Spain: July 1538

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1890.

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'Spain: July 1538', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1, 1538-1542, (London, 1890) pp. 1-5. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol6/no1/pp1-5 [accessed 26 April 2024]

July 1538, 1-31

1. The Emperor to Lope Hurtado de Mendoça, (fn. n1) Lord High Chamberlain to the duchess Margaret.
S. E., L. 1,439,
f. 187.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 204.		 Is in receipt of his (Hurtado's) letters of the 16th and 17th ult., which came by the courier, despatched by the ambassador at Genoa (Suarez de Figueroa); which letters, as well as the one addressed to the High Commander of Leon (Covos), have sufficiently acquainted him [the Emperor] with all events since his own embarcation at Genoa, as well as with the good health of the Duchess, his daughter, the final delivery of the castle of Livorno (Leghorn), and other particulars. Glad to hear that the archbishop of Santiago (Sarmiento) (fn. n2) has arrived, and will be welcome to the Duchess. Should have answered his letters more at length, were it not that they came whilst he was en route for Valladolid. On his arrival in that town he (the Emperor) will give more positive orders respecting the Duchess' affairs, as well as concerning the memorandum brought by Cherubino, (fn. n3) though there is every reason to suppose that as Aguilar at Rome had previously been written to on the subject, everything has already been settled to the Duchess' complete satisfaction.
Nothing more to say, save recommending him (Hurtado de Mendoza) to take care that Cosmo [de Medici] attends to the repairs and provisioning of the castle of Livorno, so as to place it in a state of defence. (fn. n4)
Spanish. Original draft. p. 1.
Addressed: "To Lope Hurtado, Lord High Chamberlain to the Duchess, our daughter."
July. 2. Mr. de Granvelle to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P.
Fasc. C. 231, ff. 58–9.		 The English ambassador called this morning, and told me that a courier had arrived from his master with rather stale news and letters written more than 12 days ago, the contents of which were so pressing and important, that he could not help informing Your Imperial Majesty thereof. His master, the King (said the English ambassador to me), complained bitterly of his not having been expressly named and included in the last treaty of truce with France, and likewise of his name being therein mentioned after that of the king of Portugal, which omission, if intentional, made his master suspect that something was intended in contravention to the treaties between Your Imperial Majesty and himself, in case of his (the King's) being attacked. (fn. n5)
My answer to the English ambassador has been that there was no need to include his master expressly in the treaty of truce, and yet that he had been included and named in it, as other kings, though in general terms. As to the other point, namely, that of the precedence, I told him that Your Imperial Majesty could not possibly affirm that the king of Portugal (Dom Joaô) ought to precede him; but that, at the same time, honesty and close relationship prevented Your Majesty from making a contrary assertion; and lastly, that the treaty of truce did in nowise prejudice or impair those made with the King, his master.
The ambassador has also told me incidentally that Your Imperial Majesty had negociated a marriage between your daughter (Margaret) and the grandson (fn. n6) of the Holy father. My answer was that there was nothing done or settled as yet, though the marriage might possibly take place. Should, however, the marriage take effect, nothing would be done to his master's prejudice, nor any clause to his detriment inserted in the treaty of peace with France.
Upon which the ambassador replied that the assurance I had just given was enough for him; yet as he had been particularly instructed to interrogate me on that point, ho wished Your Imperial Majesty to write a letter to his master promising that nothing should be undertaken against him in case of the General Council meeting, which (he said) his master would in nowise attend. I answered him that the request was unreasonable, and that Your Imperial Majesty could not possibly grant it, as you had already declared on a previous occasion, and as had been legally demonstrated.
Again, on a second visit, the ambassador told me that his master had understood, or, at least, gathered, from Your Imperial Majesty's letters, that you were about to send full powers to treat concerning the General Council, to which I immediately replied that I did not see what purpose those powers could serve, Your Majesty Having never mentioned the thing to me, nor could I guess what your powers had to do with the affair.
Immediately after this he went on to say that he thought that not only friendship and alliance had already been established between Your Imperial Majesty and the king of France, but that they would soon become (as people said) still closer. My answer was that the closer the alliance, the better it would be for the King, his master, as both of you (the king of France and yourself) desired to cultivate the same conjointly with him. Yet I must say, that such was the ambassador's general manner and countenance, when the above remark came from my lips, that I am fully convinced that the truce is a morsel not easily digested by the English stomach at the present moment.
After that I told him that before Your Imperial Majesty's departure from this place [Barcelona], full powers for the queen regent of the Low Countries (fn. n7) had been drawn out, and, therefore, that as Don Diego de Mendoça's presence would no longer be necessary in England, Your Majesty was thinking of recalling him, and sending him over to the Queen Regent to inform her of the terms in which he might at his departure have left the negociations about the marriages.
Hearing this, the ambassador insisted again on the necessity of our sending particular instructions respecting the dower and patrimonial rights of the dowager duchess of Milan, as well as concerning the cession by the Palatine Duchess (Dorothea) of her rights to the kingdom of Denmark. I told him that this would be done at his master's pleasure, and, moreover, that the archbishop of Lunden, (fn. n8) by commission of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), had gone to visit the Duchess and her husband, (fn. n9) and was soon expected back here with their final resolution.
After that the ambassador questioned me as to how and on what terms we intended treating with his master in case of the French refusing to pay the arrears of pension owed to him. My answer was that it was no concern of ours, and we had nothing to do with the proposed marriages. The king of France, I thought, would not refuse to pay his obligations and so forth. This, of course, I said in general terms, as coming from me and my colleagues in the Council.
Nor did the ambassador omit to speak to me about the assistance for the defence of Milan in case of a French invasion, which, as your Majesty must recollect, was one of the stipulated conditions on our part. I answered him in general terms, telling him that the help and assistance asked from his master at other times was naturally subjected now to different considerations, since Your Imperial Majesty and the king of France were actually friends. The ambassador replied that if the affair of the defence was left to his arbitration, king Henry would of himself make propositions more advantageous than those of the French.
I am sure that the above account of my conversation with the ambassador will appear to Your Imperial Majesty too prolix by far; but we (fn. n10) have considered it a duty on our part to forewarn Your Majesty with respect to the intentions of the English, who, in our opinion, are only aiming at getting as much profit as possible out of Your Majesty's reconciliation (fn. n11) with the king of France, and also ascertaining whether you are in the same mood as before respecting the marriages—that they may have the affair settled and concluded as soon as possible; and last, not least, try to have the conditions about Milan altered to their advantage.
If your Imperial Majesty be pleased to give your opinion on the above, and transmit me your orders, all your servants here, and I myself in particular, will be glad to hear them.—Barcelona, (fn. n12) July, 1538.
French. draft. pp. 3.
30 July. 3. Luis Sarmiento [de Mendoza] to the Emperor.
S. E., Port., L. 371,
f. 28.
B. M. Add. 28,590,
f. 201.		 Is in receipt of three letters from the Emperor—one from Villa-franca di Niza of the 20th of June, a second from Las Pomegas (Pomegues) on the 12th of July, and a third from Aguas Muertas (Aigues-Mortes), on the 17th of the same month. (fn. n13)
By the first he (Sarmiento) was ordered to inform the king of Portugal (Dom Joaõ), as well as the Queen (Da. Catalina), (fn. n14) and the Infante Dom Luys, of the ten years' truce concluded with France. He did so, telling them that an article was to be inserted in the future treaty respecting the navigation to the Indies, both of Portuguese and Spaniards, and informing them also of what king Francis had answered when requested to do so.
By that of the 13th July he was ordered to notify to the King and Queen the Emperor's voyage to Genoa, together with the Pope, and the resolution they both had come to concerning the Council, the military preparations against the Turk, the strengthening of the castles of Florence and Liorna (Leghorn), and other matters, and that as it had been decided that negociations for peace should be continued at Rome, the Emperor had appointed to that effect the marquis de Aguilar, his ambassador. That the Emperor had asked a cardinal's hat for the Infante D. Enrique, which His Holiness at first had made great difficulty about granting on the plea that there had never been a case of two brothers being created cardinals (fn. n15); but that the Marquis had charge of again soliciting the Pope about it, so that there was reason to believe it would be soon obtained. The Emperor's orders on these points were likewise punctually executed. By the third he [Sarmiento] was informed of what queen Leonor [of France] had told the Emperor, her brother, on her departure from Villafranca, and how both princes, having afterwards met at Aigues-Mortes, a truce was agreed to, with a very good prospect of its being consolidated into a firm and lasting peace. The ambassador did not fail to acquaint the King, Queen, and the Infante with so happy and unexpected an event, which they at once declared to be most miraculous.
After this came that of the 22nd of July, from Barcelona, which was immediately read to the King in the presence of the Queen and Infante, both of whom thanked God for the Emperor's safe return to his Spanish kingdoms.—Lisbon, 30th of July, 1538.
Signed: "Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza."
P.S.—After closing this letter I received information that this King is about to send to Your Majesty one Geronimo de Meneses, (fn. n16) a cousin of the marquis de Villareal, and also of Don Alexo, his resident ambassador at Your Majesty's Court. He is to depart soon, and, I am told, will meet you before reaching Valladolid. (fn. n17)
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.

Footnotes

  • n1. Of this Lope Hurtado de Mendoza, whose appointment to the charge of High Lord Chamberlain has already been recorded (Vol. V., Part II., p. 167, 375), some account has been given in the Introduction to that volume. His name, Hurtado de Mendoza, shows him to have belonged to one of the two noble families of Spain so called, the counts of Tendilla or the dukes of Infantado, both of which acknowledge as their common ancestor Iñigo Lopez de Mendoça, count of Real de Manzanares, and first marquis of Santillana. See Lopez de Haro, Nobiliario Genealogico de los Reys y Titulos de España, Vol. I., Lib. IV., Chap. XIII., and Lib. V., Chap. V. In neither of the places quoted, however, does the name of Lope appear among the members of the Mendoza family.
  • n2. Don Pedro Sarmiento de Mendoza, bishop of Tuy. (Tudensis) in 1523; of Badajoz, 1524; of Palencia, Nov. 1525, and afterwards of Santiago de Compostela, in Galicia (1534–51), whose arrival at Niz Za in May 1538 has already been recorded in Vol. V., Part II., p. 535. He was most likely the brother of Luis, then ambassador in Portugal, whose depatches to the Emperor have already been abstracted, ibid, pp. 316, 333, 335.
  • n3. Cherubino (Miçer), former agent of the duke of Florence, Alessandro de Medici. See ibid, Part II., pp. 329, 331–3.
  • n4. There is, as usual, no date to this draft or minute, but as the Emperor left Barcelona on the 18th of July, and was at Valladolid on the 26th, Hurtado's letters of the 16th and 17th of June must have reached him about the end of that month.
  • n5. The sentence is not very clear: "Et encoires que ce fust pour difficulte de la precedence dentre luy et le roy de Portugal, et quil ne sçavoit si par ça vostre maieste auroit par advanture prejudicye aux traictez dentre vouz deux en cas quil fut offendu."
  • n6. That is Ottavio Farnese, son of Pier Luigi, and grandson of Alessandro (Paul III.). A whole line must, however, have been omitted in the copy, which reads thus: "Il ma aussi dit inciddament (sic) que vostre maieste avoit traicte alliance de marriage de vostre fille avec nostre sainct pere." I need scarcely say that the words underlined ought to be preceded by le grand fils de, meaning Ottavio, son of Pier Luigi, as above.
  • n7. That is Mary of Hungary, the Emperor's sister.
  • n8. Torbern-Bilde.
  • n9. The Count Palatine of the Rhine, Frederic, who had lately been raised to the rank of duke.
  • n10. Here and elsewhere the text has nous instead of je, as if Granvelle meant that it was also the opinion of his colleagues in the Council.
  • n11. Mais il nous a semble bien que vostre maieste fust preadvertie quel' intention du dit ambassadeur est de touscher (gaigner?) tout ce quil pourra de lamytie dentre vostre majeste et le dit roy de France.
  • n12. The letter is undated, but as the Emperor left Barcelona on the 18th of July, and the English ambassador's communication took place after his departure, Granvelle's report upon it must have been written about the end of the month. See above, p. 3, note.
  • n13. The letters here alluded to have already been abstracted. See Vol. V., Part II., Nos. 160, 170.
  • n14. The Emperor's sister. She was married to Joaõ III., king of Portugal, in 1524. After the death of her husband (June 11, 1557) she became regent of the kingdom for her grandson Dom Sebastiaõ, then only two years old. Five years later, in 1562, she abdicated and retired to a convent, where she died.
  • n15. See Vol. V., Part II., pp. 274, 556 n. The cardinal was D. Alonso, son of Dom Manoel, king of Portugal, by his second wife, Maria, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Castille. He was born in 1508, became bp. of Braga in 1533–40, of Evora, 1540–49, abp. of Lisbon, and cardinal 1560. He died in 1580.
  • n16. Marquis de Villa Real.
  • n17. The above, by way of a poscriptum, is on a slip of paper.
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