Spain
July 1542, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1895

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45-63

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'Spain: July 1542, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2: 1542-1543 (1895), pp. 45-63. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88092 Date accessed: 22 October 2014.


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July 1542, 1-15

1 July.15. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Monsieur l'ambassadeur,"—Your letter of the 29th of June came to hand this very day (July 1st), by which letter We have learnt the good terms on which you are with the ministers of the king of England, as well as with the bishop of Uuasmestre (Westminster), lately appointed on a mission to the Emperor, Our lord and brother, which mission We think, with you, cannot fail to complete your work, and consolidate that friendship and alliance between the Emperor and the king of England, which will, We hope, ensure the welfare of their respective subjects.
If George, bearer of this letter, can come back in time to cross the Channel in the same vessel as the Bishop, it would be perfect; if not, you are to take steps to facilitate his passage in the way pointed out in your despatch of the 29th. (fn. 1)
With regard to the conversation you have had with the count of Reulx (Rœux), which is important enough, We will answer you in Our first letter after hearing Our councillors' opinion thereupon.
To the revocation of the Navigation edict and proclamation made in this country, which you seem to have negociated with that king's ministers, We have no objection whatever, and have accordingly given orders that proper acts be drawn up in the various ports and maritime places on the coast of these Low Countries where the proclamation was affixed, enjoining the custom-house officers (fn. 2) to allow the English to trade freely and without impediment in any goods and merchandize, as they used to do before the promulgation of the edict here. We hope that the English will be satisfied, and not require anything more touching the said revocation. This, however, We cannot do until you yourself have sent Us an authenticated act of what has there been agreed between you and the King's privy councillors on the subject, trusting that the King on his side will stand by the agreement.—1 July 1542.
Addressed: "To the Emperor's Ambassador in England."
French. Original draft. p. 1.
1 July.16. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Venerable, tres chier et bien ami,"—For fear the letter We are now writing should not, if sent through France, reach the Emperor's hands, We have thought of dispatching George, the bearer, to England, that he may thence sail for Spain and take the Emperor's letter. We therefore request you so to arrange and prepare George's sea voyage, with your usual dexterity, that it may appear as if he had gone to Spain directly from the English coast. We entirely leave this affair in your hands, sure, as We are, that everything will be done to Our satisfaction.—Brussels, 1 July 1542.
Signed: "Marie."
Addressed: "A venerable, et tres chier et bien ami, Messire Eustace Chapuys." (fn. 3)
French. Original draft. p. 1.
3 July.17. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 37.
"Madame,"—Yesterday, soon after the bishop of Westminster and my own man's departure from this city to embark at Exceter (Exeter), I took leave of this King to return to London. He (the King) thanked me very much for all my trouble and good offices in the negociation of the treaty, and especially for having written so kindly in favor of its speedy accomplishment. The King went still further; he told me, after many gracious and complimentary words, that his Admiral had already reported that the vessel in which George was to go to Spain was already on the point of sailing. I cannot say whether the vessel is, or is not, fit for a quick voyage; but in future, I am told, steps shall be taken for the speedy transmission by sea of all letters and despatches, for this King has sent expressly with the Bishop a man well experienced in naval affairs for the express purpose of purchasing in Spain a couple of "sabras" or "pinnaces," under the impression that the Emperor will also have two on his side for the carriage of correspondence to and fro. (fn. 4)
The French ambassador's cousin (fn. 5) came back yesterday from the court of France. I do not hear that he brings any mandate or commission from the King, save that of urging the ambassador to inquire into and investigate the motives of the armaments which this king is making ready, and also ask the reason of his fitting out his war-ships, and inquire what the inhabitants of the ports and harbours of this English coast think of it and its destination. The wine has arrived, and this King warmly thanks Your Majesty for the sending of it.
The King sent me the other day, by his lord Privy Seal and by his Admiral, a message to the effect that Your Majesty ought to keep a good watch over certain islands, (fn. 6) not far from Amsterdam and from Encuse, (fn. 7) for should the duke of Olstein (Holstein) get possession of them, Your Majesty and he (the King) would have much to do to eject the Danes (fn. 8) therefrom.
I enclose copy of the article that has been agreed to and ratified on both sides respecting the edict once proclaimed in the Low Countries, as well as the statute of Navigation here made about the same time. The other article prescribing the most profound secrecy with regard to the closer alliance which passed in October last, as well as that mutually binding each of the parties not to treat with the enemy without the knowledge and consent of the other, I have also forwarded to the Emperor.—London, 3 July 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. p. 1.
3 July. 18. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 28.
"Madame,"—Enclosed is a copy of the article agreed to and passed between this king's deputies and myself, it having been resolved to have it published at once in order that the World may believe that our late conferences have been for no other object than the interests of the merchants of both countries. It is true that in the copy that the royal deputies have given me, and which I now forward, the word statim does not appear, but in its place the two words curabit atque have been added.
French. Holograph. p.½.
5 July.19. King Francis to Marillac.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f.
"Monsr. Marillac,"—Yesterday the ambassador (fn. 9) of my good brother, the king of England, came to my cousin, the Admiral of France, (fn. 10) and said many kind things to him respecting the good and perfect friendship existing between my said good brother and myself. Among other things he said to him, one was that he (the ambassador) thought it strange that in France there should be any mistrust concerning the doings of the King, his master, who (the ambassador said) had no other wish or object in view than to maintain and cultivate the said friendship. My cousin's answer was that I had always esteemed, as I do still esteem, my good brother's friendship, owing to the knowledge and long experience I have of him and of his good qualities, and that it never entered my head that he could undertake anything against me. And yet as the Flemish had everywhere spread the rumour that for some time past the Emperor and the queen dowager of Hungary had been treating with England, and that the King of that country intended not only to help them with money, but would also send troops on this side of the Channel to make war upon me, I own that I set about preparing as quickly as possible for any event, making such levies of men and stores of provisions as I deemed necessary for the security, defence, and preservation of this my kingdom. My intention, however, was, and is still, to keep and observe inviolable the treaties of friendship and alliance with my good brother, the king of England, until he himself gives me occasion to do the contrary. I will never be the first to offend him, or impair in the least the friendship I profess for him, unless he begins by breaking it; even then it will be to my great regret at seeing myself deprived and frustrated of such friendship and alliance as his, which I have always considered, and still consider, indissoluble and everlasting.
These words of the English ambassador and the Admiral's reply I purposely transmit to you in writing, that you may at once withdraw from the court of my good brother, the king of England, after informing him of the conversations that passed between his said ambassador and my Admiral respecting his sentiments. You will thank him most affectionately on my part for his friendly sentiments, (fn. 11) and will tell him in my name that I am much pleased at hearing that his friendship for me is equal to that which I profess for him, and that as long as he will persevere in it I will respond, and that he will find me always inclined and ready to treat with him for the common welfare of our subjects and kingdoms.
Having used the above language, you will observe the King's countenance and mien, and at the same time note down all the words of his answer, in order to penetrate and find out what his intentions are, and whether it is by his order or by his consent that his ambassador has made the overtures to which I allude.—Ligny en Barroys, 5 July 1542.
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
8 July.20. Eustace Chapuys to Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 17–8.
"Monseigneur,"—By my last letter of the 30th of June (fn. 12) I have sufficiently apprised Your Lordship of all the news of this country, and although nothing of importance has since happened, yet, not to allow the present bearer to depart empty handed, I have sat down to write this. And first of all I shall begin by saying that one of the causes and reasons why my last letters to the Emperor and to Your Lordship on the progress of these negociations for closer friendship and alliance were so much (fn. 13) in favor of complying as far as possible with this king's wishes, and pleasing him and his deputies was, that as I had to show to them all my despatches to His Imperial Majesty, as well as my letters to Your Lordship—having often promised to do so at the time that they refused to send anyone to Spain, and threatened to break off the negociations—I could not do less than write, as I have done, in favor of the speedy conclusion of the treaty. In this state of things there was nothing I would not have promised in order to induce them to send an ambassador, as they have since done, to treat of this affair in Your Lordship's presence for reasons which you can appreciate better than myself.
Nor can I omit to say that one of the causes of the strong inclination which these people are now manifesting towards an offensive league against France, is evidently the hope, I might say the certainty, this king's ministers have that in case of a war with that country, and of an invasion of its territory—especially under the pretence of checking Francis' adhesion to the Turk—the English will have no difficulty in relieving the King from the payment of capital and interest on the loan he has lately made, already amounting, as I hear, to upwards of one million of gold. (fn. 14) Another reason for their insisting so much on the invasion of French territory next year is not to have to wait for the payment of the last instalment of the loan until the offensive war has actually commenced.
The French ambassador's cousin, who, as reported in one of my despatches, was by him sent to the King, his master, to testify to the activity and dexterity with which his chief conducts the affairs entrusted to him, and at the same time ask for his "congé," returned from France three days ago. Our friend has not yet been able to learn anything respecting his mission, except that king Francis is rather afraid and suspicious at the wonderful activity this one is displaying in fitting out and arming his war-ships, and has commanded his ambassador to be on the watch and to inquire in the ports and harbours of England what other military preparations are being made besides, and for what purpose are the armaments intended.
I have no doubt that even when all the articles of this treaty of closer friendship and alliance have passed, some difficulty may still be raised respecting the title which this king has caused to be given to him in the powers to his deputies, namely, "Chief Sovereign, after God, of the Anglican Church." (fn. 15)
On Sunday last, as the King was returning from Mass, the earl Desmont (Desmond) and three other Irish lords, or gentlemen, took leave of him, respectfully and humbly enough, for all the time that their interpreter was talking to the King in their name, they themselves were on their knees. Nor have I yet heard what present, if any, did the King make them on the occasion. (fn. 16)
Before bringing this letter to an end I must add that in the course of the debate respecting certain articles of the treaty now being negociated, the deputies have suggested that in case of an offensive war against France it would be agreeable to the King, their master, if His Imperial Majesty made over to him all the rights and demands (droitz et querelles), which he (the Emperor) claims over certain towns on the river Somme, such as Amyens, Abbeville, Corbie, Bray, and Le Crotoy. All other rights they would willingly leave to the Emperor, and in exchange for those rights they would cede and transfer to him all their pretentions to Guyennes (Guienne) and Gascony, which, they say, are close to Spain, and on that account easy to take and keep. (fn. 17) There has also been a proposition of marriage between the prince of Piedmont and this king's second daughter (Elizabeth), to which I myself would see no obstacle provided the bulk of the treaty should pass, as this additional article might after all be the means of rooting more firmly the King's animosity to the French. (fn. 18)
French. Holograph, partly ciphered. pp. 2.
9 July.21. The Same to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 145–57.
"Sire."—My last despatch of the 30th of June (fn. 19) must have informed Your Imperial Majesty of late events, as well as of the progress of the negotiation entrusted to my care. I have nothing to add to it, save saying that this very day after dinner I again called on the King in order to introduce to him the bearer of this despatch, who was to present his respects in the name of the queen of Hungary, regent in Flanders, and at the same time inquire whether he (the King) had any message to send or commission to give in answer to the letter of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) which arrived two days ago, asking his help and assistance against the Turk. (fn. 20)
In the first place I must say that the King took in very good part the Queen's compliment, and her sending some one to visit him in her name, give him news of her health, and offer his services in case he (the King) should want anything in Spain, whither the present bearer is going almost immediately, as he himself will verbally relate, should Your Imperial Majesty have leisure and wish to hear him. The King has also been very much pleased to learn the activity suddenly displayed in Flanders and in the Low Countries, as well as the military preparations there being made to defend those countries against the French, and, if necessary, attack them in their own territory, now that they seem intent upon invasion. The same intelligence (the King said) had reached him from several quarters. He knew that Mr. de Vendôme (fn. 21) and Monsr. de Biez (fn. 22) were on the alert, and though they had not yet assembled the whole of their forces, yet they had many thousands of men on the rolls, who might be mustered and be under arms in less than 24 hours' time. That both the above-mentioned generals had given one of their captains at Calais to understand that war had already been proclaimed at the sound of trumpets in Flanders against the dukes of Clèves and Holstein, which fact by the way (I told him) was highly improbable, and had never come to my ears.
Respecting his assistance against the Turk, the King at first deliberately avoided as long as he could any answer on the subject, purposely passing from one topic to the other. At last, after addressing to him all the remonstrances, exhortations, and persuasions that came to my mind, and trying to defeat his specious arguments and excuses on that score, I told him plainly that he ought not to complain or be offended at his not having been invited or requested, as other princes had been before him—namely, the king of France and the duke of Clèves—to unite in a crusade against the Turk; for if the States of the Empire had sent, as he asserted, a mission to king Francis, it was certainly not to secure his assistance and co-operation against the Turk, with whom they knew him to be in league, but to summon him to forbear from undertaking anything [against the Emperor] whilst they themselves undertook to repulse the Infidel. As to the duke [of Clèves], he had been, like the rest of the Emperor's vassals, officially called upon as a vassal of the Empire to contribute with money and men. Neither of the cases (I alleged) was similar to his, and therefore there was no need summoning him like the two other princes. True, the king of the Romans might have informed him sooner of the deliberations of the Diet of Spires, but his time had been so much taken up by visiting the Tirol, (fn. 23) Bohemia, Moravia, and other provinces, for the purpose of making levies and preparing for war, that he had been unable to send to him before. Besides which, the king of the Romans, trusting on the promise which the English ambassadors had made to Your Imperial Majesty at Rehenspurg (Regensburg), namely, that if other European princes did their duty in the matter, certainly he would not be the last to arm against the Turk, and contribute with money or men. The King could not be ignorant of the resolution taken by the States of the Empire at the Diet of Spires, or that there was no able prince among those who attended it, who did not at the time approve of it, with the single exception of king Francis, this being one of the reasons why the king of the Romans had not solicited his help before. He (the King) must be aware, that although the Pope had not yet sent the contingent of which there was a talk, yet he would not fail in forwarding an equivalent in money. (fn. 24) That the differences of opinion between the duke of Brunswick and the Landgraf [of Hesse] on the subject would not prevent the expedition taking place, and that Your Imperial Majesty would soon find the means of adjusting them. Even if it were too late in the year (as he said) to send an expeditionary force, it was not too late for him to remit money. It was of no use alleging the difficulty of procuring bills on Germany, and saying that he was not well versed in mercantile matters, for I, who knew nothing about them, would undertake within three hours' time to find merchants and bankers to take the sum, however considerable, and give bills on Vienna or any other city of Germany payable one month after date. And that although he had given me to understand that he had been told by notable persons rather partial to Your Imperial Majesty that in Germany there was money enough for the undertaking, and that the only difficulty was recruiting men for military service, he no longer insisted on his argument, but said, half convinced, "I will think about it and see what can be done." I doubt, however, his doing anything in the matter unless the force of circumstances compels him.
I forgot to say that one of the arguments which the King brought forward in support of his refusal was that the Turk would not come down in person, but on my telling him how important it was to eject him altogether from Hungary, and stop his advance upon Germany, since the aid voted by the Empire is to last three years, he at first made no reply, but shortly after said, half in joke, "If that be the case, there will be no longer a question about the Turk, for the Pope will be able to conclude a peace between the Emperor and the king of France, since, at the intercession of the latter, his good ally and confederate, the Intidel—who (I am told) has again sent or promised to send to him 24 galleys—will withdraw his forces from Hungary, and make a permanent truce with Christendom." (fn. 25) Upon which I replied that if there were no other danger than the one he pointed out to me, he could very easily advance us some money on condition of our paying it back in case of events turning out as he had described.
After this and other similar remarks, all bearing on the subject of the Turk and his designs against Christendom, I told the King that I had not yet received an answer from the queen of Hungary to count du Rœulx' overtures as I was returning here from Flanders, but I heard that she had actually written to Your Majesty about it, and was expecting an answer from Spain. Hearing which the King seemed much pleased, and remarked that it was important to take soon some resolution or other in the matter, for if the projected expedition did not take place this year, the opportunity would pass away and nothing more could be done.—London, 9 July 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 4.
9 July.22. The Admiral of France to Mr. Marillac.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
"Monsr. Marillac,"—I am in receipt of your last letter, and have read also those you wrote to the King. This last has given our master great contentment, having remarked the gratuitous offers that my good brother, the King, made you. Those are, indeed, very kind words, which make me hope that the rumours afloat stating the contrary are entirely false. The English ambassador here has held a similar language to me. It is for you to inform us as soon as you can of whatever may come to your knowledge.—Ligny, 9 July 1542.—Brion.
P.S.—The King is now sending to you Master Claude de Laubespine, his secretary, with instructions which you will peruse.
French. Contemporary copy. p. 1.
9 July.23. King Francis' Instructions to Maistre Laubespine contained in a Letter of Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
"Madame,"—I have just obtained from the ambassador's man a copy of the instructions which king Francis gave to Master Claude de L'Aubespine. The substance of the first article, which I omit for brevity's sake, is that the ambassador is to announce officially that the King, his master, has lately concluded a treaty with the king of Suece (Sweden) and others, and that, as a proof of the sincere and perfect friendship which unites him with the king of England, his good brother, he (king Francis) has obtained from the said king of Sweden and the rest the inclusion of England in the treaty of alliance, calculating that an inclusion of that sort, for several reasons explained in the ambassador's instructions, must be more agreeable to the king of England, nay, more than that, of any other prince in this World, under the circumstances.
Here follow the articles of the Instructions literally transcribed from the original: "To the treaty with the king of Sweden, the names of the king of Denmark, of the duke of Prause (Prussia) are appended, and very soon those of the king of Scotland, the duke of Saxony, the Osterlings (Easterlings), of the Teutonic language, and many others who have not yet given their consent, will be added. Should the king of England show a desire to enter the league, the ambassador is to reveal to him the principal points of the treaty, without touching, however, on the article relating to the king of Scotland. The ambassador, moreover, is not to show the copy of the treaty unless he finds by evidence that the king of England will not object to the article relating to Scotland.
The ambassador is to try and induce the king of England to confirm verbally the words uttered by the English ambassador here in France, in the Admiral's presence, and, above all, observe and watch the King's countenance and mien on the occasion.
Respecting the King's forces Longueval has under his command 14,000 lanskennets and 2,000 horse; this force will in a few days join Monsr. d'Orleans, (fn. 26) who is already in the Luxemburg with 13,000 lanskennets more, and 16,000 French foot, 6,000 more of the legion of Champasgne, 6,000 of that of Normandy, and 4,800 of that of Picardy, with 1,200 men-at-arms, 1,200 light cavalry, and thirty large pieces of ordnance.
As soon as the sieur de Longueval has effected his junction with the duke of Orleans, the King will take the 13,000 lanskennets the latter has under his orders, and march at the head of them to an expedition which he is now contemplating. The remaining lanskennets and French infantry under Longueval and the duke of Orleans, amounting in all to 30,000 men, besides the cavalry, which number from eight to nine thousand horse, will be left behind for the invasion of Luxemburg.
Besides the above-mentioned 13,000 lanskennets, the King will have for the expedition (voyage) (fn. 27) he is meditating 10,000 Swiss of the last levies, and 4,000 old soldiers (vicux souldars) formerly in Piedmont, the best troops in the World, and 4,000 Italians.
The legions of Guyenne, those of Languedoc, and some other bands raised in France, making in all forty-six or forty-seven thousand foot; 1,600 men-at-arms, including 500 of the King's own household; 3,000 light horse—two thousand of whom Mr. le Mareschal [Hannebault] has brought back from Piedmont, and who are the best "veilles bandes" one could imagine—sixty large pieces of ordnance, among which are twenty-four double cannon, &c., compose the King's own army. With all this force he intends marching to that country in which he sees he can make most execution, thinking that with such an army under his command nobody can prevent him from doing whatever he pleases.
True it is that the King intends detaching from the above numbers 6,000 lanskennets, and 2,000 lately-raised Gascon foot, and passing them over to the king of Navarre (Henri II. d'Albret) for the enterprise of Guyenne. With this force joined to 6,000 more men, whom the said king has already raised in his own dominions, and 4,000 Italians, making in all 18,000 foot, besides 700 men-at-arms, and 800 light cavalry, he will be able to accomplish great things, for besides the secret intelligences he has in Navarre itself, there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of that kingdom, or at least a great portion of them, will revolt against the Emperor. For such a war the king of Navarre has 22 large pieces of ordnance.
Mr. le Mareschal [Hannebault] leaves in Piedmont 14,000 men, six or seven thousand of whom are Swiss, the rest being French and old soldiers, serving there since the first campaign. Of Basques, Gascons, and Italians, there are about 500 men-at-arms, besides seven or eight hundred light horse, making in all a force equal in number to that which the marquis de Goast (Gasto) has in the duchy of Milan. The retreat, which has already commenced in most admirable order, once operated, the Marshal will come back, leaving in Piedmont twelve towns so strong and well fortified that they must be almost impregnable, besides one hundred and fifty smaller ones so well stored and provided for that there can be no fear of the enemy invading Piedmont on the side of Milan, since there is provision and ammunition enough in the country for the next six years. Turin, Montcalier, Pignerol, Savillay (Savigliano), Grillas, Terrolins, Viegel, Ravel, Cahors, Villeneufve . . . (fn. 28)
The King has now accomplished what he never could do before, for his ordinary revenue has so increased owing to the economies he has made on the salt rent—now amounting to an incalculable sum of money, through the export of that article, sales of timber, &c., as well—that he has now a considerable sum of money at his disposal, indeed much greater than in old times; so much so, that he nowadays finds that with the capital amassed by his treasurers, he can very well for the next ten or twelve years defray all the expense of the aforesaid armies without levying any more taxes from his subjects nor diminishing in the least his ordinary expenses. (fn. 29) Next winter he will proclaim the "arriere-ban," amounting in number to seventy or eighty thousand men, half of them cavalry, who live at their own expense during three months, and are divided into two great bodies, one for the frontiers of Spain, the other for Flanders; during the winter months these men will keep the field, whilst other divisions of the army that have been actively employed will go into winter-quarters and rest.
With regard to the calumnious imputation which the Emperor and the king of the Romans have cast on him—pretending that he is actually in league with the "Grand Seigneur," the ambassador may say and maintain that it is, on the contrary, those two princes, who, owing to their ill-will and hatred of him (the King), and in order to inflict all possible harm on him, have frequently sent ambassadors to the court of the "Grand Seigneur" and solicited his alliance, so far forgetting themselves and their God that they did actually offer to pay him tribute and become his slaves. The "Grand Seigneur," however, regardless of their solicitations, has taken no notice at all of their overtures, (fn. 30) upon which they did purposely spread the rumour that it was the king of France who was the cause of the Infidel's disdain, and who urged him on to come down upon Christendom. God knows that the King has, on the contrary, done everything in his power to dissuade him from the attempt! All the King's intelligences with the "Grand Seigneur" amount to this: he has given his subjects permission to trade in France, from which permission an almost incredible profit has accrued to the French nation from that free intercourse of trade, of which the Spiceries of Antwerp, and indeed the whole of Flanders, have already felt the consequences.
Should the king of England or his ministers surmise that the Turks now in Hungary might very possibly, all of a sudden, turn their heads this way and invade France, the ambassador may meet their representations with the following argument: The king of France has so many friends among the chiefs and nobles of that country, that even supposing they so far forgot their engagements as to invade France, they could hardly encamp before a town of any importance that was not so fortified as to prevent their doing any serious mischief, and the King will besides meet them (leur baillera en barbe tout comptant) with a force amounting to 90,000 foot and 30,000 horse, and they will find to their great astonishment that our army in France is quite as numerous and well-appointed as that of the Turk in Hungary.
As to the Landgraf [of Hesse] and duke of Saxony, and other allies of France, the ambassador will say that they have actually made a levy of 22,000 lanskennets and 7,000 horse to invade Brunswick, whose duke follows the Emperor's party. Regardless of the Hungarian expedition, the above-named Landgraf and Duke have raised a sufficient number of lanskennets to defend their own dominions in the meanwhile, and crush him of Brunswick, so that the king of France will have in Germany more lanskennets than he can want, an evident sign that the Emperor and his brother are little feared, and still less loved, in that country."
Copy of king Francis' Instructions to his ambassador in England.
French. pp. 3.
10 July.24. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
ff. 41–2.
"Madame,"—On Wednesday last, the 7th inst., George (fn. 31) arrived here, and after perusing the letters he brought from Your Majesty and from the king of the Romans for this king, I sent to Antoncourt (Hampton Court) to ask for an audience, winch was immediately granted, though the King, being then very much engaged with business, and intending to return to town on Saturday, the audience was put off until yesterday, Sunday.
The King was wonderfully pleased with Your Majesty's complimentary message to him, as well as with George's visit and the news of his going to Spain. He was likewise very glad to hear of the vigilance and care displayed by Your Majesty, as well as pleased to see your zeal in unravelling the intrigues and treacherous plans of the enemy.
With regard to the assistance against the Turk, after I had brought forward the remonstrances and persuasions contained in the instructions of the king of the Romans, and others which came to my memory, the King alleged several and various excuses, and, among others, that he had not been invited and requested as other princes had. It was no use (he said) arguing that his ambassadors had made certain promises in his name at the diet of Regensberg, and declared that if other princes fulfilled their duty in that respect, he himself would not be the last to do so, for, in point of fact, whatever may be said to the contrary, not every one of the German princes had promised to contribute towards the war against the Turk; even the Pope, whom the affair concerned most, had not sent one single man of his contingent. And besides, if the Grand Turk (Solyman) did not come down personally at the head of his camp, no more help was needed than that which had already been given. It was, besides, already too late for the succour demanded, for before the men or the money arrived at their destination, the affair would be decided one way or other. Having replied pertinently enough, as I believe, to each and every one of the King's arguments, he kept silence for some time, and then said: "I will consult my Privy Council about it, and then let you know my answer." Please God that it may be as satisfactory as the king of the Romans wishes!
At the end, and as a palatable morsel (pour la bonne bouche), I told the King, or rather gave him to understand, that George was the bearer of Your Majesty's letter to the Emperor on Mr. de Rœux' proposition, which he heard with pleasure, &c.—London, 10th of July 1542.
P.S.—I forgot to mention that I fancy these people will be satisfied if the revocation of the edict on Navigation promulgated in those Low Countries be proclaimed exactly in the manner pointed out in Your Majesty's letter to me of the 1st inst., (fn. 32) without any further ceremony or solemnity. I have not spoken about it before for fear of affording these people the occasion and opportunity of thinking, which they have not done until now. (fn. 33)
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Original. pp. 2.
n. d.25. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 39.
"Madame,"—The act of revocation of the edict of Navigation in Flanders, as well as of the Statute in England, is as follows:—
"It has been agreed, as well as mutually promised and stipulated, between Our respective masters [the Emperor and the king of England] that the edict once proclaimed in Flanders against the merchants and sailors of England, forbidding them to lade in, and export from, the ports of Flanders and others in the Low Countries belonging to His Imperial Majesty any goods or merchandise whatever in their vessels, and obliging them to return home empty and without a cargo in their vessels, shall be revoked and abrogated at once, and that the aforesaid merchants and sailors shall enjoy the same rights they formerly had before the proclamation of the edict.
"It has also been agreed and mutually stipulated between the parties that if after the revocation of the edict of His Most Serene Majesty (fn. 34) the king of England, the statute on Navigation, promulgated the thirty-third year of his reign, should in any way concern or affect the subjects of His Imperial Majesty in Flanders and the Low Countries, as well as in Spain, the said statute shall be immediately relaxed and abrogated so that the subjects of His Imperial Majesty may enjoy the same rights they had before the promulgation of the said statute. In testimony of which we here append our signatures. Hampton Court.—June 1542." (fn. 35)
Madame,—It has been mutually agreed between this king's deputies and myself that the above act shall pass and have effect from its date, (fn. 36) and be published soon after, so as to make people think that Our late communications related chiefly to commercial affairs. I must add that the above is the true transcript of the document which the English deputies have put into my hands, only that the words remitti prorsus et relaxari curabit, atque, &c., have been substituted by remitti prorsus et relaxari statim efficiet.
Latin. Contemporary copy. (fn. 37)
12 July.26. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233,
f. 43.
"Madame,"—Although I have every reason to believe that Your Majesty is aware that in the act signed by this king's commissioners and deputies (fn. 38) express and particular mention is made that his subjects are to be allowed to lade freely in the ports of Flanders and the Low Countries on any vessels they like, foreign or English, whatever goods or merchandize they choose, and export the same without obstacles of any sort, yet as this king, among other messages which he sent me yesterday through his Admiral, asked me to write to Your Majesty and remind you of his wish in that particular, I could not do less than write. I therefore, in accordance with his request, most humbly beg Your Majesty—unless it has been done already—to see that the clause be inserted verbatim as he wishes. The King will be much pleased if this is done as quickly as possible; and certainly he well deserves to be obliged in this particular, for I can assure Your Majesty that for the four last days he has done nothing but praise you and your acts. It would, moreover, be advisable that at the same time that Your Majesty advises me of the requisite insertion having been made, the Court-Master of the English nation (fn. 39) at Antwerp, who is to be the bearer of this, my letter, should be charged to write immediately to this king's privy councillors, announcing to them that the insertion has been effected in order that the same may be stipulated here with regard to the Emperor's subjects.—London, 12 Juillet 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. p. 1.
12 July.27. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Rep. P., Fasc. C. 233.
f. 43.
"Madame,"—Although I suppose that Your Majesty at sight of the agreement signed by this king's deputies, which went by last post, has already ordered that this king's subjects may freely lade merchandise on any vessel they please, national or foreign, yet as among other particular messages relating thereto this Admiral (Russell) brought me yesterday a new one from his master, requesting me to write to Your Majesty expressly and in detail with regard to that affair, I could not do less than write again, and most humbly beg Your Majesty—had not the orders been circulated in the meantime—to see that they are sent and executed, not only for the singular pleasure this king will receive on hearing of it, but because he certainly deserves anything we can do in his favor, were it for no other reason than the many praises he is continually bestowing on Your Majesty and on your acts for the last four days.
It would also be very convenient if besides the notice which Your Majesty cannot fail to send me of the said provision having been executed, the Court-Master (Consul) of the English nation in the Low Countries, who will be the bearer of this my despatch, should be charged to write officially to the privy councillors here announcing the revocation of the edict, that I may reciprocally do the same to the Emperor's subjects. (fn. 40) —London, 12 July 1542.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. p. 1.
12 July.28. King Francis' Manifesto and Declaration of War to the Emperor. King Francis to the Count of Buçençoys and de Charny, Admiral of France.
S. E., L.Everyone knows the injuries which the Emperor has heaped upon Us, and how We, considering the imminent danger in which Christendom lies, and wishing to manifest to the World that We prefer its welfare to Our own particular interests, have hitherto tolerated and endured such affronts (outrages) without unsheathing Our sword (as befits a prince of Our quality), and recovering by force of arms what he (the Emperor) unjustly keeps and belongs to Us. All this We have done in the hope that the Emperor would ultimately listen to reason and make Us amendment in those matters in which he has evidently done Us wrong. But far from that, the Emperor has prosecuted his career, doing worse and worse, until he caused two of Our ministers, Cesare Fragoso and Antonio Rincon, who were going to Venice on business of Ours, to be most treacherously and unmercifully murdered, for which injury, though the Emperor did at the time promise to give Us full satisfaction, no amendment nor excuse whatever has been offered; on the contrary the Emperor has, with his usual dissimulation and craft, aggravated that injury by having other servants of Ours murdered in other parts of the World whilst employed by Us in diplomatic missions. This the Emperor has done regardless of the truce existing between him and Us, a case highly repugnant to all divine or human rights, and against the ancient custom of kings and princes, potentates or republics, since the beginning of the World to Our present days. Not contented with that, and owing no doubt to the great enmity and hatred which secretly he bears Us and Our subjects, the Emperor has lately at Antwerp, as well as in Our county of St. Pol—which, as is notorious, he has usurped and unjustly retains in his power, notwithstanding one of the articles of the truce signed by us two—caused placards to be fixed, ordering Our subjects and others following Our party to quit the country at once on pain of death and confiscation of property.
After the above-mentioned affronts and injuries, it would be impossible for Us not to retaliate in order to get full satisfaction and amendment of the wrongs done to Us. We, therefore, declare war to the Emperor, his adherents, and partisans, as well as to all his patrimonial and other subjects (those of the Empire not included, since it is our perpetual ally) Our enemies. In doing which, We allow and give Our subjects permission to use arms against the Emperor by sea or land, as they may think fit, &c. And We order the present declaration to be announced by public crier, and to be posted up in all the ports and harbours of Normandy and other provinces of this Our kingdom.—Given at Ligny, on the 12th of July of the year 1542, the 28th of Our reign.
Signed: Françoys. Countersigned: "Bayart."
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.

Footnotes

1 See above, No. 12, p. 22.
2 "Les gardes des tollieux (tonliens?)" are the words used.
3 It will be observed that the heading of this letter, when compared with that of the preceding, differs materially. Both, however, proceed from the same official centre, the Council of Flanders; and yet Mary's letters are generally headed "Monsieur l'Ambassador," whilst this second one of the 1st July has "Venerable, chier et bien aime," as the Emperor's to Chapuys are generally headed.
4 "Car le dit sr roy a envoye tout expressement avec le dit evesque personne entendue en affaire de mer, pour achatter en Hispagne ung coupple de savrez ou despinasez, et presuppouse le dit sr roy que sa mate en fera tenir deux aultrez prestez affin que lon en peult tousiours fuier (fuir?) de la et deça."
5 Jean de Formes, see Vol. VI., Part I., pp. 320, 367, 471.
6 Texel, Ulicland, &c.
7 The Sluis, Schluis or L'Ecluse, perhaps also En-Kuysen on the Zuyderzee.
8 In the original "les Danois," and on the margin "les sujets du duc Frederic de Holstein," which comes to the same thing, since Frederic had usurped the crown of Denmark in 1523, and kept it till his death in 1533.
9 Sir William Paget.
10 That is Philippe Chabot, sieur de Brion, or Philippe de Brion-Chabot as he was generally designated at this time; after the fall of Montmorency he was king Francis' first prime minister. See Vol. VI., Part I., pp. 330, 354, 413, &c.
11 "Monsr. de Marillac, jay bien voulu vous faire entendre [cecy] affin que vous vous retirez (retiriez) par devers icelluy mon frere, ladvertissant dextrement et gratieusement des dictz propoz tennz par son dit ambassadeur, desquelz vous le mercyerez affectueusement de ma part, &c.'
12 See No. 13, p. 22.
13 Here Chapuys uses the adverb encarcscidamente, which is not French but Spanish. Nor is this the only instance, as has been frequently observed, of the Imperial ambassador in England using terms and expressions belonging to the Spanish language, with which he does not seem to have been very familiar. In the present case, however, the error must be his, not his secretary's, for the letter, like most of those he wrote to Granvelle, is holograph.
14 "La certitude quilz ont que en cas de l'expedition contre la France, mesmes soubz couleur de la adherence que la dite France a avec le Turcq, ce peuple ne fera difficultz de quieter (acquitter) à leur roy lemprumpt quil a fait, que monte à plus dung million dor."
15 "Je ne doubte que quant bien tout le surplus de ceste plus estreinte amytie seroit passe quil y pourroit avoir quelque difficulte sur le tiltre (sic) que ce roy a mis en son povoir de souverain chief de leglise anglicane apres Dieu."
16 "Dimanche ainsy que le dit sieur roy retourna de la messe, le conte de Desmond et trois aultres sieurs ou gentilhommes hyrlandois prindrent congie du dit sieur roy, et assez humblement, car durant que le dit sieur roy leur parla ou que leur truchemant (interprita) tint propoz quilz furent tres tous a deux genoulx, et nay encoirez entendu quel present ou party leur ait fait le dit sieur roy."
17 "Que venant a faire emprinsse contre France ilz verroient voulentiers que sa Mte leur fist transport des droitz et querelles que icelle pretend sur une partie des villes de la riviere de Somme, a sçavoir Amyens, Abbeville, Corbie. Bray et La Crotoy. Quant aux aultres ilz les leseroient, et transporteroient les tiltres et pretensions quilz ont sur Guyennes et Gascongne, quilz disent estre contigues au royaulme d'Espagne, et a ceste occasion ayseos à congnoistre (conquerir?) et garder."
18 There is no signature and no date to this letter, on the dorse of which a hand of the last century has written de l'ambassadeur d'Angleterre à Monseigneur de Granvelle, du 8 Juillet 1542. I believe it to be only a fragment, as it ends abruptly with the words "tant plus le dit sr roy contre les françoys."
19 See above, No. 13, p. 22.
20 No doubt that which Monsr. de St. Moris was to have taken. See above, p. 18.
21 Antoine de Bourbon, duke of Vendôme.
22 Oudard de Biez, governor of Boulogne sur Mer.
23 "Pour aller en Tirolez, Bohesme, Moravie, et aultrez pais."
24 "Que oerez que le Pape neust envoyé lez gens dont yl se parloit cy devant, quil ny auroit faulte ou à lenvoi de iceulx ou dargent à lequipollent (?)."
25 "Yl ne replica riens sinon demy en jouant, quil pensoit quil ne seroit plus question du Turk, car le pape concluroit la paix entre vre. mte et France, et que le Turk à lintercession de son bon allie et confedere, que luy a de nouveau ou envoye, ou promiz denvoyer, xxiiii. galerez (com il disoit) se retireroit de Hungrie, et feroit trefve perpetuelle avecq la Christiente."
26 Charles de Valois.
27 Journée (in Span. jornada) would be a more appropriate word than "voyage," as in the original.
28 The sentence is incomplete.
29 "Le roy a faict ce que jamais nauroit sçeu faire, car de lordinaire de son revenu lamendement quil a faict en son sel, dont il vient ung denier inestimable mesme des traictes de son royaulme, ventes de boys, il a donne tel ordre, et a mesuré la despense quil peult faire par an, et trouve que avec le fons quil avoit devant luy, qui estoit tres grand, il peult diçy à dix ou douze ans entretenir et continuer toute la despense des armes sans rien prendre de ses subjectz ni diminuer son ordinaire, &c."
30 As the passage is rather obscure, and the Admiral's assertion very bold, I here copy the words of the original. "En ce que lempereur et son frere veullent calumuier le roy davoir intelligence avecques le grand seigneur, se peult remonstrer que pour linimytie quilz portent au roy, et affin quilz eussent plus de moyen de loffencer, ilz ont eu plusieurs ambassadeurs avec luy, et voyaut quil ny vouloit entendre oblierent tant Dieu quils se sont voulu rendre ses tributaires et se faire ses esclaves. Mais il a faict si peu de cas deulx, quil nen a faict compte."
31 See above, p. 45. He was the bearer of queen Mary's letter of the 1st to Chapuys.
32 See above, No. 15, p. 45.
33 "Et ne me semble en tenir propoz pour non leur donner occasion de penser à ce quilz non faict jusques à ceste heure."
34 Serenissima Angliœ Majestas are the original words in Latin.
35 The article has already been alluded to (p. 58). It stands thus in a sheet annexed to Chapuys' letter to queen Mary (No. 37):—"Nomine illustrissimorum dominorum nostrorum paciscimur, convenimus invicem permittimus et stipulamur quod edictum in Flandria factum contra mercatores et nautas Anglos, videlicet ne ex portubus Flandriæ et aliarum ditionum Cesarae Maiestati spectantium et pertinentium naves Angliæ mercibus quibuscunque aut alio quovis oneratæ discedant, sed vacuæ omnium atque inanes in Angliam revertantur quam primum fieri poterit revocabitur et abrogabitur, ita quod mercatores Angli in eo jure sint quo ante dictum edictum fuerunt. Post quod edictum sic revocatum et huiusmodi revocatione realiter facta Serenissima Angliæ maiestas statutum in parlamento anno regni suæ maiestatis tricesimo tertio de re navali edictum, quatenus videlicet subditos Cesareæ maiestatis inferiorum ditionum et Hispaniarum concernere quovis modo aut tangere poterit, remitti prorsus et relaxari statim efficiet, ut dicti subditi Cæsaris in eo jure sint in quo ante dictum statutum fuerunt. In quorum fidem et testimonium his subscripsimus. Datum apud Hampton courte ....... die Junii, anno domini millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo secundo."
36 It is evident that the act, which was signed on the first day of July, must have been antedated for the reasons specified in Chapuys' letter.
37 Chapuys' letter is holograph.
38 "Sur lacte signe par les commissairez et deputez de la maieste de ce roy." It is remarkable that just at this time Chapuys began to give Henry the title of Majesty; before that he always called him Altesse (Highness) only.
39 "Le maistre de la nation anglaise qui doit estre le presenteur de ceste," elsewhere "le maistre de cour à Anvers."
40 A duplicate of the preceding, though couched in more pressing terms.