Spain
January 1543, 1-10

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1895

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182-200

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'Spain: January 1543, 1-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2: 1542-1543 (1895), pp. 182-200. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88102 Date accessed: 24 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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January 1543, 1-10

1 Jan.90. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—Some time ago I begged the Princess to let me know if she heard anything at Court of the designs and practices of the French. She has sent me word that, from all she hears, they will not be able to improve their own case except, perhaps, by preventing us from gaining our object. Their ambassador (fn. 1) will shortly leave for France, and, it is believed, will be replaced by the sieur de Morvillier, (fn. 2) the same who went last year to Scotland.
Four days ago the King granted to all the Scotch prisoners permission to return home, giving to each, and every one of them, gold chains according to their respective nobility and rank, besides good sums of money, and their own horses back again. True, all have promised on their faith and honor to return before Easter; some have even offered, as reported, to deliver hostages before they cross the Borders. However that may be, certain it is that all have been very well treated everywhere, and that on the two occasions when they went to Court they were quite free, bearing arms, and doing just as they pleased. Indeed, I hear that they were allowed to talk privately to the French ambassador, and it is generally believed that on their return to Scotland they will do good service to this king, for which they will have now an excellent opportunity, if it be true, as rumour goes, that king James' daughter, born much before the time, is still alive, as some people maintain. If so, under the pretence of having her married to the Prince (Edward), they (the Scotch) might easily put the kingdom in this king's hands, especially if the English succeed in bribing or gaining over to their party one of the four governors and tutors whom king James himself appointed for his daughter. Even if there is no bribery, it is thought that out of envy or jealousy some dissension or other will spring up among them, and that the minority will look for assistance from this country. (fn. 3) —London, 1 January 1542 (old style).
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph, partly ciphered. (fn. 4) pp. 2.
3 Jan.91. Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 1317,
f. 184.
B. M. Add. 23,393,
f. 153.
Your Majesty's letters of the 8th and 30th of October and 4th November came duly to hand. I immediately communicated to the Signory that part of their contents which seemed to me most important. These Venetians continue to be well disposed towards Your Majesty, and seem inclined to cultivate Your friendship, which, by the way, as I have written more than once, they cannot help doing under the circumstances.
As to putting straight (enderesçar) the truce with the Turk, these people say that Marino de San Magno (sic) writes that no answer has yet come from the Grand Turk or from Janus Vey. (fn. 5) What the cause of that may be is not easy to say; he (Janus) may be ill and unable to write, or else the Grand Turk, finding that his affairs in Hungary are going on prosperously, has become more insolent than ever; besides which, Janus may think that it is not the fit moment to make overtures of this kind. My own impression is, that this last is the real motive of Janus' silence.
As soon as we reach Trent I am thinking of personally taking the negociation in hand, by means of a friar, brother of Solyman Bashaw, (fn. 6) the man now most in favor with the Grand Turk, and who has, as it were, the government of the country in his hands. The friar has promised to go to Constantinople and there serve Your Majesty, and I have engaged that should he do service he will be made bishop. I consider him a worthy man, though rather vain, and, therefore, will take my precautions when I open my plans to him.
Some time ago I wrote to Your Majesty that the government of Turkey was almost entirely in the hands of slaves, who are naturally divided into factions, and that every one of them works for his own profit, though it may be to his master's injury, that being the reason why they all are venal, and can be easily corrupted. It would, therefore, be expedient, should Your Majesty agree to it, that whoever at Constantinople or elsewhere in Turkey should stir in our favor, and bring to a conclusion this affair of ours, should have a large sum of money promised to him, as much as, say, forty or sixty thousand ducats. But we must, above all, prevent the French, the Venetians, or even the Pope himself becoming aware of this, otherwise all three will join together to prevent the whole thing, and each will individually do all he can to defeat our plans. Your Majesty will decide as to the expediency of what I propose, and communicate Your orders to me. I have already consulted Mgr. de Granvelle on the affair, and his answer to me I have enclosed to Marino de San Magno.
With regard to the persons whom Your Majesty destines for Constantinople, I must say that on the 10th of November the brother-in-law of Morataga (Murad-Aga) had already left for that city, and since then, on the 10th of December, Donato de Salvi departed. From Trent I intend sending this friar, and, on his return to Venice, the captain (capitan-piloto) will take his place. All three, especially the brother-in-law of Murad and Donato, are worthy and trusty men, and the pilot is Barbarroja's best friend. With the friar I shall become acquainted when I go to Trent.
Another secret agent has been sent to Salonica and Lepanto; two more will go to La Velona and La Prevera, so that every thing required will be provided for.
I humbly kiss Your Majesty's hands for the favor of ordering my salary to be paid, for I was greatly in need of it.
Of the 25 men under my command I will make use according to circumstances and events, dismissing some of them if necessary, for in such times as these they may all be wanted or only part of them. As money now seems to be rather scarce in Milan, I shall probably have some difficulty in cashing the 800 crowns which Your Majesty granted me lately by way of help (ayada de costa). I have added them to the 5000 which according to Your Majesty's orders are to be spent in this secret negociation, and have accordingly drawn upon the treasury of that duchy a bill for 6,000, the interest of the 800 being to my account, and that on the 5000 to Your Majesty'sthe bill to be paid at the fair of Villalon, and the discount to be 2%. I humbly beseech Your Majesty to order that the bill be honored and paid, as otherwise we should lose our credit, and it would bring personal discredit upon me.
I have already written to Your Majesty that whenever the Pope hears or suspects that You are coming to Italy or increasing Your army, he immediately falls in with the Venetians, and gets into closer and more intimate relations with them. I have always observed it, and that is what he is doing now. True is it that the Venetians do not trust him, because they know for certain that whenever it suits his convenience he is sure to leave them in the lurch. That is why they are exceedingly cautious in their political relations with him, nowadays more than ever. That is the plain truth, and Your Majesty may believe me when I say that the Pope will never cease trying to gain them over to his views, whatever considerations they may have for Your Majesty. (fn. 7)
The enclosed summary of news from the Levant will inform Your Majesty of the prospect of affairs in those parts. I say the same of the letter of advice from Cataro, which I also enclose.
I have also certain intelligence of the 19th of November last, from a person in Polino's (fn. 8) suite, reporting that Francis' ambassador was then making frequent visits to the Turkish Arsenal, soliciting the fitting out of the [Turkish] galleys, 28 of which, newly built, had already been taken out of dock; that the number of those to be armed will exceed 80, and that no less than 30 privateer vessels, in excellent condition and well manned, will join the Sultan's fleet.
They are, it is true, greatly in want of crews, and especially of commanders and officers, owing to the loss which they sustained when their 25 galleys went down with all hands on board.
That there can be no doubt of the Grand Turk coming down upon Hungary in person next spring. So, at least, the Sultan himself, told Polino (Paulin), and if so, his fleet will not pass from cape Maleo. It is not yet known whether Barbarrosa will go with the fleet or not.
That if the Turk arms by land, the fleet is not to go to Tolon (Toulon); on the contrary, it will make sail for the coast of Barbary, specially towards Tripoli, of which there has been a talk lately.
That the ambassador of the dowager queen of Hungary (Mary) has taken lodgings in the same house which Polino inhabits [at Constantinople(?)], and that the latter is not well treated or liked.
Should any ciphered letter or despatches of this Polino fall into the hands of Your Majesty's ministers there [in Spain] or anywhere else, let it be known that I have by me the means of deciphering them. I say the same concerning those of Langes (Langeais) to the ministers of king Francis in Italy. I have written to the marquis [de Aguilar] telling him so.
In pursuance of Your Majesty's commands, and also that I might converse a while with Mgr. de Grandvelle, (sic) I came here to Mantua, will accompany him to Trent, and execute whatever orders come to me.
Bernardo Cappella was sentenced because it was found that he corresponded with the French, and not with Your Majesty. There is, therefore, no need for the present of making him a grant [in money]. Of our friends not one has suffered, (fn. 9) as I wrote some days ago to the marquis de Aguilar.—Mantua, 3 January 1543.
The Signory at my departure sent me all manner of complimentary addresses and commendations, besides good assurances of their friendship, good-will, and desire to please Your Majesty, especially in all matters relating to the personal security of Mr. de Grandvelle. They have promised to treat and honor him as a qualified minister of Your Majesty. (fn. 10) These precautions I have deemed it necessary to take for the sake of our reputation and credit with the French [here], as well as to be prepared against any movements (andamientos) on the part of La Mirandola, which are much more dangerous than our friends seem to think, since La Mirandola is a fortified place, and the dealings of its owner are rather secret and mysterious.
Signed: "Diego Hurtado de Mendoza."
Addressed: "To the S.C.C.M. (Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty) of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Spanish. Original. pp. 8.
Jan.92. The Bishop of Aquila (fn. 11) to the Marquis de Aguilar.
S. E., L. 869,
f. 20.
B. M. Add. 28,593,
f. 171.
After kissing His Holiness' feet, wishing him a happy new year (bona pasqua), and conversing with him for a while on private affairs, I was asked whether I had received any letters from Mr. de Granvelle. Upon my answering him that I had none, His Holiness replied, "How is that? He being such a friend of yours, I wonder at his not having written to you." "The reason is, Holy Father (I replied), that most likely Mr. de Granvelle did not know that I was in Rome." Then His Holiness rose from his seat and began to pace the room up and down, all the time saying: "As We believe you to be an experienced man in political affairs, and principally in those of Germany, what do you think of Mr. de Granvelle's journey to Nürenberg, which, if I am not mistaken, will prove a hard and troublesome piece of work for him, one from which he will not easily extricate himself? The affection which We have always borne and bear him still, on account of his singular virtues, moves me to pity when I consider that he (Granvelle) will have to deal at the Diet with princes and people who have never shown much respect towards the Holy See." I agreed with His Holiness as to his opinion of Mr. de Granvelle's future work, adding that during my late residence in Germany I had plenty of opportunities for knowing how attached he (Mons. de Granvelle) was to his personal service and that of the Holy Apostolic See, and that had his ministers and legates trusted in him, as they ought to have done, perhaps we should not find ourselves now in the situation in which we are, as in Ratisbone (Regensburg), with the authority of Cardinal Contareni, an honorable agreement might have been entered into.
His Holiness went on to say that the above was really the general opinion, and that many had written to Rome expressing the same conviction. Yet other parties had written the reverse of that, asserting that the German Catholics unanimously (uno consensu) maintained that Mr. de Granvelle had rather favored the dissident party, and leaned to the side of His Imperial Majesty. "That is why (added His Holiness) I hold Mr. de Granvelle's undertaking to be a very difficult one, since such is the impression of the German Catholics. Indeed, both at Ratisbon (Regensburg) and at Worms the Emperor's ministers showed more favor to the dissidents (Separatistas) than to the Catholics, especially to the Landgraf and to the secretary of Saxony, to Melancton, Bucer, and others of the same stamp." (fn. 12)
Hearing this I replied: "Holy Father, if Your Holiness grants me permission, I will speak freely and say what passed there at the Diet, since I myself was present (in his omnibus interfui et prefui)" His Holiness having told me to speak freely, I continued: "Holy Father, the report of the Diet made to Your Holiness and to the Sacred College of Cardinals was undoubtedly the work of one who does not wish for Your Holiness' repose, the welfare of the Apostolic See, or the union of Germany. I am sure that neither the Most Reverend Cardinal Contarini, nor the Most Revd. Master of the Sacred Palace, could have been the author of such a report, inasmuch as both at Worms, as well as at Ratisbon, all that was said and done, either by His Imperial Majesty himself or by Mr. de Granvelle, was intended for Your Holiness' service and the benefit of the Apostolic See; and that no act, public or private, was passed therein without being first communicated to the Most Reverend Cardinal Contarini, and obtaining first his consent and that of the Master of the Sacred Palace; and lastly that the demonstrations said to have been made by Mr. de Granvelle to the Margraf (Angravio) and other dissidents were all made with great skill (gran arte), after most mature deliberation, previous to the advice of the Most Revd. Cardinal Contarini. That was done merely for the purpose of not leaving one single means untried of softening (mollificare) the obstinate rebellion of the Separatists. By these and other means matters had then come to such a pitch that Contarini himself told me more than once that he hoped, with the favor of God, not to leave Germany and return to Rome without a satisfactory agreement of some sort being arrived at. Had not the calumnious reports made to him been listened to at Rome, much good might then have been done. Those were the causes of that cardinal becoming troubled and restless; assailed by unfounded fears, he never after could do what was prudent and wise under the circumstances, so much so, that the reports I allude to became, after all, the cause of his death. (fn. 13) And I can deliberately tell Your Holiness, that unless other and different counsels are taken in German politics, whatever has hitherto been gained in matters appertaining to religion and government in Germany may be considered as lost. The last act of the tragedy (said I) will be played at the next diet of Nüremberg, (fn. 14) and unless Your Holiness' councillors change their opinion, and cause the Sacred College of Cardinals to amend their decisions in that respect, and work for the good of Christendom at large, instead of the particular and interested views of king Francis —who, out of hatred for the Emperor, will never allow Germany to be quiet and at peace—the worst must be apprehended. Your Holiness knows full well what the plans of the French are, and, as they have the majority in the Cardinals' College, what the result of it all will be." (fn. 15)
Then His Holiness said: "Well and good; but what remedy would, in your opinion, be the best? Speak out frankly." "I am afraid, Holy Father, that there is only one, and that one is entirely in Your Holiness' hands. It is, however, extremely easy; the same which I have suggested to Your Holiness sometimes in writing from Germany, at others verbally—since my arrival in Rome—through Cardinals Farnese and others, namely, that Your Holiness make up your mind not to listen any longer to those who in past years did counsel so badly, chiefly on German affairs. In those Your Holiness ought to follow exclusively the Emperor's advice and trust in him entirely. And let Your Holiness believe me when I say that what His Imperial Majesty has already done, and what he is now thinking of doing in that country by the intermediary of Mr. de Granvelle, is entirely due to his (the Emperor's) innate kindness and virtues, and his zeal for the Christian religion exclusively, not from motives of private interest. Let Your Holiness trust in the Emperor, and place this undertaking and good cause into his hands, as the son and advocate of the Apostolic See that he is, and you will reap soon the fruit of your confidence; or else write to Mr. de Granvelle a letter telling him your mind and will, as well as the trust you place in him. Should Your Holiness help him and his acts with opportune means and ways, I would stake one thousand heads, if I had them, that Mr. de Granvelle will not depart from Nürenberg without finding out such a form of allaying the present dissensions as will please Your Holiness and ensure the increase of your authority and that of the Apostolic See. Matters thus mended, the Turk number two (Francis?), perceiving that Your Holiness trusts in His Imperial Majesty, will look out for new forms of peace among the Christian princes, so as to unite them against that great tyrant the Turk [at Constantinople], (fn. 16) and Your Holiness will then enjoy a quieter and much longer pontificate than any of your predecessors ever did."
Hearing this His Holiness gave me his hand to kiss, (fn. 17) and praised the advice I had just given him, promising to keep it in his memory, and write to Mr. de Granvelle accordingly.
Signed: "B. Episcopus Aquilensis."
Indorsed: "A discourse sent by the bishop of Aguila (sic) to the marquis de Aguilar."
Italian mixed with Latin. Holograph. pp. 5. (fn. 18)

Footnotes

1 Still Charles de Marillac.
2 Jean de Morvillier or Morveilliers, Francis' ambassador to Scotland, whose arrival in London is mentioned by Chapuys. See the preceding volume of this Calendar, pp. 412–3, 435, 471.
3 "Lon croit quilz feront en leur pais quelque bon office pour le dit sieur roy, et en auront meillieur[e] commodite, si ainsi est que la fille, quest nee beaucoupt avant son legitime terme, vive encoirez, comme veuillent dire aucungs; car soubz le pretexte de la marier au prince dicy, ylz pourroient mettre ycelluy reaulme aux mains du dit sieur roy, mesme avec la pratique et subornement de quelqung dez quatre gouverneurs que lon dict le roy du dict Escosse avoir laisse à icelle fille, voire oirez quil ny ait (sic, aie) du subornement lon pense que pour envye ou jalousie y aura dissension entre les dicts gouverneurs et que une partie cherchera assistance de ce coustel."
4 The letter, though entirely ciphered, is only a fragment of another of the 1st of January, which is not in the Imperial Archives at Vienna.
5 Janus bey.
6 The friar of Hungary (George).
7 "Y crea V. M. que el Papa no dexa ni dexará de requerirlos por respectos que tengan."
8 Elsewhere Polin, Poulain and Paulin, which last was his real name. See Vol VI., Part I., pp. 406, 464.
9 "Y por esto no hay porque hacer [le] la merced por agora, y de nuestro amigos no ha peligrado ninguno."
10 "La Señoria en mi venida ordeno todos los cumplimientos que se denian al servicio de S. M. y á la buena amistad, asi en lo que toca á la seguridad de Mr. de Grandvele como á honrallo como calificado ministro de V. M."
11 Berardus Sanctius (Bernardo Sanchez?) according to Gams' Series Episcoporum totius Orbis Cristiani. See also Vol. VI., Part I., of this Calendar (p. 165).
12 "Et maximamente allo Angravio? et alli secretari di Saxonia, et Melanthona, et Bucero, et altri simili."
13 He died at Bologna in October 1542.
14 "Quod actum est de religione et de universa Germania, addeso (sic) che in questa dieta di Norimberga celebrabitur ultimum actum hujus tragedie."
15 "Et quod consilia solum sanctitatis suæ possunt ease salutaria, et si ripertara (sic) quelli del Colegio et qua pacta sint Gallorum che sunt quasi omnes, vel longe maior' pars, et semper impediunt unionem Germaniæ."
16 "Et his compositis [Il] secondo Turco vedendo la confidentia di V. Sta [cum?] sua C. Mta trovara nove forme alla pace tra principi per unirli con la ... contra tam gran tyranno."
17 "His auditis sua Sta mi bascio, et laudavit consilia mea, e dixit voler le mittere in sententia, et scrivere et mandar ad Mor de Granvela."
18 This letter, or Discorso primo as it is called on the dorse, has no date, but must have been written in the 1st week of January, for the Imperial ambassador, as will be seen, mentions it in his letter of the 5th.