Spain
January 1542

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1890

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456-467

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'Spain: January 1542', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 1: 1538-1542 (1890), pp. 456-467. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88061 Date accessed: 18 September 2014.


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January 1542, 1-31

10 Jan.224. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 1.
"Sire,"—Nothing new has occurred here since my last, (fn. 1) yet, at all hazards, and that Your Imperial Majesty may be informed of the resolution taken by the queen of Hungary respecting the edict on Navigation, and the departure from Brussels of this King's commissioners, I now enclose copies both of the Queen's letter to me, (fn. 2) and of my answer to her.—London, 10 January 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To His Imperial Majesty in Spain."
French. Original. p. 1.
10 Jan. 225. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 1–10.
Two days ago Your Majesty's letter of the 29th ulto. came to hand, at the same time as the documents therein enclosed, chiefly those relating to the departure from your court of this king's ambassadors, as well as to the resolution taken by Your Majesty in the business for which they were sent. On this last point, however, I can at present offer no observation whatever until I have communicated with the privy councillors and heard how they take it. Nor can I add anything more to what I have said in my despatches of the 29th and 30th ulto., unless it be for the sake of praising the very prudent and wise words addressed by Your Majesty to the English ambassadors both at their departure and before. Yet I have not failed to remonstrate with these councillors, telling them, in conformity with Your Majesty's orders, that the King, their master, ought not on this present occasion to stop at such affairs as the intercourse of trade and other matters particularly referring to the subjects of both nations and their mutual and amicable relations, inasmuch as they had been established and settled of old, as well as constantly and sincerely observed ever since. To which remonstrances on my part the privy councillors replied, as I remarked in my despatch of the 30th of December last, that it was perfectly true and that I was right, but that, nevertheless, the people of the Low Countries had been the first to make of the accessory point a principal one by amalgamating it with others touching especially on the honor and reputation of their king, such as the allegation contained in Your Majesty's edict that the King, their master, had framed statutes in contravention of the treaties, &c., but I must say that having replied to the councillors' arguments in a suitable manner, nothing more was then said about it.
As to the answer which this king is reported to have made to the French ambassadors when they proposed to him the marriage, (fn. 3) it is quite true that the former declared that before accepting the offer of such marriage and closer friendship, he wished to be sure of the payment of the sums which the French owed him. It is also true that he (Henry) has occasionally lent an ear to the offer of a marriage between his daughter, the Princess, and Francis' son—calculating that by that means he might beforehand get back part of the money owed to him by France; whereas the French themselves imagined that they might, through the Princess' dowry, diminish their debt to this king, or at least gain time and obtain a respite for the remainder. Even if the marriages did not take place, the French thought that by pressing them they might counterbalance the importunity with which this king applied for the payment of their debt. This is quite evident from the contents of king Francis' letters to his ambassador here, of which I sent Your Majesty copies, wherein it is proved that in making such offers the idea of the French was merely to deceive this king, and prevent him from joining the Emperor. That such was king Francis' intention is clearly proved by the fact that his ambassador is half in despair about the negociation, and is already preparing to leave. Indeed I hear from the man, who is my confident, that perceiving that he is no longer treated as he was, the ambassador has applied, again and again for his recall. Indeed, the man I allude to tells me that in his last audience from this king, the ambassador complained bitterly of the manner in which he was treated at Court, as the King himself had related to me. "Last Sunday (contiuued my informer) my master, the ambassador, repaired to Court, thinking he might see the King, and speak to him about certain private business concerning a French merchant ship, not about any political affair of his master's, for after that letter, of which I sent a copy, he has received none from home, and yet the King refused to see him, and he could only speak to the councillors."
Respecting the last commission entrusted to this king's ambassadors, and the revocation that ensued, my own impression is that it was called forth by the ill success of the Emperor's expedition against Algiers, and yet with all that, as Your Majesty may have seen by my preceding despatch, neither the King nor his councillors have shown more arrogance (braverie) in the pending negociations. At any rate, if they were at all influenced by that untoward event, it is quite clear to me that they dissembled, and will still continue to dissemble, until they see and ascertain in what state the Emperor's affairs with France will remain. If they see that there is any appearance of war, I fear that they will raise their heads so high that it will be very difficult to make them enter into a new league and closer alliance against the French, unless it be to their great advantage, for if they have at any time pressed us hard for a league, it was merely out of fear, lest the Emperor and king Francis should adjust their differences together and then fall on their king.
Ten days ago the ambassadors from Scotland, of whose expected arrival I wrote to Your Majesty, came into London. The chief of the embassy is the bishop of Albardin (Aberdeen), who came here about nine years ago. There is another bishop with him, and a scretary named Valentin with a large retinue of followers. They have already visited Court twice, and have been well received, being accompanied on their journey thither and back by the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner), by that of London (Boner), and certain other personages. The ambassadors have since been in frequent communication with the King or his councillors, but nothing is known yet as to what their charge may be, or what they come about. All I know is that the duke of Norfolk has been sent for, that he may be present when the ambassadors make the official communication of their charge, inasmuch as the said duke was some time ago governor in chief of the Northern provinces, and had the appointment of most of the various captains on the borders of Scotland. Yet I must say that, notwithstanding the good reception made to the Scotch ambassadors, and the many signs of friendship lavished upon them, this king has within the last three days dispatched by post the same master engineer who did some time ago project, and actually began, a line of defence on the borders, that he may attend to his work as soon as possible.—London, x. January, Me,XVC,XLI.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Her Majesty the queen of Hungary."
French. Holograph. pp. 5.
10 Jan.226. Mr. de Granvelle to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 1,189.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 121.
This courier goes to Spain, sent by the duke of Florence (Cosmo de' Medici), and as it is not prudent or convenient for me to make a longer stay in a country where, according to information received, my life is not secure from French treachery, (fn. 4) and I intend making as much haste as possible out of it, I shall be brief.
My last letter from Siena (Sena), of which Montepulchano was the bearer, must have informed Your Majesty of late events in that city as well as in Rome, As I suppose that it has already reached Your Majesty's hands, I will not repeat its contents here, and will only add that on the day after Montepulchano's departure, the bishop of Fossombrone (Nicolas Andrighelli) arrived in Siena, and told me what he himself thought about king Francis' pretended readiness and the good disposition of his courtiers towards peace. I must confess that this Bishop's account differs somewhat from that of Montepulchano, and likewise from what the marquis de Aguilar wrote to me at the time on the authority of cardinal Farnese.
I left Siena (Sena) on the 2nd inst., after installing the new Valia (Balia), leaving matters in that city in perfect order, and without any apprehension or fear of disturbances for the future; at least, such is the report which Francesco Sfrondato, whom I left there in command at the request of the Sienese, is daily making me in his letters. Both the, "Capitano di Giusticia," Francisco Erasso, senator of Milan, and Cisneros, the captain of the Viceroy's body guard, with his 200 Spaniards, are already in Siena, with full instructions as to how they are to act. The Spaniards had received their pay, and the duke of Malfi (Amalfi) tendered his resignation. He had already sent forward towards Naples his household servants and heavy luggage; his son, as I have already informed Your Majesty, remaining for the present at Siena, with an annual pension of 1,200 ducats paid by the town.
In Florence I found count Ladrian (Landriano) engaged, as the marquis del Gasto had previously informed me, in trying to get money out of duke Cosmo. Though the Count met with some difficulty at first, yet the Duke in the end agreed to pay 16,000 scutti (crowns) for two months' pay to the infantry, whilst Your Majesty decides upon the whole. That sum the Duke has given very willingly.
From Florence I went to Lucca, accompanied by Count Landriano, where we both played our cards so well that we got what we wanted from the citizens. The Count went thence to Milan, to tell the marquis del Gasto what had been obtained, in order to prevent the soldiery from taking food from the inhabitants without paying for it (comer á discreccion), which must be avoided, if possible.
Respecting the proposed league, we found that it was no longer practicable, because the Pope refuses to join it, and the dukes of Ferrara and Mantua hesitate. As to the people of Lucca, it is almost certain that they will not, having once opposed the proposal at Bologna. We therefore thought that it would rather turn out to Your Majesty's discredit were we to propose measures that could not be accepted.
Whilst at Lucca I received the enclosed letter from the marquis del Gasto, and the copy of another, which Don Diego [de Mendoza] had written to him from Venice. Through them, if not previously informed through other quarters, Your Majesty will learn the loss of Maran, and what has lately transpired respecting the Novara affair. As to the former case, it is in my opinion important to know at whose instigation the deed was perpetrated, that the king of the Romans and the German princes may see at once where a blow struck at a Christian prince—in the midst of peace, and when the whole of Christendom, and Germany above all, is preparing to attack the Infidel—originated.
From France there is nothing new. Mr. Marvol writes to me, and I have no doubt that he has also written to Your Majesty, that since the French know that You are back in your Spanish dominions, they are not so fierce as they were before; yet, as they are so fickle and inconstant, it is to be feared that they will not remain long quiet.
Diet of Spires and the king of the Romans—Ambassador Figueroa—Dismissal of the Spaniards and Germans.
Intrigues of the French with the duke of Urbino. (fn. 5) —The negociation, as I hear, is far advanced, if it is not already accomplished. The French, as it appears, after their wont, offer mountains, with the full intention of giving only molehills or not keeping their promise at all. There is no one here conversant with the affair who does not accuse the Duke of sheer ingratitude against Your Majesty.—Pietra Sancta, 10 Jan. 1542.
P.S.—I intend, if possible, to go to Genoa by way of Niça (Nizza), to content the Duke [of Savoy] and the warder of the castle (el castellano de ally).
Signed: "Perrenot."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
26 Jan.227. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 5.
"Venerable, chier et feal":—Your despatches of the 10th and 19th of November, 11th and 18th of December last, reporting your conversation with the Lord Privy Seal, as well as with the clerk of the Council, respecting the desire the King, their master, has of again entering into a treaty of closer alliance with Us, have come to hand. That is a subject about which We could hardly say more now than We have done at other times, and especially in Our last instructions, except to recommend you to be very particular in admitting conditionally, and consenting to, any proposals the King or his ministers may make you until you are able to ascertain what he proposes to do for Us, all the time taking good care to persuade him and them of Our good will and intentions, and that they will find no less desire on Our part to enter into such a treaty, provided they show themselves tractable and willing. You will tell them that it seems to Us that, to obtain that object more quickly, they (the King's ministers) should at once declare in plain words what their intentions are. We have no doubt that your experience of affairs, and your knowledge of that king's personal character, will enable you to guess what his real intentions are, and that you will inform Us thereof as soon as possible, sending Us at the same time your own advice on the whole.
With regard to the queen of England and the King's fresh divorce We have nothing to say, except that We thank you for the news, and shall be glad to hear what is to become of the Queen, and other events of that country. Tour de Sillas (Tordesillas), (fn. 6) the 26th of January 1542.
P.S.—Respecting the information given to you by the French ambassador's man, namely, that his chief had lately received from France full powers and ample instructions to treat of, and conclude, a marriage between the duke of Orleans and the princess of England (Mary), and that he (the man) knew very well how to prevent the marriage in question, but dared not do it before he got an answer from France to the questions he himself had asked, it is very important and necessary to pay attention to what the man has said, and try to ascertain by flattering and dexterous words what those means are of which he speaks, and at the same time keep the man at Our devotion, making him an advance of money [upon his pension], and assuring him, if necessary, that We keep his services in memory and will attend to his late request. As we are completely ignorant of what those services amount to, and what engagements have been taken with him personally, as secretary Bauer does not recollect, and the letter in which you (Chapuys) mentioned to Us the man's petition was lost at sea and never reached Us, you must in your very first despatch send another copy of the man's memorial, that We may see what can be done for him. You will tell him so, that he may continue to supply you, as hitherto, with information respecting French intrigues in that court.
We have likewise heard that the king of England has shewn some intention and will of retaking the sister of the duke of Clèves (Anne) as his wife, though the thing does not seem likely, to judge from the conversation you had with the clerk of the Council on the subject; yet you must watch the affair, since you know how injurious it would be for Us were the King to effect a reconciliation with her. If it be so, you must try all the means in your power to dissuade the King from it, and, if possible, prevent him from taking her back.
French. Original draft. pp. 3.
29 Jan.223. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 1.
"Sire,"—A week ago I received all at once Your Imperial Majesty's letters of the 11th and 27th November, as well as those of the 29th ult., before the receipt of which Your Imperial Majesty must have learned by various dispatches of mine, especially by those of the 29th December and 10th inst., not only the general news of this country and the doings of the Privy Council, but also what we could gather up to that time respecting the inclination, the will, or the intention this king may have towards a closer alliance with Your Imperial Majesty, which alliance he has more or less urgently solicited at various times. On this particular point I can only say that I still adhere strongly to my former opinion. It seems to me as if the chief cause for this king's urgent solicitations is no other than his jealousy of the king of France, and the fear he has of Your Imperial Majesty becoming the latter's friend and ally. That all his efforts have been hitherto, and are still, directed towards sowing discord and mistrust between you two, so that you may never realize that union and alliance of which he is mostly afraid, and that the very moment he discovers any sign of dissension or enmity between you he will assuredlg turn round. Not only will he cut short the present negociation, but he will not listen to it if he sees the least appearance of war. Should this break out between you two, his plan is sure to be to temporize with each of the belligerents, and deceive you both with fine words, until, when you are tired and exhausted by the contest, he may reap greater advantage; for in the first place, by keeping neutral, and not deciding for one or the other of the parties, he will avoid expense—which is what he dislikes most nowadays—and then will play his cards to advantage and profit by the game. As Your Imperial Majesty, whose wisdom and political experience knows no bounds, has no doubt guessed this king's intentions, and perceived much better than I can the fickleness and inconstancy of the English—always prone to profit by time and circumstance—I scarcely need dwell any longer on this subject.
As to persuading this king to effect his reconciliation with the Pope and the Holy Apostolic See, I see no chance at all of that. Were this the only obstacle to be surmounted for the final conclusion of the treaty of closer alliance with England, it seems to me as if no imputation could possibly fall on Your Imperial Majesty, if the article referring to it were put on one side, since for a long time back Your Majesty's constant though unavailing efforts in that direction are known to all. This king having obstinately refused any proposals of reconciliation with the Holy Apostolic See, he cannot imagine, much less believe, that the proposals I made to him the two last times I had audience from him came from Your Imperial Majesty, inasmuch as when his Lord Privy Seal came to me last November with the King's errand, 1 had already broached the subject to him, as Your Imperial Majesty can easily see by referring to my preceding despatches, in which my interview with him and the conversation we had on the subject is recounted in such detail as not to need repetition here.
Since the date of my preceding despatch, though the ambassadors this king had in Flanders about the Queen [of Hungary] have returned [to England], and the Privy Councillors themselves, the last time I was with them, gave me to understand that upon the return of those ambassadors I should be summoned before the Privy Council to talk over and discuss together the affair of the intercourse of trade with the Low Countries and others attached thereto, the answer they had got from the Queen, and so forth, I (Chapuys) have not been summoned or myself gone to Court. And yet I should very much have liked to ascertain what the King's real intentions are, and what can be the object of the mission of the Bishop whom this king is about to send to Your Imperial Majesty, having resolved to do so immediately after the arrival here from France of the secretary of Mr. de Guenebet. The Bishop will sail from this river in ten or twelve days at the most. As to Master (sic) de Guenebet (Kennebet) he happens to be the same person who was this King's ambassador in France when Your Imperial Majesty passed through it to go to Flanders, and who was suddenly recalled owing to certain haughty words he uttered in king Francis' presence, and which this King has since disowned, alleging that the expressions then and there used by his ambassador were not warranted by his instructions.
Neither has this French ambassador gone to Court since I myself was there. According to my own private information he has received no letters from France, save one he had two or three days ago, containing news of the King, his master. However, my usual informer tells me that the ambassador has had letters from various personages, his friends, who write from the French court, advising that Mr. Christopher Richer had lately returned from his embassy to Danemark, and that king Francis was delighted with the good success of his negociations there. That the latter had some days before assembled a number of captains to deliberate on the preparations for a future war; and that, following the opinion and advice of marshal Annebaut (Hannebault), it was resolved to collect a sum of money sufficiently large for the support of a well-appointed army during a period of eight months. After that assembly or council another one had been held, which both count St. Pol and the Admiral had attended, though its resolution in the matter had not yet transpired. Meanwhile king Francis had sent to the Grand Turk a certain Commagio and captain Poulain, and that marshal Bie (Bies), the governor of Boulogne [sur mer], was incessantly representing that the fortifications being raised by the English at Moutiere, a castle in the immediate neighbourhood of Ardres, should be prevented at any risk. Otherwise, wrote Mr. de Bies, it would, have been much better not to have spent so much time and money on the still unfinished fortifications of Ardres, since, hemmed in between Mouliere and Monterron, the town would have been placed in the condition of a quail between two hawks (éperviers). (fn. 7) That hearing of that governor's report, king Francis had conceived a most wonderful plan, which was to have a strong fortress built and a good harbour constructed besides at a place called Ubyssant (Ouessant), lying half-way between Calais and, Boulogne, which, if true, is enough to drive these English to despair.
(fn. 8)
A few days ago the assembly of Parliament, or the States of this kingdom, began its sessions. The chief point of the Chancellor's speech relates to the Queen's misdeeds, which that official exaggerated and aggravated without measure. After some four days' discussion, the members, lords, and prelates sitting in the said Parliament have declared the Queen, as well as Mme. de Rochefort, guilty of high treason and lese Majesty. As to the dowager duchess of Norfolk and her daughter, they are sentenced to perpetual imprisonment with confiscation of property, on the same plea and for the same reason that milord Vullien (lord William Howard), his wife and the rest of the accomplices, had been condemned. Within two days the said resolution and award will be brought forward before the deputies of the people and Commons.
At this very moment, whilst I am writing these lines, some one comes to tell me that this very morning the Commons have passed a similar resolution on the Queens, Mme. de Rochefort's, and the two other ladies' cases. It is, therefore, to be apprehended that the Queen will be soon taken to the Tower. She is still in Sion House, making good cheer, fatter and handsomer than ever she was, taking great care of her person, well dressed, and much adorned [with jewels]; more imperious and commanding, and more difficult to please than she ever was when living with the King, her husband. (fn. 9) Notwithstanding this, she believes that her end will be on the scaffold, for she owns that she has deserved death. Her only prayer is that the execution be secret, and not in public. Perhaps, unless the King wishes to marry again, for which at present he shows no inclination, he may evince some commiseration towards her; perhaps, also, he may find it easy and allowable for himself to have several wives, and afterwards get rid of them by cause of adultery or in some other way, and in that case his late queen's life might be spared. I am told even that the question was already seriously debated by certain doctors in Theology; (fn. 10) and although till the present time the King has shown no inclination whatever to a fresh marriage, nor paid attention to any lady of his court, there is no knowing what he may do one of these days. As to his retaking Mme. de Clèves, as far as I can hear, there is no chance whatever for the present, though on New Year's day she presented him with certain pieces of cramoisy cloth, which compliment was responded to by some pots and flagons of glass (pots et flascons).
The Scotch ambassadors are still here. Nothing has yet transpired concerning the object of their mission.
The King, however, has sent an engineer to the Borders for the purpose of inspecting the fortifications of certain towns and castles, and has lately dispatched one of the gentlemen of his Chamber to be captain or governor of Ull (Hull), which town, though far enough from the frontier of Scotland, is still a place of some importance, owing to its situation and its having a good harbour. Such, at least, is the general report; but the measures adopted by king Francis might have originated, not so much from the letter [of the governor of Boulogne], as from a conversation which I (Chapuys) held with the latter respecting his master's intelligence with the duke of Norfolk, for the said harbour of Obyssant (Ouessant) happens to be his own staple for goods and merchandize, and the spot most frequented on that coast by vessels from Flanders. (fn. 11)
I forgot to mention a circumstance which I consider of some importance. Many here fancy that this king will again apply to Parliament for money, which motion is sure to drive his subjects to despair; their apprehensions being founded on the fact that the Chancellor, in his opening speech the other day, alluded most emphatically to the great expenses his master, the King, had been put to by his keeping up an army of 14,000 men for the defence of the fortresses newly built, as well as that of the old ones.
The bishop of London has just sent me a message to say that the King wishes him to see me before his departure, and therefore that he will come to-morrow to dine with me. Should I hear anything from him worth reporting, I shall not fail to let Your Imperial Majesty know of it.—London, the 29th of January 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Queen of Hungary."
French. Holograph. pp. 6.
29 Jan.229. The Same to Monseigneur de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 1.
"Monseigneur,"—Your Lordship will hear by the enclosed letters (fn. 12) to His Imperial Majesty the news of this country. I can only add that this king has lately ordered the arrest and imprisonment of the new Christians who came from Portugal, (fn. 13) and that most likely, however well they may sing, they will not be able to fly away from their cages without leaving part of their feathers behind.
I have no doubt that His Imperial Majesty knows more of French affairs than our confidant and friend, the clerk of the French embassy, yet as a testimony of his good services here I have considered it my duty to forward all the information which he has given me from time to time. Among other particulars he sent me word the other day that the Genevese ambassadors (les ambassadeurs de Gennes?) now in France were promising great things, and that king Francis, on the recommendation and request of Mr. de Langez, (fn. 14) had actually allotted pensions to some people (genevois) of that city.
However that may be, the bishop of London (fn. 15) is going as ambassador to His Imperial Majesty in the room of Master Guenebet (Kennebet). The Bishop is a good scholar and a man of wit, as Your Lordship will soon find out. In consideration, therefore, for his good qualities, and chiefly for the sake of the King, who sends him, as well as fur his own courtesy, and the great affection he shows towards the Emperor, I take the liberty of recommending him to Your Lordship, and accepting the good disposition in which he seems to be, so that he may at least know that I have actually written in his favor and commendation.—London, 29 January 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To Monseigneur de Granvelle, first councillor of State and Garde Sceaulx (Privy Seal) to the Emperor."
French. Holograph. p. 1.

Footnotes

1 Chapuys' last letter to the Emperor is of the 18th December 1541. See above No. 215, pp. 419–20.
2 That of the 29th of December 1541. Chapuys' answer follows under No. 225.
3 That of Magdalen, Francis' daughter, with king Henry.
4 In Vandenesse's Itinerary, English translation by Bradford, I find a paragraph thus worded: "On the 23d Mr. de Granvelle returned [to Spain], having with difficulty escaped from the French galleys, which for the space of several miles had been firing at his."—p. 532.
5 Guidobaldo della Rovere, who had succeeded his father Francesco Maria in October 1538.
6 According to Vandenesse's Diary, the Emperor left Toledo for Valladolid on the 1st of January. On the 5th he was at Madrid, on the 26th at Valladolid for the Cortes of Castille assembled there, whose sittings began on the 10th of February. His mother, queen Joanna, was still living at Tordesillas a few leagues from that city. Most probably, though the Diary does not record the fact, Charles had gone to visit her. See Bradford Itinerary of Charles V., pp. 531–2.
7 As the passage is somewhat obscure I copy it here. "Et que le marechal du Bie (Bies, Biez?) gouverneur de Boulogne ne cessoit dadvertyr et faire remonstrance quil falloit empescher que le chasteau de la Moutiere aupres de ardres ne sy fortifiast, ou autrement il vauldroit trop mieulx sans comparaison que lon neust consomme tant de temps et argent en la fortification du dit ardres, qui demeureroit entre le dit La Moutiere et Montorre comme une caille entre deux eperviers."
8 "Et mesmes sur le depart de levesque de Londres, que le dit sieur Roy a advise depuis la venue de lhomme de Monr Guenebet de envoyer a vostre, majeste pour ambassadeur au lieu du dit maistre Guenebet. Et doibt [levesque] partyr par mer en dedans x ou xii jours. Cest celluy questoit ambassadeur en france du temps que vostre maieste passa par ilcy (ilecq?), de ou il fust revocque pour avoir use de quelques propoz haultains au Roy du dt. (de la dite) france veuillant ce dit Roy donner[a] entendre que ce nestoit par sa commission."
9 "La quelle est tousjours a Syon faisant bonne chiere, et plus grasse et belle quelle ne fust oncques, assez soigneuse de soy, bien vestie (sic) et accoustree, et plus imperieuse et difficille (sic) a servyr que du temps mesme quelle estoit avec le dit sieur Roy."
10 "Et pourroit estre que si le dit sieur Roy navoit envye de se remarier, quil vouldroit user de misericorde envers elle, ou sil trouvoit quil fust licite den avoir plusieurs a cause dadultere et en prendre ung (sic) autre, et ce que ma este dit la question se desbatoit desja entre des docteurs theologues."
11 "Et pourroit estre que le feist aussy esmu des propoz que je lui tins de Intelligence du Roy de france avec le duc [de Norfolc] car le dit port est sa propre estaple, et la ou toutes les navires de flandres coustument daborder."
12 See above, No. 228.
13 By "new Christians," the Granadine and other Moors newly converted to Christianity are here meant. In consequence of several attempts at rebellion the Emperor ordered their partial expulsion from Spain, but most of them fled to Portugal, whence they were again expelled.
14 Langez is for Langeais, or Langeai, that is, Guillaume du Bellay, sieur de Langeay.
15 Edmund Boner, king's chaplain, bishop of London from 1539 to 1549.