Spain
May 1542, 1-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1895

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'Spain: May 1542, 1-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2: 1542-1543 (1895), pp. 1-13. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88089 Date accessed: 18 September 2014.


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May 1542, 1-31

1542.
2 May.
1. The Emperor's Powers to Eustace Chapuys.
B. Neg. d'Aug.,
Vol. I.
Charles, &c.—To all those who will see these present, &c. Whereas, between the ambassadors and ministers of Our dearest and most beloved good brother and "bel oncle," the king of England, and Our own there has been some talk of closer friendship, amity, and confederation, the said king of England having signified to Us that he is affectionately inclined towards it, as his ambassador, the bishop of London, (fn. 1) has again lately declared to Us; wishing, on Our part, to respond sincerely to such sentiments, and reciprocally cultivate the friendship and alliance which has at all times existed between the king of England's predecessors and Our own; trusting, moreover, as from long experience We may trust, on the loyalty, fidelity, wisdom, good sense, and discretion of Our dear and faithful councillor and Master of Requests in ordinary, Messire Eustace Chappuys (sic), Our ambassador (fn. 2) near the person of the said king, We have deputed and appointed him Our procurator and "mandataire," to treat of, discuss, and conclude with the said king and his ministers a treaty of closer friendship, intelligence, and confederation, and to render the same firm and perpetual between Us and Our respective sons and heirs. Also to treat of a defensive and offensive alliance—whether general or particular—approving, declaring, amplifying, or curtailing past treaties as he, the above-mentioned Messire Eustace Chapuys, shall find just, reasonable, or convenient to Our interests. Binding and engaging Ourselves and Our successors, as well as all Our kingdoms and dominions generally and entirely, to the approbation and ratification of whatever be stipulated by the parties respecting the said alliance, and to do in that affair as above stated, or its circumstances and dependencies, whatever Our ambassador and procurator may think right and expedient, though there be things that require special mandate and fuller powers from Us. Hereby promising verbally and engaging Our Imperial word to consider the terms agreed upon by Our said ambassador and procurator, or whatever he may treat, agree to, or conclude on the matters above specified, or those connected with them, as firm, standing, and agreeable for ever after. Also to give Our letters of ratification of the same as often as We are required. In testimony of which declaration We now append Our name and signature in Our own hand with Our grand seal.—Valladolid, (fn. 3) the 2nd day of May 1542.
Signed: "Charles."
French. Original draft. pp. 2.
3 May. 2. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Venerable, chier et feal, &c.,"—Since Our letter [of the 6th of April], We have received yours of the 25th of February and 14th of March, the former from Flanders under cover to Mr. de Granvelle, the latter (fn. 4) forwarded by Our good sister, the queen dowager of Hungary. We thank you very much for the advice contained in both your despatches, to which, however, there is for the present no particular reply to make, save to praise and extol the dexterity and care as well as the vigilant eye you have kept and keep upon everything concerning Our service, besides the wonderful activity displayed by you in investigating the political tendencies of that country, and transmitting to Us the news thereof, as well as defeating the plans and intrigues of the French, and persuading the king of England to make closer alliance with Us.
Although that King and his ministers, as may easily be perceived, seem still inclined to temporize and wait for the result of the political affairs at issue, in order to treat with Us or with the French, according as their own interests may dictate, yet, at all events, wishing on Our part to keep the agreement taken at Ratisbon (Regensburg) to treat within the period of ten months of closer alliance and confederacy with England, We have ordered Mr. de Granvelle, on his return from the Diet, to put himself into communication with the bishop of London, as well as with the other bishop (fn. 5) ambassador now going back home. It must be owned that during the conferences thus held the bishop of London has shewn himself well-disposed, and repeatedly assured Us of his master's good-will and sincerity, asserting that the King wishes for the speedy and favorable issue of the present negociation, which was (the bishop said) the sole and exclusive object of his mission. And yet, in his conferences with Mr. de Granvelle, the English ambassador has not been so explicit as We might have desired, for, notwithstanding all the efforts of Our Privy Seal, (fn. 6) all that could be got out of him was reduced to this, namely, that past treaties must be carefully looked into, in order to see what is to be confirmed in, added to, or retrenched from them, at the same time insisting upon the revocation of the edict promulgated in Flanders, as the measure which would most please the King, his master, and make him more inclined to grant anything We might ask of him. Also that all causes and occasions of old enmity should be put on one side, all injuries forgiven and forgotten.
Perceiving that it was impossible to draw the ambassador out of his intrenchments, Mr. de Granvelle limited himself to saying that treaties of alliance and confederation between princes are generally founded on defence and offence, which axiom the Bishop did not exactly admit, since he gave Our Privy Seal to understand that his Toaster would not go beyond a defensive league between England and the Low Countries. True is it, that he said in general terms that his master would do in that affair all that was reasonable and just, as well as compatible with his own honor, should We consent to negociate. No more could be got out of him. Whether the King's objection arose from matters concerning Papal authority or from his former treaties with France, We cannot positively say.
It was at last resolved that, besides the powers which the dowager queen of Hungary, Our most beloved sister, must already have sent you for the purpose of the closer friendship and alliance, We Ourselves should send you fresh ones to treat exclusively of the said alliance and of other matters appertaining thereto or connected with the subject; and that respecting the amplification or limitation of old treaties, as well as declaration or approbation of the same, you shall do whatever is just and convenient. That in case of difficulty, for the quicker settlement of the affair, you (Chapuys) are to consult Our sister, the dowager queen of Hungary, and proceed with the negociation, unless the case consulted be of such importance as to be referred to Us. That with regard to the revocation of the edict, which the king of England seems to have so much at heart, We will write to the said queen, Our sister, to see and advise what can be done in the matter to please the King without notable injury to Our own kingdoms and dominions, and, above all, to the Low Countries. That is why We send you likewise a copy of the memorandum, drawn up here in Spain, of the points relating thereto, that the indemnity of the Low Countries may be ensured, as otherwise it will be impossible for Us not to promulgate in Our Spanish dominions prohibitory measures similar to those proclaimed in the ports of England.
It has likewise been resolved, as well as settled, between Our said Privy Seal and the English ambassador, that during the conferences, and as long as the negociations for the closer friendship and alliance last, neither of the two contracting parties shall do or treat of anything to the prejudice of the other, as was agreed at Regensburg. (fn. 7) And as We have already declared Our full intention in all matters concerning the closer friendship and alliance, and other political matters in general. And as We suppose that you have already by you copies of all the treaties between Us and the king of England, and that Our beloved sister, the dowager queen of Hungary, has also acquainted you with all particulars concerning the intercourse of trade, amicable relations, and good neighbourhood of Our said Low Countries with England, and sent you copies of all commercial treaties with that country—whether they be considered as expired or existing still—with such explanations and comments as the Queen herself may offer you of the old differences or debatable points in them, We need say no more about it than refer you entirely to Our instructions on the matter. We, therefore, are now writing to Our good sister to send you fresh copies of all the treaties—general or particular—with England, and to keep you "au courant" of every fresh incident relating to the said treaties which may be of use nowadays. The same commendations have by Us been addressed to Mr. de Praët, whose knowledge and experience of political affairs in England, and especially of Our relations with king Henry, are very great.
To sum up, you (Chapuys), are to bear in mind that on no account are you to stipulate or agree to, tacitly or expressly, anything against what We consider to be Our duty towards the Holy Father or the authority of the Holy Apostolic See, nor consent to anything likely to give the King's ministers or subjects occasion and ground to speak disparagingly of Him, or in favor of the new religious sects, or of that which is called the "reformation or correction of abuses [of the Clergy], and scandalous life of the same in the countries under Our sway." For that very purpose and declaration you will take your stand on what the English ambassadors themselves have stated and declared at the conferences, namely, that the honor of the contracting parties is to be safe-guarded, and that neither on one side nor on the other is there to be any proposition likely to affect or injure the honor and reputation of the other. You are, moreover, to proceed in the negociation of the treaty with such secrecy that the French may never know, through you, at least, what passes between you and that King's ministers; much less that the alliance and confederacy likely to be formed against France has any other object than to compel the said English ministers to fulfil the promise they have so frequently made under oath, in general terms, and particularly concerning the king of England. Notwithstanding which promise they have written to the Holy Father that We were in close and amicable relations with the king of England, thus breaking the oath they once took, and endeavouring by that means to provoke the Holy Father's indignation, and, on the other hand, washing themselves free from the stain cast upon them in consequence of the marriage of the duke of Orleans, Francis' son, with the princess of England, which he (the King) is trying hard to bring about.
For the above reasons and considerations it will be your duty to do your best towards contracting an offensive alliance against the king of France. Should it be stipulated at first that the alliance is to be merely defensive, you will take care that the whole of Our dominions—the Low Countries, as well as Navarre—be included, and let the help and assistance to be given by Our ally be well specified and made certain. If possible, let the help be in money; if not altogether, at least for the most part, and with such securities that We may, in case of need, be sure of touching the sum agreed upon. In this manner you will try to induce the king of England to help Us to the recovery of the duchy of Gheldres and county of Zutphen. Should king Francis attempt to prevent that, you will make the king of England promise, if nothing more can be got out of him, that neither directly nor indirectly will he favor or help the duke of Clèves. You will likewise do everything in your power to set the king of England against the duke of Holstein, who has been elected king of Denmark to the prejudice of Our niece, the daughter of king Kristiern, to whom the right to the crown belongs; and if that cannot be obtained, procure at least that the said duke and the Austrian towns under his rule keep the obedience they owe Us as Emperor, and submit in all other matters concerning the Low Countries.
We have no doubt that in all the above particulars, as well as in the alliance and confederation about to be made with the king of England, you (Chapuys) will do little by little whatever you think proper and most advantageous for Us, so as to induce king Henry to take part against the French, taking care, however, that Our honor and reputation, as aforesaid, be perfectly safe-guarded, as well as the welfare and interests of all Our kingdoms and subjects. We expect this much from your wisdom, as well as from the habit you have of negociating with the English. It will be for you to take care that in the transcript or translation of the treaties of commerce and alliance between the Empire and England no phrase or word be introduced to Our disadvantage, or explained in a manner contrary to Our interests—a sort of thing in which the English are not overscrupulous. If, however, you should observe that there is in them any doubtful clause, you will let Us know as soon as possible.
Should the king of England allude by chance to the security to be offered by Us that king Francis shall pay his debt to him, or otherwise indemnify him for the loss of his money—to which security it would seem as if We were somehow bound by previous treaties, in case of a war with France, or otherwise—you will try to excuse Us as graciously as you possibly can, from such an obligation, giving the King and his ministers to understand that Our friendship and good neighbourhood is as useful—nay, as necessary—to him, as his is to Us, especially in a war against the French. Yet that, considering his frequent quarrels with them, so deeply-rooted and of such old standing; considering also that it is not to be supposed that so wise and prudent a prince, and one so anxious, as he is, to preserve the rights of his predecessors on the throne of England, is likely to abandon those very rights, We cannot stand security for the French debt to him. He (the King) ought to hold as certain that the, French have always, now more than ever, tried to do away with those rights, and to get scot-free out of the game, without paying one farthing of their debt to him, most of which debt, after all, with interest, was contracted, as is well known, at a time when both he (the King) and he of France were Our enemies. Besides which, it is notorious that the latter's intention in soliciting the hand of the Princess for his son, the duke of Orleans, is simply to gain time, and lull king Henry to sleep so long as he lives with the hope of being paid, and after his death rid himself entirely of the claim. Indeed, if the king of France ever entertained seriously the idea of such a marriage, it was merely for the sake of usurping the crown of England, either during king Henry's life or after his death, thus depriving his son and heir of it at the earliest opportunity. With this very idea does he cultivate so much now the friendship of the Scotch king, whom he is cajoling merely for the purpose of thwarting the king of England's future plans. If, however, We succeed in contracting an alliance with England, then king Francis must despair of carrying out his ambitious plans, and will find that the very means he is now putting into practice, will only serve to assure and consolidate the legitimate succession to the throne of England, and that he will thereby be obliged to pay, not only the annual pension he owes, but also the arrears of it, amounting already to a very considerable sum. (fn. 8)
It will be likewise advisable to avoid treating of the alliance and confederation We had once with the king of Scotland, or of matters directly or indirectly connected with the Princess, Our cousin, which may turn out to her injury, such as her legitimacy or her right to the crown of England. You must try not to enter into conversation upon such matters for many reasons, which you (Chapuys) are sure to appreciate, and since the English ambassadors have assured Our Privy Seal (Granvelle) that the King, their master, intends proceeding frankly and sincerely in the affair, We must for once trust in him. It is for you to negociate as you think best for Our service. Should you, however, perceive that there is duplicity on the part of the King or of his ministers, you are not to break off the negociations altogether, but to write to Us or to Our good sister, the Queen, and report as soon as possible on any untoward event or pretension likely to impede their progress.
Lastly, We ask you whether it would not be possible to induce the king of England to give now, as well as in future, his help and assistance against the Turk, since he himself and his ministers here and there have often assured Us that he was ready and desirous to grant such aid against the Infidel.—Valladolid, 3 May 1542. (fn. 9)
French. Original draft, ciphered. pp. 6.
6 May.3. The Council's Opinion on the Answer to be made to the Papal Nuncio.
S. E., L. 52, f. 375.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 129.
The subjects which, in the councillors' opinion, the Emperor will have to treat with the Papal Nuncio, are as follows:—
1st. The peace and the help against the Turk.
2nd. The Cardinals' hats.
Respecting the first point, that of the peace, His Imperial Majesty might refer to his letters and instructions to the marquis de Aguilar, wherein it is stated that His Imperial Majesty is sure of His Holiness doing whatever is needful for the welfare of Christendom at large, and that of Italy in particular.
Respecting the assistance in money, His Imperial Majesty ought to insist upon His Holiness helping as much as possible in Hungary by land, as well as by sea, and upon his formally declaring as soon as possible with what contingent of troops and galleys he purposes to assist thereto. The reputation and authority of the Holy Apostolic See are very seriously concerned in a declaration of that sort, lest its enemies should say that the present Pope is looking more to his own domestic affairs and advancement than to those of the Christian Republic at large.
With regard to the cardinals' hats, His Imperial Majesty will be pleased to speak to the Papal Nuncio in conformity with the resolution which this Council of State will soon take in the matter, and submit for his approval, namely, that His Holiness will be earnestly requested, whenever he proceeds to a new creation of cardinals, to bear in mind how few hats have lately been bestowed on subjects and vassals of His Imperial Majesty, or natives of the various kingdoms under his rule, such as Castille, Aragon, Naples, and Sicily, the States of Low Germany, and other countries, France having already eleven, whereas the number of cardinals in all other Christian States put together—Italy not comprised—does not amount to fifteen, a very remarkable fact indeed that after His Imperial Majesty's signal undertakings for the service of God, after his strenuous efforts to secure the peace of Christendom at Rome and at Lucca, no more hats should have been given to his subjects!!
His Imperial Majesty will not forget to speak to the Papal Nuncio (fn. 10) in favor of the king of Portugal (Joaõ III.), and his present differences with the Holy See.—Valladolid, 6 May 1542.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
7 May.4. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 119–20.
"Sire,"—The French ambassador's man (fn. 11) has just this moment sent me a duplicate and summary of certain letters, one of which is from the King, his master. (fn. 12) Not having time, before the departure of this courier, to decipher these letters, I enclose the whole of them to the queen regent of the Low Countries, that she may have them deciphered and forwarded to Your Imperial Majesty.
The man himself had not yet been able to learn any particulars of Receptor Chateauneuj's mission, (fn. 13) who arrived in this city five days ago. He is one of the gentlemen of the Admiral's suit, and his secretary. Neither he nor his colleague (Marillac) has yet attempted to procure an audience from the King. I believe they are waiting for his return to town, which is to take place in about six or seven days, (fn. 14) for there is no longer a talk, as there was some time ago, of his going over to Calais. The two ambassadors went the other day to the Privy Council, upon which some of the councillors who are here sent a courier to France with letters for the English ambassador (fn. 15) in that country. This is all we know about the doings of the French. Should I hear anything more, I shall not fail to inform Your Imperial Majesty.—London, 7 May 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph ciphered. p. 1.
7 May.5. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 24–31.
"Madame,"—Since the 19th ult., the date of your last letter to me, (fn. 16) Your Majesty must have learnt, through my various despatches, the state of perplexity and uncertainty in which I am at present. True it is that for some time back this King's ministers, waiting no doubt for the arrival of the instructions from His Imperial Majesty, which I said to them were shortly expected, have not further mentioned the affair to me; otherwise, I should have been at my wit's end on more than one occasion. There can be no doubt, however, that, sooner or later, the privy councillors deputed by this king to debate the affair with me (fn. 17) will bitterly complain of the delay, and, if so, I will do my best to mitigate their displeasure and disappointment by offering similar excuses to those contained in Your Majesty's last letter to me.
With regard to the statute and ordinance forbidding the export of woollen-cloth exceeding the value and price of seventeen ducats for each piece unless they be properly prepared, I must say that although it passed through the Chamber [of Parliament] years ago, yet it was not enforced or executed until 1539, to the great annoyance, not only of the weavers and drapers, but likewise of the shearers themselves, between whom and the former there was at the time much contest and altercation, as I had the honor to inform Your Majesty. The matter was finally settled in favor of the shearers. Nothing, I am told, will ever induce this king to change his decision, and give the clothiers and drapers the advantage, notwithstanding the urgent requests and remonstrances of the latter; nor will he ever feel inclined to revoke the statute, especially since he derives (as is said) great profit from the licences he grants from time to time to merchants to export that quality of cloth.
To remedy this evil it would be necessary to adopt there, in the Low Countries, measures in counter-balance of those taken here, and such as would oblige these people to listen to reason. Perhaps at present, considering the position of the Emperor's affairs, the occasion is not favorable for making this king revoke or modify his statutes on trade and navigation; but, at all events, I shall conform with Your Majesty's instructions and commands in this respect, and remonstrate against the innovations lately introduced here.
An hour ago the French ambassador's man sent me the enclosed documents in cipher, which I send as they are, not having had leisure to decipher them. A copy might be made to be forwarded to the Emperor in Spain, should their contents he, as I presume, of some importance. The man himself has not yet been able to ascertain what the mission of Receptor Chasteauneuf, (fn. 18) mentioned in the papers, may be. The Receptor arrived in this town five days ago. Neither he nor the French resident ambassador (Marillac) has yet called on the King. I suppose they will wait for his return to town, which is to take place in a week or so. True it is that they have called once on the Lord Privy Seal and on secretary Wriothesley, but I hear they have transacted no business at all. (fn. 19) —London, the 7th day of May 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the queen of Hungary, regent of the Low Countries."
French. Holograph, partly in cipher. pp. 7.
7 May,6. The Same to Monseigneur de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 7.
"Monseigneur,"—The French ambassador's man, whose name is Jehan de Hons, fears that his chief will be shortly re-called. He has no doubt whatever that once back in France, he will still find the means, through ambassadors and other personages of his acquaintance, of procuring such information on political matters as to enable him to continue his services to His Imperial Majesty, provided some allowance be fixed for his support by way of an annual pension. He also begs His Imperial Majesty that should any of the prebendary chaplainships in Notre Dame of Arras—the appointment to which belongs by right to His Majesty—happen to be vacant, it should be given to his brother Charles, now a student at Orleans in France. He himself intends to petition His Imperial Majesty on that score.
My last letter must have informed Your Lordship of the Princess' long illness, and how after some days of anxiety she had been declared out of danger. Three or four days ago she sent to thank me for certain letters I had written to her during her illness, saying that they had acted as a most health-restoring cordial to her. To say the truth, I did my very best to comfort and cheer her in the midst of her ailments.
With regard to the Prince (Edward), whatever has been said of his indisposition and want of health, has turned out to be untrue. There was nothing at all the matter with him.
If Your Lordship ( (fn. 20) ) wishes to escape further annoyance, or to be less frequently importuned by me, I make bold to say that you ought to intercede with His Imperial Majesty in my favor, and ask for the settlement of my arrears. My wants, indeed, are so pressing that I cannot for a single moment forget my piteous situation.
I forgot to say that a month ago the Venetian secretary who resides here (fn. 21) tried to obtain again the privilege which his Republic once had of buying here wool, and lading its "galleons" with it; but the King replied so coldly to his demand and in such words that there is no probability of his ever getting it, or of the Signory of Venice renewing the application. That refusal, however, will by no means profit Spain, for among other things the King told the secretary that "his superiors were too great friends of the Pope, and, therefore, not the class of people on whose friendship and alliance he could safely rely."—London, 7th May 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "A Monseigneur de Grandvelle, Garde-sceaux de l'Empereur."
French. Holograph, partly ciphered.
May.7. News from the Court of France contained in a Letter to Mr. Marillac.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 9.
On the xviii. of April Mr. de Langey, (fn. 22) after dining with the English ambassador, took him by the hand, and made him understand in conversation with him that it was not king Francis' fault, but the Emperor's, if the affairs of Christendom were not in a better state.
The Pope had again written to king Francis, begging him to treat of a marriage between the duke of Orleans and the Emperor's daughter; but, knowing very well that such a proposal on the part of His Holiness had no other object in view than to prevent and impede, with the Emperor's acquiescence, the Duke's marriage in England, the king of France had flatly refused to entertain that subject, lest the Pope and the Emperor together should laugh at him, and afterwards say: "Whoever cannot grind his corn at one mill, must needs go to another."
The Chancellor of Alençon, (fn. 23) who was the King's ambassador at the diet of Spires, had talked by far too much and too long, exceeding his instructions, at which the King was greatly displeased.
Every day ambassadors from the German princes are expected at the Court of France. The Emperor is doing all he can to keep them in good humour, and make them turn round against the King; notwithstanding that, they remain perfectly neutral, and will not decide in his favor.
The Marquis de Pescaire (fn. 24) had reinforced the garrisons of Ivrea and Castle Vulpan with five companies of Spanish infantry for fear of the 3,000 Swiss of the King's, who are in the neighbourhood.
Captain Poulain (fn. 25) had passed through Ragusa on his return from his embassy to the Grand Turk. The Spaniards, whom the marquis de Pescaire had placed on his passage in order to seize and make him prisoner, having failed in their enterprise, had, on the banks of the river Po, met with eighteen French students on their way to the University of Padua. They had made them prisoners and cast them into the river, at which the King was so highly incensed that he thought of nothing short than commencing war at once.
The last piece of intelligence is that the King, after his return from Burgundy, which will take place towards the end of this month of May, will pass a general muster of his army on or about the 15th of June, and that he is strongly advised to march at once towards Picardy rather than in any other direction.
French copy in cipher.
21 May.8. The Queen of Hungary to Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Monsieur l'ambassadour,"—We have just received a packet of letters from the Emperor, Our good lord and brother, and among them the copy of one for you, (fn. 26) which is to serve as Instructions of what you are to say and do in your negociation for a treaty of closer alliance between him and the king of England. Those Instructions will be a sufficient guide for your conduct in the affair, but should you require any further information or more papers from Us relating to the old commercial treaties between these Low Countries and England, you had better apply for them, and they shall be sent to you forthwith. We also send you along with this a new cipher, different from the one you have hitherto used, in order that, if you have to write to the Emperor, to his ambassador in France, to the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), or to Ourselves, you may, if the case be of importance, make use of it, that our affairs in England may remain secret.
We are in receipt of your letters of the last day of April and 7th inst., (fn. 27) and We thank you for the news they contain.—Anvers (Antwerp), 21 May 1542.
Addressed: "To the Imperial ambassador in England."
French. Original draft. p. 1.

Footnotes

1 Edmund Boner, at this time Henry's ambassador in Spain.
2 This is perhaps the first time that the name of the Emperor's ambassador in England is written with two p's, Chappuys. In all documents emanating from the Imperial Chancery I have found it written Chapuis or Chapuys; in Spanish or Latin papers. Capucius, Capucis, Capucia, and Capucio, and Eustacius, Eustachio, and Eustaquio. He himself always signed "Eustace Chapuys." As to his title of "Maître des Requites de l'Empereur" and "Doctor," they only occur once or twice. He seems also to have been at one time "conseiller de l'Empereur" in Flanders. The document itself, as may be observed, is not in the Imperial Archives of Vienna, being one of the few left behind at Brussels, when those relating to the reign of the Emperor Charles V. were suddenly transferred from the latter city to Vienna after the battle of Fleurus in 1794.
3 The Emperor had been at Valladolid since the 26th of January. See Gachard, Itineraire de Charles V., p. 201.
4 See Vol. VI., Part I., No. 232, pp. 470–5; that of the 14th is under No. 238, pp. 481–3.
5 That is Edmund Boner or Bonner, and Thomas Thirlby, bishop of Westminster.
6 Perrenot de Granvelle (Nicolas) had been appointed lord Privy Seal (Guardasellos) to the Emperor as early as 1540.
7 The very first negociations for a treaty of closer alliance between Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and Mons. de Granvelle began at Ratisbon in January 1541. See Vol. VI., Part I., p. 304.
8 One million and two hundred thousand gold crowns, as stated elsewhere.
9 Two drafts of this letter, both dated from Valladolid, 3 May 1542, are preserved in the Imperial Archives of Vienna. One is entirely ciphered, though it has a deciphering appended in the handwriting of one of Chapuys' clerks; the other, also written at Valladolid, where the Emperor stayed from the 26th of January to the 27th of May 1542, when he left for Burgos, seems to be only an abstract. See Gachard, Collection des Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas; Itineraire de Charles V., Vol. II., pp. 201–7.
10 The Papal Nuncio at this time was Giovan Riccio da Montepulciano, Paul's "camarlengo," or chamberlain. He went first to Spain in August 1539, the bearer of a letter from the Pope on the matrimonial differences between his grandson, Ottavio Farnese, and the Emperor's natural daughter, Margaret of Austria. He arrived at Aranjuez in September, and returned to Rome one year after, in 1540. In December 1541 he was again sent to Spain as Papal Nuncio, no longer on Paul's private and family business, but on political affairs of more importance, such as the peace with Francis, and help against the Turk. The paper above abstracted contains the opinion of the Emperor's Council of State as to the manner in which the Emperor was to answer the Nuncio's overtures.
11 Jean de Honz. See Vol. VI., Part I., pp. 341–2. The ambassador on this occasion was Charles de Marillac.
12 The letters here alluded to will be found in Marillac's correspondence, pp. 410–5.
13 Gellimard, (Guillaume) sieur de Chasteauneuf, whose arrival is London took place on the 27th of April 1542, or on the 2nd of May, as here stated; see Vol. VI., Part I., p. 508. He was the secretary of Philippe de Brion-Chabot, admiral of France, who succeeded the Grand Master (Anne de Montmorency) as king Francis' prime minister.
14 King Henry was then at Dover.
15 That is Sir William Paget, who in 1542 was appointed ambassador to the court of France.
16 No letter of the queen of Hungary to Chapuys has been found with that date. Her last to the ambassador was of the 1st. See No. 242, pp. 487–9, of Vol. VI., Part I.
17 The King's deputies were, as stated in p. 497 of Vol.VI., Part I., Fitz William, the bishops of Durham and Westminster, and the two secretaries, Sir Ralph Saddler, and Sir Thomas Wriothesley.
18 That is Gellimard, the admiral's secretary. See Vol. VI., Part I., p. 508.
19 The concluding paragraph of this despatch is, as usual, devoted to his own private affairs, and to the settlement of the arrears of pay, &c.
20 Here the text reads, "Monseigneur, si vre. Mate se veult quitter dennuy et importance," which is evidently wrong; for vostre maieste ought to be voslre seignurie, since the letter is addressed to Granvelle, and importance should be importune or importunité.
21 Hironimo Zuccato, the secretary, who remained in charge of the Venetian embassy in England until August 1544, when he was replaced by Jacomo Zambon.
22 Guillaume du Bellay, or his brother Jean, archbishop of Paris? Most likely the former.
23 Jean Brinon, sieur de Vilaine d'Humières, chancellor of the duchy of Alençon.
24 Pescara, that is Don Alfonso Davalos de Aquino, marquis del Gasto, governor of Milan. By the death of his cousin, Don Fernando marquis de Pescara, he inherited this title.
25 About this naval captain, whose real name seems to have been Antoine Paulin, baron de la Garde, see Vol. VI., Part I., p. 464.
26 No doubt one of the ciphered letters alluded to in Chapuys' despatch, No. 4, p. 8.
27 See No. 250 in Vol. VI., Part I., pp. 509–10. As to that of the 7th of May, see No. 5, p. 9, of this Part II. of the same volume.


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