here Master Reynaldo Polo with some money, there can be no doubt that the rebellion will increase, especially if, at the same time, a band of hackbutiers crosses over [from Flanders], for that is the arm the insurgents want most.
The answer to the ambassadors of the North has been that the King refuses to innovate, change, or alter any of the Acts and Ordinances passed by the late Parliament, and therefore that he will not grant any of their petitions in that respect, much less reform his Privy Council at the will of his rebellious subjects. That was not a thing for them to interfere with in any way. Letters patent were already prepared in his name remitting and pardoning their disrespectful conduct and errors, with the exception of 10 or 15 of the principal chiefs, who would be punished, &c. Another county bordering on that of York has lately joined the movement, owing to which the ambassadors have been requested to stop, and will most likely receive a more friendly answer than the former through Mr. de Norfolk.
Cannot omit an anecdote which will help His Majesty to form an idea of the inconstancy or dissimulation of this King. Scarcely a week ago he was heard to say in public that he was under great obligation to the king of France for wishing his son, the duke of Orleans (Henry), to many his daughter Mary, though he knew her to be a bastard.
The ambassadors of the North departed at last with no better answer from the King, who declared to them that he would rather lose his crown than be thus restrained by his vassals. He has now sent to the North the duke of Norfolk and the Admiral (fn. 3) to procure the submission of the rebels, and tamper with them; but it is to be feared that the said duke and admiral will be decoyed (atraydos) and taken prisoners by them. Some conjecture that they will be rather glad of it themselves, and that if they could, without blame or reproach to their honor, bring matters to that pitch, they would be delighted. The King, meanwhile, brags that should the people of the North persist in their demands, and not lay down their arms, he will march against them in person; to which end he is having no less than five or six ships got ready for sea.
After this the sieur de Utey (fn. 4) sent me word that the rebels are sufficiently well appointed, and in condition to fight the Royal army with success, since they are numerically stronger by one third. Besides abundance of provisions of all kinds, they have a tolerably large sum of money; but they still want some help [in men] either from Flanders or from Spain, and are confident that Your Majesty will assist them. Lest the King should inflict harm on the Princess, they have not inserted among their articles any one asking for her reinstatement. The King has lately made her sign the two letters, one for the Pope, the other for Your Majesty, of which mention is made in one of my previous despatches, (fn. 5) the King having requested the Princess, his daughter, to write to me to forward both the letters.
The King, I hear, lamented the other day before the Princess the many expenses which this rising in the North has entailed upon him, and told her that up to that day he had spent upwards of 200,000 pounds sterling.—London, 5 (fn. 6) Nov. 1536.
Indorsed: "Relacion de cartas del embaxador en Londres."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 5.
6 Nov.115. Dr. Ortiz to the Same.
S. E. Roma,
L. 865, f. 101.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 107.
Wrote last on the 24th of Sept. and 19th Oct. (fn. 7) The English king's sins must already have reached their full measure, since God Almighty is now pouring down his ire on him and inciting his subjects to rebellion. He himself has so sinned against his God, and been so rebellious and obstinate, that no wonder if his subjects are now rising against him. No letters have come by this post from Your Majesty's ambassador in England (Chapuys), inasmuch as the King of that country has taken measures to prevent the news from circulating abroad, imagining that he will be able to reduce the rebels to obedience first. These are said to amount to 30 or 40,000, as Your Majesty will judge by the enclosed letter of the queen [dowager] of Hungary. However, as the Princess is in the hands of the heretics, who govern both King and kingdom, Your Majesty will easily imagine the danger she is in, and how needful it is to have prayers said for her safety throughout the Spanish dominions. —Rome, 6 Nov. 1536.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Empress and Queen, our Lady."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
14 Nov.116. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
S. E. Port, L. 371,
f. 200.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 98.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . La Pomeraye, (fn. 8) the French gentleman, has arrived here, for the sake of promoting the marriage of the Princess [Mary] to the duke of Orleans. (fn. 9) The Princess sent me word the other day that both he (La Pomeraye (fn. 10) ) and the other ambassador, who resides here, had hinted to her that they hoped she would soon have a French husband, and that the King, her father, had also told her at dinner that he was seriously looking out for a husband for her, the one he was thinking of being a most suitable one on many accounts. This notwithstanding, Monsieur de Crumel (Cromwell) the duke of Norforch (Norfolk), and the Admiral sent for me on the 10th to treat seriously of a marriage between the Princess [Mary] and the Infante Dom Luiz of Portugal; which marriage, they said, might be easily concluded, provided I approved of the very reasonable conditions which the King was about to propose. Their master, they said, after mature deliberation, and considering the Infante's excellent qualities, was very much inclined to treat of such a marriage, and ready to declare from that day that, should he himself have no male or female posterity from his present legitimate wife, or any other equally legitimate, the Princess should at once inherit his crown. During his life, and pending the uncertainty of such a condition, the King would gladly give his daughter some honorable title, with a suitable revenue. In order to persuade the Infante (Dom Luiz) to waive any scruples or reserves of his own respecting the said union—which (said Cromwell and his colleagues) the king of Scotland and several other princes would have been too glad to accept on the very same and perhaps less favorable terms—the privy councillors would be glad to address the King on the subject. In short, they promised me to do their best towards ascertaining what the King's intentions were respecting the said matrimonial alliance and its conditions, and what dower he (the King) was prepared to give the Princess, his daughter.
The Princess has sent me a message by a man [of her household] that the King, her father, moved as much by my repeated overtures as by his disappointment and rage at hearing that king Francis had, against treaties and promises of all sorts, married his own daughter (Madeleine) to the king of Scotland, had commissioned the above-named privy councilors to treat with me about the said marriage between her and the Infante Dom Luys; at which her father was exceedingly pleased, principally owing to the said Infante not being a friend of Francis, and perhaps, too, likely to become his enemy in future, if he only has the opportunity. Besides which (said the King), since king Francis is trying to strengthen himself with alliances against me, I will take the initiative; I fear him not. And they tell me that whilst on this topic king Henry went on speaking in disparagement of Francis, gesticulating with his hands, and saying that he did not care a fig for him. (fn. 11)
The Princess, meanwhile, has sent to request me, as affectionately as she possibly could, to carry on negociations for a marriage so much to Your Majesty's taste; for she tells me her utmost desire is to please and obey you, and not marry except with your consent.
Cromwell, moreover, sent me word the other day that the King, his master, being acquainted with all that had passed between the privy councillors and myself respecting the Princess' marriage, as well as with our mutual communications, had suddenly become much better inclined to the said alliance than he had been at any time before. Nothing more was wanted, said Comwell to me, than Your Majesty's consent to the marriage. It was for you to write a letter in your own hand to the King, his master, asking the hand of the Princess for the Infante of Portugal. Considering it was the established custom and rule that ladies' hands should be solicited, not offered by their parents, Your Majesty, he added, might despatch an express messenger, say a gentleman of your Imperial Chamber, with the letter, and the thing might be done immediately. Having said so, Cromwell explained to me that the French ambassador had in the meantime considerably pushed on his negociations; but he assured me that all would go on well, and that he, being the pilot, and having the rudder in hand, would know full well how to guide the bark whichever way was necessary.
The Princess has since sent me another pressing message to say that the King, her father, persists in his good will respecting her marriage to the Infante Dom Luys, and is continually talking about it, saying that since his Queen would not give him a son, he hoped to get another, a grandson, who, for want of a legitimate one, would be better than a bastard.
The King has no hope of male succession, so Cromwell assures me, as if he meant thereby that Your Majesty ought not to hesitate as to the express condition to be stipulated in the marriage contract, namely, that the succession to the crown of England be reserved for the King's male children, if he should have any from this present marriage or any other he may hereafter contract.
It is impossible to give a description, as the Princess informs me, of the importunate solicitations the king of France and his ambassadors at this court have made, and are daily making, for her to marry the duke of Orleans, offering her a dower of 80,000 ducats revenue; of which offer the King has taken no notice; (fn. 12) no more has he of the help in men offered by Francis, who, among other things, has given him to understand that both Your Majesty and your brother, the king of the Romans, will see with pleasure the Princess married to the said duke of Orleans.—London, 14 Nov. 1536. (fn. 13)
Endorsed : "Relacion de cartas del embaxador de Inglaterra del 5, 14 y 22 de Noviembre que tratan del projectado casamiento entre la Princesa Maria de Inglaterra y el Infante Dom Luis de Portugal."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 3½.
14 Nov.117. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. Guerra, M. y T.,
L. 9.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 112.
It was actually received at Palermo, and therefore there is no more to be said about it.His Holiness sent him (Sylva) the safe-conduct for Mr. de Grandvelle. He made his secretary decipher the letter in his very presence, saying that if the Emperor had already quitted Genoa, and Grandvelle was still there, his own nuncio was to open the letter, take out the safe-conduct, and deliver it to him.
Sent to ask him (the Pope) by his secretary (Ambrogio) whether he wished him to make any remark concerning king Francis' late answer, (fn. 14) when he next wrote home. Answered that neither his nuncio at the court of France, nor the French ambassador at Rome, had said anything more about it. Certainly king Francis would be glad to have peace on just and honorable terms, even after the Dauphin's mishap; but he (the Pope) fancied that the Emperor was not much inclined to it, since he was always trying for new delays. Replied that it seemed as if, on the contrary, the procrastination came directly from king Francis. The Emperor had categorically stated what his conditions were; it was for king Francis to say "Yes" or "No." If Mr. de Grandvelle had not yet started on his mission of peace, as it was called, it was no fault of his, for certainly he would not, under the circumstances, have gone to France without a safe-conduct.
The present despatch will go by express, if one can be found; otherwise a servant of the duke of Montalto (fn. 15) will take it. — Rome, 14 Nov. 1536.
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
14 Nov.
S. E., L. 53, f.271.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 108.
118. Deliberations of the Emperor's Privy Council at Genoa on the eve of His Majesty's embarkation for Barcelona.
What is to be done in case of king Francis sending count St. Pol, or some other general, to Italy, with a greater force than that which the marquis del Gasto has now under his command? Is he to recruit more men and keep the field, or go into winter quarters ?
In the former case, would it not be advisable to recruit a number of men in Germany, and have them in readiness?
In consequence of the breaking up of the Swiss league, would it not be equally advisable to secure the services of the cantons, principally the Catholic ones, so as to prevent the French from enlisting among them?
What particular engagements, if any, are to be taken with the duke of Savoy (Carlo), and what provision made with regard to Verceli and Niça?
What further instructions are to be sent to prothonotary Caracciolo respecting the defence of Milan in case of count de St. Pol, who has already arrived at Tarantasia, invading that duchy? And would it not be advisable to sound the Venetians as to their readiness to observe the articles of the defensive league?
Should the suspension of the Camerino suit-at-law come to an end, and the duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo) be obliged, as he threatens, to leave Milan and go to Venice, who is to replace him in the command of the Imperial arms in those parts, and whom are the Venetians likely to appoint in his room?
Would it not be advisable to form a secret league and confederacy between the dukes of Ferrara, Mantua, Florence, and Urbino, for the defence of their respective states in case of pope Paul attempting to invade any of them?
What is the viceroy of Naples (D. Pedro de Toledo) to do in case of the Pope commencing war against the duke of Urbino, assisted or not by Venice, as it may be? Is that Viceroy bound to defend the Emperor's ally, notwithstanding that Naples is a fief of the Church?
Would it not be advisable to inquire from the Signory of Venice, and from other Italian powers, what they intend doing in case of pope Paul secretly favoring king Francis?
Should His Holiness decide for France, would it not be wise to allow, tacitly or expressly, that the Venetians again took possession of Cervia and Ravenna, which they once held, and which were restored to the Church by means of your Majesty?
Would it not be expedient and wise, in case of the French coming to Italy in force, to take possession at once of Parma and Placencia (Piacenza), which formerly belonged to the duchy of Milan, inasmuch as king Francis is known to have done the very same thing at Avignon, and the Pope tolerated it? Considering also that the Italians, who came against Genoa, and the French, who went to the relief of Turin, though, in fact, the enemies of Italy, have been allowed to pass free and unmolested through the territories of Parma and Piacenza, and that a good number of the men engaged in both those enterprises are known to have come from those cities or from the lands of the Church, would it not be prudent to take possession of the said Parma and Piacenza now that the Pope is hastily arming and fortifying them?
And the French invasion taking place, could not some sort of justifiable excuse be found, for the satisfaction of the Pope, of the Venetians, and of other Italian potentates, for our temporary retention of those two cities?
Both the Pope and the Venetians having asserted that the Turk will infallibly come down next spring, would it not be advisable to ask the former to specify what sort of help and assistance he is prepared to give for the defence of Italy, and at the same time ask the Venetians what they are prepared to do in the emergency?
Ought we to request His Holiness the Pope, to do as his predecessor in the pontificate did on more than one occasion, viz. induce king Francis to lend his galleys for the defence of the Mediterranean coast and the repulsion of the Turk? Though it is almost sure that the King will refuse, and do no good that way, yet his refusal to help in such a cause will naturally increase his unpopularity and disrepute throughout Christendom, and therefore the councillors are unanimously of opinion that the request ought, at any rate, to be made.
Ought not the king of England to be invited to join, though most likely the invitation will have no result?
What orders are to be sent to the viceroys of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, and other Imperial dominions on the sea coast, respecting the stores of provisions to be made, fortification of towns, fitting out of galleys, &c.; and what are Doria's fleet, that of Spain and Naples, and the auxiliaries to do?
What to write to the king of the Romans, and to queen Mary in Flanders, respecting the resolution to be taken in view of the above articles now under discussion?
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 6½.
15 Nov.
S. E. Roma, Capit.
con PP., L. 1, f. 92.
B. M. Add. 28,589,
f. 118.
119. Instructions to the Marquis de Aguilar, going to Rome as Ambassador.
Count of Cifuentes having applied to Us for permission to quit that Roman embassy, and come to serve about Our person, We have been pleased to appoint you to the charge he has hitherto held at the Papal Court.
Besides the information furnished to you by Our privy councillors respecting the state of Our affairs in Italy, the Count will sufficiently instruct you of every step in the different negociations conducted by him, as well as of any papers, treaties, and other documents that may have passed through his hands or are kept in the archives of that embassy, especially those relating to France, such as the convention of Madrid in 1526, when king Francis was Our prisoner; the treaty of Cambray in 1529; that of Barcelona between pope Clement and Ourselves in the same year; that of the league for the defence of Milan made with the Italian powers in 1530; that which about the same time was concluded with the signory of Venice; the private one with the duke Francesco Sforza, since deceased; and, last, not least, that which, on Our departure from Bologna in 1533, was concluded between pope Clement, the Italian powers, and Ourselves for the defence of Italy.
Should this not be sufficient to guide you in the negociations about to be prosecuted or now commencing you will attend to the following instructions:—
Ever since his promotion to the pontificate, pope Paul has been saying that he fully intends being the common Father of Christendom, as his dignity and office demand; and has, in pursuance of that declaration, worked assiduously for the establishment of a lasting peace among Christians and the repulsion of the Turk; and yet he has refused, and still refuses, under various pleas, to ratify the league which his predecessor, Clement, made with Us and with some of the Italian powers. Although from Spain first, before We left for the Tunis expedition, through count Cifuentes, Our ambassador, as well as through Pier Luigi [Farnese], whom His Holiness sent to meet Us on the road to Naples, We have repeatedly begged him to ratify the said league. Though We ourselves, when personally at Rome, have made him all manner of offers to that effect, pope Paul has never condescended to take a final resolution; for, although he has always listened with apparent benevolence to the arguments of Our ambassador, and has occasionally thrown out hopes of agreeing with Our views, he has never acceded to Our wishes, and has often asked for things in return which could not really be done. The Count will show you the copies of the letters We have written to him on this subject, and especially those by Giovan Pietro Capharello from Haes (Aix), from which letters you will see that We have never absolutely denied the various demands put forward by His Holiness, but merely deferred them till a better opportunity.
At Rome, the only thing We could achieve with him was that he would preserve neutrality between the king of France and Ourselves. He was ready (the Pope said) to use his influence over us two, make us treat for peace, and frankly declare against him who had not justice on his side, or had no reasons to allege in his favor. Then it was that, putting aside Our own particular interest in the question, We consented to dispose of the duchy of Milan in favor of the duke of Angoulême, under such conditions and securities as seemed to him (the Pope) equitable and just. The king of France, however, rejected Our offers altogether, invaded Savoy, and prepared to seize Milan, upon which We put Ourselves at the head of Our army, and penetrated into France. On Our return to Italy We again made the same offers, and begged His Holiness to join hands in the affair, and since he (the King) rejects all reasonable terms, to decide in Our favor, as he once promised. His Holiness still wavers and forbears to act, on the plea that he does not know what reasons king Francis may still allege, and whether those reasons are or are not founded on right.
Such is in substance the state of Our affairs. We are still willing to give up Milan to the duke of Angoulême on the conditions stipulated at Rome; that is to say, We must be indemnified for Our expenses in this last war, caused and promoted entirely by king Francis himself, as well as for the injury done to the duke of Savoy (Carlo III.) Besides that, the sale or grant of certain estates in the duchy of Milan, previously made by Us, must be approved of, as you will see by the copy of the memorandum sent by Prothonotary Ambrogio, His Holiness' Secretary, from Niça, as well as by another of which Tello de Guzman was the bearer. Since then His Holiness has sent Our offers to France, and requested Us to have them modified, adding that if We do that, he has no doubt that king Francis will send the Grand Master (Montmorency) to Us; otherwise he will not. Our answer has been that it is neither just nor reasonable that before king Francis says whether he accepts or not the said conditions in toto, We should offer to modify them in part. And, moreover, when We propounded those conditions at Rome, neither he nor his ministers objected in the least to them. The only thing they insisted upon was that the duke of Orleans, now dauphin of France, was to get the Duchy for himself.
Such is the state of this business; the rest you will hear from Cifuentes.
Perceiving that king Francis still persisted in his resolution, and that peace was not forthcoming, the better to sound His Holiness' sentiments and aspirations We proposed to him the person of Our brother-in-law, the Infante Dom Luis, as the fittest person to become duke of Milan; but on condition of a league being made between him, the Italian powers, and Us, for the defence of that state; for We were unwilling at the time to take upon Our shoulders the responsibility of an attack on that duchy, as you will see by the minute of the answer We then made to His Holiness through his secretary, Prothonotary Ambrogio. And although His Holiness at first made no difficulty about the Infante, yet he did not entirely approve of this plan, for he refused his consent to the league and confederacy then proposed. And although he afterwards said that whatever election We should make, he would gladly sanction, he never would answer expressly as to the league itself. The same proposal was by Us made to the Signory of Venice, whose answer was equally vague, so that for the present there is very small chance of Our plans respecting the duchy of Milan meeting with success.
Germany.—The state of affairs in that country, and the chance there is of a General Council, you will learn by the papers and letters in the possession of the count [Cifuentes], as well as by the minutes of Our correspondence with the preceding Pope (Clement VII.), and with the present one. After a good deal of pressure on Our part, and the partial defeat of the intrigues of those who would not hear of it, this much has been gained, that His Holiness (Paul) has at last convoked it for April (Pascua de Espiritu Santo) of 1537; and We now send Dr. Mathias, the Vice-Chancellor of the Empire, with the instructions and despatches required for the meeting and celebration of the said Council, &c.
The Swiss.—The Turk.
England.—You must be aware of the King of that country having some years ago attempted, and at last carried into execution, a divorce from his legitimate wife, queen Katharine, and of the trial before Pope (Clement), during which trial the King actually married a concubine of his, the same whom he afterwards arrayed before a court of law, and actually sentenced to death. You know the subsequent Papal declaration made in favor of the Queen and of the Princess, our niece, stating that the marriage of the former was valid, and the legitimacy of the latter indisputable, at the same time commanding the King to separate from the concubine and return to his wife. The Count will tell you of the executory letters issued on the occasion, which, however, were not published then, but were kept back so as to make use of them whenever it might be thought convenient. From this separation and divorce of the king of England, and the disinclination there was of proceding against him, notwithstanding the diligent and urgent requests of the Queen and Ourselves on the subject, it naturally resulted that king Henry, owing to the adherence and friendship of the king of France, and the favor he has shown and is still showing him, persists more obstinately than ever in his error, and heaping evil on evil has entirely withdrawn his obedience from the Roman Church, and promulgated new constitutions in his kingdom, commanding his subjects not to acknowledge allegiance to the Apostolic See, nominating bishops, and seizing ecclesiastical revenues, destroying abbeys, monasteries, and churches, in order to enjoy their revenues at will; the excesses by him committed in this particular having reached such a pitch that there is no need to particularise them, or insist on their gravity, since they are notorious to every one.
The above summary account has no other object than to inform you of the state of our relations with England at this present time. The Count, moreover, will show you the copy of a letter which that King wrote to Us some time ago, as well as the answer We made him from the camp at Hues (Aix), and that will prove to you how firmly attached he is still to the king of France. Besides, our ambassador at his court (Eustace Chapuys) will from time to time send you news from that country, as he did to your predecessor in that Roman embassy (count Cifuentes). We command you to keep up a correspondence with the said ambassador, and help him in whatever he may attempt or do on behalf of the Princess, taking care to inform Us of whatever steps may be taken both in England and in Rome respecting the said Princess and her affairs. The Count will hand over to you the "executory letters," as well as any important papers he may have in his possession touching the Princess, principally the original brief of Pope Julius giving the dispensation for Katharine's marriage to King Henry, which You will keep by you with the utmost care. With regard to the "executory letters" you are also to keep them by you, and make no use of them without letting Us know first.
[Signory of Venice—Genoa—Ferrara—Mantua—Siena— Florence, and the duke Alessandro de'Medici—Urbino.
College of Cardinals.—Prothonotary Ambrogio, papal secretary Pier Luigi, the son of His Holiness, had, before his father's elevation to the pontificate, a commission and a salary from Us. He has ever since served Us with zeal. Besides the archbishopric of Monreal, which We gave to his son, We granted him, during our stay at Rome, an annual pension of 15,000 crs. on Milan, which he then accepted, as well as his father; but lately His Holiness, We are told, objects to his son taking that, on the plea that it is impolitic under present circumstances, and that it is better that the grant be not published for some time to come.
Duchy of Sora granted to the Duke of Urbino.
With Our viceroy in Naples (Don Pedro de Toledo, marquis de Villafranca), the marquis del Gasto, Commander-in-chief of all Our army now in Piedmont, and cardinal Carracciolo, Our present governor in the duchy of Milan, as well as with all Our ambassadors in Venice, Genoa, and Savoy, and any others who have at present, or may have in future, charge of Our affairs, you will keep in constant communication, so that you may become acquainted with the general state of Our political affairs in Italy. The same to be understood respecting those ambassadors and agents whom Our brother, the king of the Romans, may have in that country.
As to the ambassadors or agents at Rome, resident or special, of such powers as Venice, Genoa, the dukes of Ferrara, Mantua, Urbino, and others, you will treat with all and each of them respectively, showing them full confidence, particularly favoring those whom you should know to be friendly, and endeavouring to gain over the others.
That of the king of Portugal, if there should be one at that court, you will treat as honorably and familiarly as those of the king of the Romans, Our brother, since his master [Dom Joaõ] has an interest equal to Ours in most of the political questions now debated.
Our sister, Mary of Hungary, is to be informed by you of every occurrence that may affect Our interests, or those of the Low Countries at that Roman court.
Courtiers, and generally all Spaniards frequenting or residing in that capital, are to be favored and protected as befits Our reputation and authority; but in so doing care should be taken that no injury or offence be inflicted on the Roman people. (fn. 16) Yet in the event of riots, revolutions, and other popular movements, good understanding shall be kept up with Ascanio Colonna and the rest of the Colonnese, as well as with those among the cardinals who may at the time be considered as attached to Us. The said Ascanio and the rest of the Colonnese to be favored in all matters; this, however, to be done in such a way that His Holiness may have no suspicion or feel discontent about it.
What we say of the Colonnese must also be applied to the Sienese, the people of Forli and Viterbo, and all others, who from one reason or other have shown and are showing affection to the Empire.
With the Orsini faction, generally opposed to that of the Colonna, you shall deal in a different manner. You are to temporise as long as you can, try to gain some of them over, or at least prevent their becoming troublesome enemies. Two among them, i.e. Hieronymo Ursino and Giovan Battista Savelli, are now in Our pay.
The bishop of Castellamare, (fn. 17) the Pope's referendary, is a Spaniard, and has, ever since he went to reside at Rome, shown much affection to our service. As to our proctors Micer Luigi Aragonia and Dr. Anguiano, both of whom are, according to the report of your predecessors, excellent lawyers, you will take care to say how pleased We are with them, and that We intend further to remunerate their services on the first opportunity.
Alonso de Cuevas is a very good man, and has served as Our solicitor in certain affairs connected with the churches of Our dominions; but as We are informed that the work he has in hand is at times excessive and overwhelming, you will, after consulting over the matter with the Count, choose among the Spaniards residing at Rome one who has sufficient knowledge and practice of law to be associated with him.
The dean of Antwerp has at present charge of Our affairs in that capital as regards Flanders and Burgundy. We need not tell you that if he should require your favor and assistance in ecclesiastical matters relating to those countries, you must help him with all your influence and authority.
Naples.—Annual census to be paid to His Holiness, and the white steed. The "fuorusciti" of that kingdom to be watched, and, if necessary, to ask their expulsion from Rome.
The cardinal of Mantua (Hercole Gonzaga) has received from us the appointment of Protector of the Spanish churches at Rome.
Should our sister, the queen of France, write to you in favor and commendation of any person or persons, you are to serve her without exercising too much pressure on His Holiness or the functionaries at Rome,—that is in minor affairs, and if you know the matter to be unimportant and without risk of consequences; because, if it should be otherwise, such as the creation of cardinals and so forth, you should not take it up unless We are previously consulted.
As to the German Lutherans, you will take particular care to ascertain whether they are, or are not, in secret understanding with people there, at Rome, or with king Francis, the Turk, or the Waywode (of Transylvania), and you will inform Us thereof as soon as possible.
Vexatious practices of certain Spaniards residing in Rome to molest and worry people holding benefices in Spain.
Indulto for Spain, Burgundy, and Flanders—Inquisition, and its proctor at Rome, Dr. Aguinaga—Crusade of Sicily— Bishopric of Tortosa.
Orders have been sent to count de Cifuentes to pass the winter at Rome, and not to return to Spain till the spring of 1537, that he may in the meantime instruct you sufficiently in all the above-mentioned matters. Credentials in your favor for His Holiness, Pier Luigi, and the cardinals, shall be forwarded by this conveyance.
Crusade.—The bull to be renewed for three years more.
Creation of cardinals.—According to information received the present Pope has an idea of creating five. No sooner did the Count write to Us about it than We wrote to the Pope representing the inopportuneness of such a creation. Were they (the cardinals) to be of the same character and stamp as some of those lately created, We then maintained, and do maintain still, that, rather than proving beneficial, they would be exceedingly detrimental to Christianity and to Italy. Such was the tenour of Our remonstrances at the time. Should His Holiness still persist in his idea, you will tell him, as reverently as possibly, that, having made no cardinals at Our recommendation, We consider ourselves justly entitled, and no less deserving than other princes, to have a number of hats, say eight, put apart for the persons We will name. We would certainly have preferred that no new creation was made, but since His Holiness persists in his idea, We consider ourselves fully authorised to demand that some hats at least may fall to Our share. Genoa, 15 Nov. 1536.
Spanish. Original corrected draft. pp. 16.

Footnotes

1 Thus in the original, but Dos is evidently a mistake for Bows or Bowes (Sir Robert), whereas Raphael Endecherche can be no other than Sir Ralph Ellerkar.
2 Reginald.
3 Chapuys is wrong here, for instead of the duke of Norfolk and the Admiral he ought to have written Suffolk and the Lord High Steward (at that time George Talbot, earl of Shrewsbury), who were the two generals appointed by Henry. See Froude, Vol. III., p. 110.
4 Lord John Hussey. See above, p. 269.
5 See No. 110, which is said to have been addressed to the Empress, most likely the duplicate of one to the Emperor not in the Imperial Archives at Vienna.
6 Though dated the 5th, it is the summary of three different despatches of Chapuys, of the 5th, 14th, and 22nd, to be sent to Spain. Most probably they were first written in French, the language generally used by that ambassador, and then translated into Spanish for the use of the empress Isabella and the Council of Regency during Charles' absence.
7 That of the 14th Sept. is at page 259, No. 99; but that of the 19th Oct. is not at Simancas.
8 See note on the following page (283).
9 No longer Henri d'Orleans, for on the death of his eldest brother François, the Dauphin, he (Henri) took that title, and his brother Charles, formerly duke of Angoulême, that of "duke of Orleans."
10 Gilles de la Pommeraye, about whom see Vol. V., Part I., p. 116–7.
11 "Y que hablando en esto de el dicho rey de francia, no dexó el dicho rey de hacer alqunas hygas, dando de la mano, y mostxando no tenerlo en mucho."
12 No doubt that proffered by the French to quell the rebellion in the North. See above, p. 280.
13 Though thus dated on the outside, the letter itself has no date or signature. That it is one from Chapuys, addressed to the empress Isabella and to the Council of Regency during the Emperor's absence (he was still in Italy on his return from his unsuccessful campaign in Provence), is evident. Yet I doubt its being original, as otherwise that ambassador would have signed it. Most likely it is only a copy of or abstract from another written to the Emperor; which, however, is not to be found, as far as I am aware, in the Imperial Archives at Vienna, but only at Simancas. The following paragraph, in the handwriting of one of the clerks in Council, acting as secretary to the Empress—perhaps Alonso Idiaquez or Juan Vazquez de Molina—is in support of my conjecture:—"Since the above letter from the Imperial ambassador in England another one has been received, in which he says that the King continues to view favorably the contemplated marriage, treats the Princess, his daughter, well, and is very anxious to have an answer to his letter as soon as possible, for fear of the inconveniences likely to arise from delay."
14 That is, that to the Emperor's manifesto.
15 This duke of Montalto was a Moncada.
16 Here is a paragraph crossed over.
17 Juan de Fonseca; but according to Gams Series Episc., p. 872, he did not take possession of his bishopric until the 14th of March 1537. His predecessor (Centellas) had died some months before.