Spain
January 1543, 11-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1895

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200-229

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'Spain: January 1543, 11-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2: 1542-1543 (1895), pp. 200-229. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88103 Date accessed: 23 October 2014.


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January 1543, 11-15

14 Jan.93. The Marquis de Aguilar [D. Juan Manrique] to the Emperor.
S. E., L. 871,
ff. 84–5.
On the 9th, and afterwards on the 13th inst., I wrote to Your Majesty the news of this place. Enclosed in the last of those despatches was the duplicate of those of the 3rd and 12th of November, (fn. 1) owing to the news received here, at Rome, that the caravel on board of which the Imperial messenger was had been captured at sea, and my letters sent to king Francis. I wonder why the person to whom I entrusted the packet of letters did not cast it into the sea!!
On the 22nd Chantonnay (fn. 2) arrived, sent by Mr. de Granvelle, and brought me Your Majesty's letters of the 8th of October (a duplicate of the one previously received), besides another of the 30th, and two more of the 4th and 19th of November. (fn. 3) Chantonnay's mission is to kiss His Holiness' feet, and excuse Mr. de Granvelle, if the pressure of affairs prevents him from doing so himself, at the same time assuring him of his constant veneration and respect for His Holiness' person, as well as of his desire of being useful to the Holy Apostolic See. This was done by Chantonnay on the 24th, His Holiness giving him a gracious answer, and saying that he should have had much pleasure in seeing Mr. de Granvelle in Rome. He asked many questions, to which he (Chantonnay) returned fit answers according to his instructions. His Holiness then asked me [Aguilar] what news I had of Your Majesty, and of Mr. de Granvelle's coming to Rome. I told him that respecting political affairs I knew nothing at all, save what his Nuncio had written to him. His Holiness replied that he had letters from his Nuncio reporting that Your Majesty had fully approved of his motives for not declaring openly against the king of France. Then, without saying a word more concerning other parts of Your Majesty's conversation with the Nuncio, and the latter's offer to recommend the assistance against the Turk, His Holiness suddenly changed the conversation, and entered on the topic of Cardinal Viseu, (fn. 4) whom he blamed for having remained too long in the Peninsula after Your Majesty had given him permission to leave, and more still for his having returned, contrary to his orders, to the place where You held Your court, adding that Sadoletto, who had gone to France as legate, had already taken leave and returned to his bishopric, after writing home concerning the good treatment he had experienced at the hands of king Francis, whom he had found admirably well disposed to treat of peace. He (the Pope) added, that he had received an answer to his breve respecting the interview and conference (abocamiento y colloquio), but that there was no appearance at all of king Francis accepting it. The Admiral of France [Brion-Chabot] had, on account of bad health, left Court for his own estate in the country, and there was some suspicion of the High Constable (Anne de Montmorency) being restored to his office, and placed again at the head of affairs in France. The administration of the country was in the hands of Tornon (Cardinal Tournon), except some part of it that was in those of Cardinal Ferrara (Hippolito d'Este).
Then, without giving me time to make any remarks on the above, the Pope turned towards Chantonnay, and asked him point blank whether his father (Mr. de Granvelle) would or would not go to Mantua, and how many days he purposed staying there, and what he himself knew about Your Majesty's journey to these parts. To all these questions Chantonnay replied as he had been ordered, namely, that he had come to Rome for the express purpose of kissing His Holiness' feet, and excusing his father (Granvelle); that his mission did not extend beyond that, and that he knew nothing about political affairs.
Then the Pope asked me (Aguilar) who the duke of Albuquerque (fn. 5) was, and what could be his business at Rome. I told him of the Duke's family and person, and what Your Majesty had written to me about him. After which, as it was Christmas Eve, and the cardinals were already in Chapel, the Pope left the room.
Some time after this first audience I heard that His Holiness had complained of his not knowing what Mr. de Granvelle is coming to Rome for, nor what is to be his business here, nor what are Your Majesty's intentions. He also complained of Mr. de Granvelle (fn. 6) not writing to him. No doubt His Holiness' curiosity has been much increased in consequence of the mental speculations of these Italian politicians, who, fond as they are of discoursing and talking about events past or present, have already construed the Duke's journey to these parts, hitherto kept so secret, into some mysterious plan or other, they having in some measure aroused His Holiness jealousy by affirming that when the Duke was [in Genoa] ready to embark [for Spain], Your Majesty had secretly sent for him in a great hurry, and retained him for two days in Your own private chamber without letting anyone see him, and that both the message sent by Your Majesty to the Papal Nuncio, and the letter to me in the Duke's favor, were only artificial excuses to cover the whole intrigue. It was no use my exhibiting before the Pope Your Majesty's original letter to me on the subject; these politicians still persist in their ideas, and the Popes suspicions respecting the Duke will not be allayed until he finds out his own mistake.
The bishop of Aquila having next day called on the Pope to offer him New Years congratulations (dar las Pascuas) in Madame's name, had with him a conversation, the report of which Your Majesty will see by the enclosed letter in his own hand. (fn. 7)
Considering it fit, and even necessary, to throw some light on the above points, as well as on the Nuncio's report of his conversation with Your Majesty's privy councillors, respecting the help and assistance against the Turk, and what You Yourself thought of doing in the matter, I went up to His Holiness on Friday the 29th of December, and in order to show him what Your Majesty's councillors had deliberated and resolved on the subject, I caused a careful abstract of Your Majesty's letter to me on the subject to be made, and took it to him, saying: "Holy Father, the other day I had no opportunity to read to Your Holiness a paragraph of the Emperor's letter to me concerning Mr. de Granvelle's journey to these parts. As I had heard from Spain that Your Holiness' Nuncio had written home, I thought no more of it; but now that I know that Your Holiness has not heard, here is the deciphering of the paragraph relating to Mr. de Granvelle, in order that Your Holiness may peruse it at leisure." To these words of mine His Holiness, somewhat displeased, answered as follows: "My Nuncio tells me nothing about that; he only writes that the Emperor accepted the justification and excuses made in my name. I shall, therefore, be glad to hear what he writes to you on the subject." Upon which I read to him clearly and distinctly the paragraph of Your Majesty's letter to me, omitting, however, that part of it alluding to Your Majesty's complaints of his (the Pope's) want of consideration and respect for Your Imperial person. His Holiness, however, made no special remark respecting the contents of the letter, save saying that persuaded, as he was, and is, that the only remedy for Christendom's present evils, and bringing about the firm establishment of peace, consists exclusively in interviews and conferences, he persists in his idea of bringing them about. He had already signed and sent away the "breves" to that effect. As soon as an answer came to those "breves," he would (since God had placed him on St. Peter's chair, and given him sufficient strength to handle the spiritual weapons) act according to justice and the evangelical precepts, and be a judge and arbitrator in the contest. In the meantime he would remain neutral as long as he found it convenient and necessary. Nothing (he said) should be asked of him contrary to the above declaration, for certainly he would not yield to entreaties or prayers, save, perhaps, those that had relation to the Turk, against whom he is ready to help with all his power, as well as in other things, &c.
So said the Pope, speaking with great warmth, after which he again mentioned the help against the Turk, though he reminded me of what he himself said to me last summer, namely, that his offer had been to contribute in the same manner, and with the same amount of money, as in the time of the Venetian League, and that as the Signory had now swerved from it, and made a separate and particular peace with the Turk, he (the Pope) ought not to be taxed so high, since the league was now only of two, not of three, powers. My answer was: "Holy Father, Your Holiness knows very well that there was never a question of land forces, but merely of naval armaments, and, therefore, there is no similarity between this present league against the Turk and the former one. Your Holiness knows also that I myself rejected once that offer, as not being exactly what the Emperor, my master, desires. Besides which, nowadays the danger for Hungary, and even for Italy, is very great; all the forces of the Christian powers will be required, and it would be strange if, His Imperial Majesty marching against the Turk in person, Italy should remain defenceless and at the mercy and discretion, as it were, of the king of France. On such account (said I) Your Holiness, the chief and head of the Christian Church, to whom this undertaking against the Infidel Turk in Hungary properly appertains, ought to contribute largely, since You have the means of doing so."
Hearing this last sentence of mine, the Pope warmed up a little, (fn. 8) and said: "I have treated of this matter with the Emperor, who has owned to me that the undertaking against the Turk cannot be carried out save with the help and contribution of France. The Emperor, therefore, knowing that unless the Turk is repulsed Christendom is lost for ever, ought (since God has placed him in such high dignity) to look out for peace among Christians, so as to ensure the triumph over the Infidel, the enemy of our Holy Faith—a true glory for him—rather than for the revenge of injuries on this Earth, for such is the evangelical precept, and such the spirit of the 'Pater noster,' which the Emperor, as a Christian, says every day of his life: 'Forgive me, as I forgive my debtors.' These are things on which the Emperor ought to listen to the advice of those who love him well, of whom I am one, and, as I believe, the first. That is why, and owing also to the relationship now existing between us, I cannot refrain from speaking openly and without dissimulation, and can deliberately tell you that if peace is not made now, Christendom is lost for ever."
I then asked him: "Holy Father, who will be the cause of that loss and ruin, and of the wars and troubles that have afflicted Christendom?" "King Francis and the Emperor, and their passions," was His Holiness' answer. I replied: "Does not Your Holiness know that the Emperor did not commence war himself nor break the truce with France, but was at home in Spain, attending to the administration and government of his various kingdoms, and preparing himself for the expedition to Hungary, as he had promised to Your Holiness and to the electors of the German Empire, and that when quiet and at peace with every one except with the Infidel, he was assailed by king Francis on so many points at once?" To this argument of mine, His Holiness replied, as he had done at other times, that were he placed in a condition to carry out his good intentions, and convinced that by uniting his own forces to those of Your Majesty they would be a match for the Turk, as well as for the French King, he would at once take Your Majesty's part. But that (he said) did not seem to him possible, Germany being so divided in opinion, and king Francis asserting that it was Your Majesty and the king of the Romans, not he, who had brought the Turk into Europe, owing to both of you wanting more dominions and territories than you had under your sway, and last, not least, having attempted to deprive of their inheritance the widow and son of the last waywode of Transylvania (Zapoli)—which attempt (added the Pope) has again been repeated—and trying to prevent the Turk from protecting and assisting the widow queen and her son. (fn. 9) That conduct (continued the Pope) was the more reprehensible that it was entirely determined by ambition and lust of power. King Francis maintained that the truce had first been broken by Your Majesty's ministers with regard to Cesare Fragoso and Rincon, as well as by the king of the Romans (Ferdinand) in the person of a French agent slain in Dalmatia whilst he was going on a mission to the Turk. King Francis had expected that on Your Majesty's return to Spain from the Algerine expedition You would have redressed both injuries, and have the criminal parties punished, but as no reparation was offered, and Montepulciano himself had come back without any satisfactory answer on Your part respecting the peace proposed, he (Francis) was obliged to resent the affront and commence war.
My answer was: "Your Holiness knows as well as I do the truth of all that. When Montepulciano was going to the Emperor, king Francis himself was marching towards Spain at the head of his army; Flanders and the Luxenburg had already been invaded, so that it cannot be said that he (Francis) waited to take up arms until Your Holiness' Nuncio had returned from Spain with the answer. It would be but just that Your Holiness looked closely to that, and did not afford the French a plea or pretence to persuade You, by means of their falsehoods and inventions, that it was the Emperor, my master, who broke first the truce, thus colouring and disguising their wicked and pernicious doings. Your Holiness knows well that the judgment and decision of the alleged contraventions to the truce was put into Your hands at the requisition of king Francis himself, and that Mr. de Granvelle was ordered to remain in Italy for that express purpose, with full powers to act in the matter. Your Holiness must also be aware that the marquis del Gasto—the Emperor's principal minister in Italy—of whom king Francis complained most at the time as having been implicated in Rincon's case, offered also to submit to Your Holiness' judgment and decision. Besides that, the Emperor knowing that the affair was, as it were, in the hands of Justice, and that Your Holiness had willingly accepted the determination of the whole case, as well as the arbitration as to who had first contravened the truce, could not offer reparation or punish the guilty parties, as king Francis alleges, until Your Holiness had actually pronounced sentence; otherwise it would have been an attempt against Your Holiness' authority, of which my master, the Emperor, is incapable. On that account, and because one of the articles in the treaty bears expressly that no contravention whatever on the part of ministers to a truce signed by their respective masters is to be considered as invalidating the truce itself; but that the contracting parties respectively shall be bound to repair the damages done, there is no excuse for the war king Francis is now making without having formally declared it first. As to what Your Holiness says about Dalmatia, and one of king Francis' agents having been murdered there, I declare that this is the first time I hear of it, and since, after so many years, the French have not complained, it must be an invention of theirs. With regard to the kingdom of Hungary, I myself have requested king Ferdinand's agent here to come to Your Holiness, and exhibit the documents and papers attesting in full his master's unquestionable rights to that crown. I know that he has complied with my request, and, therefore, I can only say that I beg Your Holiness not to listen to the inventions and falsehoods of the French."
The Pope added that, among other complaints of king Francis', one was that for the security of the peace in Italy, after giving Milan to him, other sureties and guarantees besides his word and promise should be considered necessary. That was an offence against his honor which he (the King) could in nowise tolerate. It was, in his opinion, quite sufficient that he (the Pope), the Holy Apostolic See, and the Venetians, took the solemn engagement of arming against him should he try to innovate.
"Holy Father (said I to the Pope), Your Holiness has heard from my lips what my master's intentions and will are with regard to the peace; as to Milan——" Here the Pope interrupted me in a passion, "Milan also? Is there no other way of satisfying king Francis? Could not the Emperor allow him to retain Savoy, which he has almost entirely conquered, and make over Milan to the Duke?" My answer was: "There are three obstacles to that. The first is, that to take away from the duke Carlo what by right belongs to him, and make it over to the very king who has unjustly despoiled him of his patrimony, is an unjustifiable act, one which the Emperor, my master, would never sanction. Indeed, were that to be made a 'sine qua non' condition of the peace, I am sure that His Imperial Majesty would not hear of it. Secondly, that were such an arrangement to be made, the Emperor would decidedly be the loser, as Milan would ultimately pass into other hands. Thirdly, should the king of France hold Savoy, and the duke of Savoy become master of Milan, as Your Holiness suggests, who can deny that in the end king Francis, after getting hold of Savoy, would also get possession of Milan afterwards? How suitable such an arrangement would be for the security of Italy, and of Christendom at large, Your Holiness is a better judge than I am.
"With regard to king Francis' complaint that other securities besides his word and faith are demanded, I must own that a simple word from a King ought to be sufficient; but from a prince unaccustomed to keep his promise, however solemn, not even an oath ought to be accepted as security. Indeed, I dare say that neither Your Holiness personally, nor the Holy Apostolic See, nor the Venetians and others, could be substantial securities in this case, inasmuch as when Pope Clement and the Apostolic See, and the Venetians also, on Your Majesty investing Francesco Sforza with that duchy, bound themselves by treaty to attend to its defence, and faithfully to observe all its clauses, the above-named powers yet never kept their promises under oath. This much I say, not with reference to the peace proposed, nor to the conditions asked by the French, but in order to answer king Francis' complaints as to his own security not having been accepted and considered sufficient, and in order that Your Holiness may understand that what happened then might be taken now as a warning, namely, that neither Your Holiness' word nor that of the Venetians could, under the circumstances, be a sufficient guarantee or security for king Francis' promises, however solemn."
I then spoke to him about the creation of the Cardinal, telling him how offended Your Majesty was at the delay, when it was just and reasonable that he should have attended sooner to Your Majesty's claims and to the promise he himself had made at Lucca. It was reasonable and fair (said I) that he should have created them before he left that town. The Pope's answer was that his Nuncio had written to him what Your Imperial Majesty had said to him on the subject, and that he was expecting the return of the courier who had gone to Spain with the brief proposing the conference (colloquio). As soon as the courier came back, he (the Pope) would take a resolution in the matter, although the General Council being then opened, a new creation of cardinals at such a time might appear inopportune. However, that as the last creation had already been effected for the satisfaction of various princes, he saw no great objection in declaring his intention at once. He added that in the number of the Spaniards there must be some moderation, inasmuch as having to create two Hungarians at the intercession of the king of the Romans (Ferdinand), besides the bishop of Trent, (fn. 10) Your Majesty's would then amount to five. By which words the Pope seemed to imply, though not openly, that there would be only two Spaniards, and that the king of France would probably ask for an equal number, or complain if he was not similarly treated, and that although his demand might seem unreasonable, yet, under the circumstances, and whilst a peace was being negociated, great care should be taken not to give him (Francis) cause to be offended; in short, what could not be done in this creation would be done in the next.
I replied to him: "Holy Father, I have often represented—and, indeed, letters and reports from the Emperor's ministers must have acquainted Your Holiness with the fact—that any comparison between His Imperial Majesty's person and that of the king of France, or of the actions of the one with the other, as equally meritorious with regard to Christendom and the Holy Apostolic See, is exceedingly unpleasant and offensive to the Emperor. For, in establishing such a comparison, Your Holiness seems to forget that the Emperor, my master, has frequently visited this country, and held conferences with You at Lucca and other places, not indeed on private business of his own, but for the sake of Christendom at large, and of his own duty towards the Apostolic See and Your Holiness' person, with whom he is now more connected than ever by the ties of relationship. As to Your Holiness saying that the two Hungarian cardinals are to be placed to the Emperor's account, as if the king of the Romans by his person, kingdoms, and actions, was not rightly entitled to two or more cardinals' hats, just as much as the king of France, Your Holiness seems to forget the Christian faith, religion, and obedience, with which, in the kingdoms of Spain, the precepts of the Apostolic See have always been, and are still observed. That is a sort of offence which my master, the Emperor, will scarcely tolerate. This much I can tell Your Holiness, as the humble servant of the Holy Apostolic See that I profess to be." "The Emperor (said the Pope) may not be satisfied as to the number of cardinals to be created, and may possibly apply for more, yet you must own that the creation must and shall be made by me. To the archbishop of Santiago (Sarmiento de Mendoza), and perhaps to two or more ecclesiastics or courtiers of recognized virtue and learning, I have no objection, but the bishop of Pamplona, an ecclesiastic who has shown so little respect for the Apostolic See as to have actually brought a law suit against it on the point of being declared a cardinal, is not only undeserving of such honor and dignity, but his election might be a bad example for others."
My answer was: "Your Holiness knows well the circumstances of birth and learning of D. Pedro Pacheco, as well as the experience the Emperor has of his person and talents in various important offices entrusted to him, such as the lawsuit of the Neapolitan Chancery and others. It was principally owing to his integrity, his love of justice, and real worth, that the Emperor appointed him to the See of Pamplona, (fn. 11) and has now recommended him for a cardinal's hat, believing him to be of that class of ecclesiastics whom Your Holiness ought to elect for such a, dignity. As to his having instituted a law-suit against the Apostolic Chamber, I should think that by the Emperor entrusting to him the care of that church, and he himself having sworn to preserve its privileges and immunities, as well as its revenues and property, and not to allow the latter to be pilfered or alienated, and otherwise refusing to make payments contrary to his conscience as diocesan, he has acted as a good bishop and pastor, and deserves praise and thanks rather than reprehension and blame. As to Your Holiness saying that among those recommended are courtiers, not ecclesiastics, I do not deny it; but I beg to remind Your Holiness of the prayer the Emperor has often made to You, namely, not to make cardinals of vassals of his, (Spaniards, Italians, or Flemish), without letting him know first, that he himself may ask for the hats and name the parties, thus avoiding the many inconveniences that might arise therefrom. And as the Emperor in all his letters orders me to apply again for a list of those who are to be created, I humbly and reverently beg Your Holiness to declare to me at once what number of cardinals are to be made at this next creation on the Emperor's recommendation." To this prayer of mine the Pope only answered that he would do his best to please Your Majesty.
The next topic touched upon at this audience was that of the Colonna family. I reminded him of the consideration and respect with which Your Majesty had treated that affair, not without some shade of disrepute attaching to Your decision, (fn. 12) and what he himself had offered several times, namely, that should the authority of the Holy See be perfectly safeguarded, he would be glad to do Your Majesty's pleasure in the affair. Turning towards the Cardinal Farnese, (fn. 13) there present, he said: "The affair of the marriage I have put into the hands of your father and mother, and also into yours. I again repeat the statement; it is for you to decide. As to what concerns the Apostolic Chamber, that is my province; I will take a final resolution according to its interests in the matter." Then the Cardinal said that he and the duke [of Castro], his father, had had a talk on the affair, and agreed that it was convenient and suitable in many respects [to forgive Colonna]; they would meet again and give His Holiness an answer in writing.
This done, His Holiness got up, and as Chantonnay was about to take his leave to return to his father (Mr. de Granvelle) he kissed his foot, and took his blessing with many gracious offers and kind words on the part of the Pope. He left for Mantua on Tuesday the 2nd inst.
I shall not desist from asking the restitution of the Colonna property, not only through Madame [Margaret], who desires it extremely, knowing of what service that would be to Your Majesty, but likewise through the duke [of Castro] and Cardinal Farnese, both of whom seem also in favor, and keep giving me hope of it; though, on the other hand, I suspect that, since the restitution is not effected, they are all in concert with His Holiness. (fn. 14) I have already informed Your Majesty of the fact that Ascanio himself is doing all he can to oppose the investiture of his estate being given to his son (Fabricio), and that the delay in the execution of the sentence might partly be caused by that opposition of his; I have done so that Your Majesty may take measures accordingly. Fabricio, as Your Majesty knows, was living with Doña Juana, his mother, but according to her letters, which I have perused, some intermediary agents of Ascanio, his father, must have persuaded (solevantado) Fabricio to leave his mother's house and go to the Abruzzo. Thence it is believed Fabricio will go where his father is, and, if so, I doubt whether the affair can possibly have a good end. At this delay, at Fabricio's want of respect for her, as well as at the imminent ruin of her house and family, Doña Juana de Aragon is, I am told, exceedingly displeased and annoyed.
After this first audience, perceiving that I could get no satisfactory answer from His Holiness respecting the future creation of cardinals and other matters, and that, on the contrary, he had given me no hope whatever of being just and impartial towards Your Majesty, I again called on him, and repeated the very same arguments brought forward by me on the former occasion. He declared to me that he wished that all the cardinals he was to create should be dependent upon his grandson (Cardinal Farnese)—so had Pope Clement VII. done before him, who, from his having no less than sixteen cardinals entirely at his bidding, and ready to vote for him, had actually made himself Pope. That he liked all State business to pass through the hands of his grandson, and, therefore, would have no cardinals save those attached to his family.
This unsatisfactory answer was not sufficient for me. I determined to go to him again. In vain did I remonstrate with him as to the vague answer he had given me on the former occasion respecting Your Majesty's just claims, adding that I could not possibly transmit it to You such as it was; he made no reply, and seemed to be as firm as ever in his purpose.
Dropping that subject as an unprofitable one, I asked him in Your Majesty's name to declare how, and with what sum of money, he was willing to help in the undertaking of Hungary, and likewise how many cardinals he intended to allot to Your Majesty. The Pope made no answer, but Cardinal Farnese, who was present, answered that having heard from Conchano how dissatisfied I was at the result of the two audiences I had had from His Holiness, he had talked the matter over with the Pope, who had answered that he would contribute towards the Hungarian war with the same sum of money which he had once given for the expences of the fleet. (fn. 15) I was to be informed of this.
That respecting the cardinals' hats, he was determined for the present to grant only two to Spaniards, two to Hungarians, and one more to the bishop of Trent, if he should be alive and come to Rome, for on the 22nd of December last news had come from that city that he was dying. He had said to Conchano the day before that of the two Spaniards he would be glad that the bishop of Segorbe (fn. 16) should be the first proposed by Your Majesty, owing to his belonging to the Borja family, to which His Holiness was under certain obligations. I must observe that the Pope had said nothing to me about this bishop. I therefore told him (Conchano) to say to His Holiness that I could not do less than inform Your Majesty of the Pope's determination, whatever it might be, but that I was sure You would not accept it; that I myself should have gone and told him so, had I not known that he was still weak and suffering from cold on his chest (catarro), which has lasted upwards of one month, since which he has never regained his strength. Conchano was also to tell His Holiness, in my name, that few cardinals among those created by him were so qualified and deserving of that dignity as those proposed by Your Majesty. After saying this, I left the room and went away.
To day, the 4th of January, the Cardinal has sent me word not to write home until Conchano had been with him again, for he has something to communicate. Conchano went accordingly, and the Cardinal said to him: "I wish to correct a mistake which I made yesterday, when I spoke about the cardinals. His Holiness, considering how much the Emperor feels the juxtaposition with king Francis in this matter of the hats, tells me that in this affair he will gratify him; he did not, however, say to me with how many hats, how many cardinals there will be, or when the creation is to take place."
The Papal courier who took the breves for the conference and interview (abocamiento) returned on Wednesday, the 3rd inst. The better to understand the breve and Your Majesty's answer to it, I had them both translated from the Latin, and I myself went this morning to His Holiness, and gave him Your Majesty's letter, which Cardinal Farnese read to him. His Holiness listened attentively, and said: "In those very terms does my Nuncio write to me. I am glad to hear that the latter approves of my constant efforts to secure peace, and that he thinks, as I do, that the sole remedy for afflicted Christendom in the present state of things is peace; I myself will try to procure it. Though I trust implicitly in the Emperor's kindness, religious feeling, and wisdom, although I have read his answer to my legate on the subject, yet I cannot, and will not, cease in my endeavours to promote peace among Christians. I trust to divine providence that the Emperor will feel one of these days to what dangers Christendom is now exposed for want of peace, and how easy it will be for him, when that peace is secured, to march against the Turk—the sworn enemy of Our Faith—and crush him down so as to prevent his raising his head again."
The Pope went on to say that as Your Majesty had urged him to declare against the king of France, it seemed to him that the idea of the interview, which had originated in himself, was the best, perhaps, too, the sole, way to peace, since his intention had been to exhort them both, as their common father, to make peace, and if he could not accomplish his purpose, assume the office of judge, and pronounce final sentence according to God and justice. And that since the Emperor was so confident that justice was on his side, and wrong entirely on Francis', that being proved, his neutrality would be at an end the very moment that the last chance of peace between the two belligerents had disappeared.
"As to the Emperor saying (His Holiness continued) that there is no trusting king Francis, and that no security he can offer can be relied upon, I must own that to judge from what he has done on preceding occasions there is some cause for the Emperor to complain; yet it seems to me that if the latter mistrusts the king of France, he can rely still less on the promises of the Turk and other heretics. As I said to you the other day, in that case there would not be wanting matrimonial alliances, promises from Pope and Church, as well as from the Venetians and others, to make up for that deficiency, and the security thus obtained might become so firm and binding as to help in the present calamitous times, and act as a remedy to afflicted Christendom and other evils."
After this declaration of his sentiments the Pope asked me whether Your Majesty had written to me on the subject. I read to him Your Majesty's letter, and said that king Francis having insolently rejected (fn. 17) at other times the most honorable and advantageous terms offered by Your Majesty, and having since behaved as His Holiness has seen, Your Majesty, I thought, would have nothing more to say to him.
Nevertheless it seemed to me that if honorable conditions and a convenient security for the good of Christendom were offered, Your Majesty would not reject the offer, but would, on the contrary, accept it, as You have always done, and that in my opinion such a declaration in Your name was quite sufficient for Your entire and complete justification with him and with all the World.
The Pope next asked me whether I had any letters from Mr. de Granvelle, and what was the object of the Diet convoked for Mantua. My answer was that I had received no letters from him since he left Genoa, and as to the Diet I knew nothing about it, nor what it was intended for. He replied: "I hear that Florence, Siena, Lucca, Ferrara, and other powers have sent ambassadors to that city." "My information is (I answered), that the duke of Florence (Gouraga) has sent a secretary of his, but I believe that he and others have gone thither merely for the purpose of visiting His Imperial Majesty on his arrival in that city."
The last topic touched upon was the General Council. His Holiness recounted the pains he himself had taken during the pontificate of his predecessor, Clement VII., and at all times since to promote it; how he had designated the city of Trent as the place of meeting merely to please Your Majesty, and that he fancied that, taking advantage of the galleys now coming from Spain, the greater part, if not all, the Spanish prelates might come, adding that he himself purposed going to Boloña (Bologna) with the Italian bishops, and thought the Catholic bishops of Germany would also go thither, and, with the help of God, attend its celebration. Of the French prelates he did not say one word.
Soon after he inquired from me: "What is the duke of Alburquerque coming here for?" My answer was that the Duke's mission was a secret one, as he (the Pope) could well see by Your Majesty's letter to me. This question of His Holiness', I must observe, was not without cause, for, as above said, there is much talk, here at Rome, about the Duke's coming; nobody thinks that he can come from conscientious motives of his own; many are the thoughts and conjectures of the people about it, and about Mr. Granvelle's journey to Mantua for the purpose of the Diet.
The bishop of Aquila spoke again to His Holiness on affairs touching Madame's service. (fn. 18) What passed at the audience Your Majesty will see by the copy of his second memorandum (discurso) herein enclosed. With regard to Mr. Granvelle's person, His Holiness told him the same as Cardinal Fernesio (Farnese) had done, namely, that the [German] Catholics consider him rather attached to the dissident party (los dissidentes), and believe he will not be able to achieve anything. After some other talk His Holiness said to the Bishop: "Look here, I warn you not to behave at this Nüremberg diet as you did at that of Ratisbon (Regensberg), because, if you do, you will cause my ruin. Even now, were I not seated on St. Peter's chair, I cannot say what might not happen to any other Pope at the head of the Church; as it is, God knows the trouble and fatigue I have had."
The law suit with the Genoese bankers respecting the exchange and interest [on the money borrowed], and the jewel and the silver plate pawned to them as security, is on the point of being settled. The opposite party pretend that Your Majesty's Lord High Steward (mayordomo mayor) and the duke of Sena having pawned the jewel as if it were their own, it cannot be positively claimed in Your Majesty's name, and that I myself have no powers from them to solicit its delivery. I have, therefore, written to Mos. de Ru (fn. 19) that he may send me his powers at once. It would also be expedient, for the better issue of this affair, that Your Majesty gave orders that similar powers should be obtained from the heirs-at-law of the duke of Sena and should be prepared and sent to me, because without them the law suit cannot possibly be decided in our favor, nor can I get the jewel valued and see what price merchants will give for it, as Your Majesty wrote to me some months ago. Nor can I recover the silver plate and wearing apparel then pawned along with it. I enclose the minute of the powers of attorney, such as they ought to come from thence.—Rome, 14 January 1542.
Signed: "El Marques de Aguilar."
Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 4.
15 Jan.94. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Eng. Corresp., 11.
"Sire,"—I very much regret not having been able to write to Your Imperial Majesty as often as I should have wished, and the nature of the affairs required, since the departure of the Sieur de Holbeque, the chief cause being the difficulty of procuring trusty messengers for my despatches. I most humbly beg Your Imperial Majesty to pardon me and accept my excuses in this particular, the more so that Your Imperial Majesty must be aware of my care and diligence in writing almost daily to the Queen Regent in Flanders, and likewise very frequently to Monseigneur de Granvelle ever since the rumour of his arrival in Italy was afloat. For this reason, and presuming that duplicates of my letters, both to the Queen and to Your Imperial Majesty's Privy Seal, must have been forwarded. I shall only give here a summary account of the business transacted, without entering into further particulars.
After the departure of Mr. de Hollebecq, (fn. 20) that is to say, on the 22nd and 23rd of November, this Kings deputies came to me, and during those two days we conferred together and treated of our common affairs at greater length and more deeply (à meilleur esçient) than we had ever done before, particularly employing our time in examining and meditating (ruminer), over not only the points of difficulty offered by Your Imperial Majesty's ministers to the bishops of London and Westminster, but likewise in again reading word by word the very draft of the treaty which the latter bishop had placed in Your Imperial Majesty's hands, in which draft there were still sentences and words requiring amendment and correction. After a long debate with the King's deputies there was every appearance of our coming shortly to a final agreement on the various disputed points, inasmuch as, towards the end of the conferences, the Royal deputies assented to the three principal points to which Your Imperial Majesty's ministers most objected, provided that in the article of the "common defence," instead of the words proposed to Mr. de Courrières and to me (Chapuys)—as in my despatch of the 2nd of November—those contained in the enclosed note (fn. 21) should be substituted, which after all are substantially the same, and, as I think, more to Your Imperial Majesty's advantage. For, in my opinion, since no formal and expressly worded declaration could be obtained against the two dukes of Clèves and Holstein, we could not possibly have hit upon a fitter article to have them and their subjects comprised in the "common defence against all enemies" than the amendment to which I allude. This notwithstanding, I must say that in order to obtain, if possible, better terms, or meet with less opposition in other matters, I at first made difficulties about the acceptance of the said article in what concerns the two dukes, at the same time requesting this King's deputies, according to instructions received from the Queen Regent, to procure that the King, their master, should wait until Your Imperial Majesty's approval came from Spain. And upon the deputies replying that they thought their master would readily grant my request, as his affairs were no longer in a state to require an immediate answer, or hasten immoderately the conclusion of the treaty of closer alliance, yet they (the Royal deputies) desiring (as they said) extremely the complete reconciliation and closer friendship with Your Imperial Majesty, declined speaking to the King of my request, and begged me to avoid any mention of it to him or to any one else, for fear that—according to the rumours afloat of French practices and intrigues—during the delay that would necessarily follow something should supervene likely to produce a rupture in the negociations. Hearing which I told the deputies that since they thought thus, I had no objection to pass the article, subject to Your Imperial Majesty's approval; but, perceiving that even that they disliked, I offered to let it pass unconditionally, provided they themselves yielded the rest of the points in dispute, and especially that concerning the two dukes of Clèves and Holstein and the assistance against the Turk.
The deputies' answer, after long debate and dispute, as is and always has been their habit, was that as to the first point, namely, the nominal mention of the two dukes in the article, that was a thing which the King, their master, would never grant. As to the second, namely, the assistance against the Turk, there was no need of a special stipulation, inasmuch as their master, they thought, would never fail in his engagements in that respect whenever the principal affair came to a conclusion. As to the rest of the points in dispute, they sincerely hoped that after talking to the King I should get a satisfactory answer from him.
Our conference at an end, the deputies left me, showing by their countenances that they were pleased and satisfied with the result. Next morning, the deputies left for Anthon-court, and after reporting to the King on what had passed at the conference, sent me word on the following day, the 25th of November, that two days after, on the 27th, they would call on me and let me know the King's will and resolution on the whole. I am, however, still waiting for them, and at the hour I am writing no answer has come. Indeed, I fear they have changed their opinion, inasmuch as within the two above mentioned days of our conferences the King has received letters from his ambassador in France, and likewise most pleasing news of a signal success and almost miraculous victory which his Royal arms have lately obtained [over the Scotch in the Borders], of which victory I will speak hereafter. Indeed, it has so raised the King's spirits that, forgetting altogether other enterprises, he is now thinking of nothing save prosecuting the war against Scotland. Were I to venture my opinion in the matter, and try to interpret the King's feelings on this occasion, I should say that he is so over proud and vainglorious about this victory of his, that he will easily believe he has no need of help from his neighbours, and that he himself is a match for all his enemies! (fn. 22) However that may be, I must own that up to the present he (the King) has made but little capital of his victory, attributing it solely to God, and not allowing public rejoicings to take place on that account.
Perceiving the deputies' dissimulation, and the delay in the King's answer, I have sent upwards of ten messages to them, asking what has been their master's final resolution. They have invariably excused themselves, either with the press of business in hand—having, as they said, to provide for the affairs of Scotland, of great importance to them—or with the King not staying just now at any particular spot or town, but going from place to place hunting, or occasionally visiting some of his various Royal manors; at other times saying that they must wait for the return of the duke of Norpholc, or some other privy councillor, who are away in their estates in the country. Such and other similar excuses have these privy councillors alleged for not sending me the King's answer, from which I gather that they are temporizing, and that no persuasions of mine will induce them to move this year one step against the French, which after all, considering the great expense to which he (the King) has been put in consequence of the war with Scotland—which war the King intends prosecuting to the last at any risk—considering also the opportunity which he now has of obtaining the crown of that country, owing to the demise of the King, his nephew, (of which I will write hereafter); considering the force he has collected for the invasion of Scotland, and the intelligences he has there—are very plausible excuses for the deputies to delay as long as they can the conclusion of the treaty. Even if the aforesaid opportunity had not offered itself, this king (I take it) would not have been easily induced to commence war against France next summer. This I do not hesitate to say and assert for several reasons and conjectures of my own, such as my having heard the King's deputies say at our last conference that there was no necessity to fix a time for the preconcerted invasion of France, as that might afterwards be settled between Your Imperial Majesty and their master, whereas in former times, when the undertaking was first suggested and discussed, they (the deputies) insisted upon the joint invasion of French territory taking place precisely on the first of July next.
Your Imperial Majesty must also bear in mind that besides the Scotch affair, which is partly the cause of their delay, there are other causes, like the practices and intrigues of the French, which now induce these people to temporize with us. Those practices commenced the very moment that the common enemy, perceiving the ill-success of his arms at Perpignan, began to lose courage. Now, seeing that his allies, the Scotch, have completely failed in their attempt, and that this king has gained a signal victory over them, those practices have been renewed more warmly than ever. In short, now that the king of Scotland (James) is dead, they will invent something to gain over this one, or at least make him shut his eyes to what is his interest. The King, meanwhile, will most likely listen to their proposals, and amuse them with fair words, for fear they should in any way disconcert or mar his plans about Scotland. Indeed, I have every reason to think that French practices in this country are now warmer and closer than ever, for the bishop of Westminster (Thirlby) owned the other day to my man that their doings were more strange and wonderful than they had ever before been; the said bishop stating that in his private opinion king Francis and his ministers were more cautious and subtle politicians than either Your Imperial Majesty or the king of England, his master, nay, more so than any of the subjects or ministers of both. The said bishop regretted that the treaty in question had not already been concluded and ratified to the satisfaction of the parties concerned, for (said he) "I would willingly part with everything I possess in this world (though I do not yet consider the game as lost) to see the end of it." The Bishop, however, promised to do his best, and I have no doubt that he will keep his word; for I do not hesitate to say that he is the personage at this court best inclined and most ready for Your Imperial Majesty's service, and the most frank, truthful and reliable minister—a man without feint or dissimulation of any kind. In fact, had any other of the privy councillors but he sent me such a message concerning the French practices as that to which I have alluded, I should have thought the whole to be an exaggerated report of theirs (the deputies) in order to gain time and accomplish their object.
The French ambassador went to Anton-court (Hampton Court) on Christmas Eve; but, as I hear, was not received by the King, and coldly enough by the privy councillors, at least in public, though it may be that privately and confidentially they treated him otherwise, for these people are apt to act rather mysteriously on certain occasions, for the purpose, no doubt, of not arousing the jealousy of other ambassadors, (fn. 23) and especially mine. Among other objects of the Frenchman's visit to Hampton Court, the ostensible one on that occasion was to exhibit a letter from the king Francis, dated Cognac, the 13th of December, countersigned by secretary Bayard, the heading and beginning of which the ambassador showed to one of his familiars (ung sien familier), who came and told me of it, which letter the King, his master, had written for the purpose of contradicting, as he said, the false reports circulated by Your Imperial Majesty's ministers and others of your party concerning last year's campaign. "For that purpose (king Francis says in his letter) I now take pen in hand to relate to you the plain truth of what happened last year." King Francis begins with the war of Perpignan, concerning which he relates many wonderful stories to his own advantage, mixed up with such gross exaggerations and lies (bourdes et menteries) that it is impossible to conceive anything more outrageous. He does the same with regard to Piedmont, Luxemburg, Saint Jean de Luz, Picardy, and other parts, asserting that the duke of Clèves has actually under his command 30,000 foot and 4,000 horse, and as to himself (king Francis), that he is now fresher and readier to continue the war next spring than he has ever been before; that he has now in his treasury one million and a half of francs more than he had last year when the war commenced. The ambassador's familiar, (fn. 24) to whom I allude, could not read the remainder of the King's letter to his ambassador; but it is to be supposed that a preface or introduction of the sort must conceal some secret and mysterious design with its corresponding dénouement. I cannot conceive what other affair may have taken the French ambassador to Hampton Court to negociate with the privy councillors, but if I may believe the report of one of the ushers of the Council, there was between the councillors and the ambassador great strife, and the latter got into a towering rage, and went suddenly away, and back to Hampton Court where he saw the King.
The Princess, whom I had earnestly requested to let me know what she had heard of the French ambassador's doings at Court and in the Privy Council, has sent me word that, as far as she herself can understand, the Frenchman's practices could scarcely do any harm to Your Imperial Majesty's affairs. (fn. 25) This very morning she has sent me another message to the effect that yesterday she overheard (entreouyt) her father, the King, say to one of his privy councillors: "You may go and tell the French ambassador (Marillac) that I do not intend doing any harm to the King, his master, but that if he purposes causing me any annoyance in Scotland, he will find me quite ready to meet him face to face."
I fancy that the French have again resumed negociations for the marriage of the duke of Orleans with the Princess, for the French ambassador was heard to say, a few days ago, that "they (the French) were not so particular and scrupulous as we ourselves were in Spain; they would be glad to receive his daughter [in France], bastard or legitimate."
The French ambassador expects his recall from day to day; he will be succeeded by Mr. de Morveillier (Morvilliers), the same who went to Scotland the year before last, as I informed Your Imperial Majesty in one of my despatches. (fn. 26) He came here driven by stress of weather at sea, as otherwise his passage through this country on such an errand as he was the bearer of would have been forbidden to him. I believe he was the bearer of the treaty of alliance and confederation which king Francis has made with the king of Sweden and his adherents, (fn. 27) and that his mission was to induce the late king (James) to commence war against England. Of all this I myself did at the time warn this king; it will be, as I believe, one of the reasons to diminish Mr. de Morvillier's credit at this court.
I am, however, to state my opinion (ma folle fantaisie) in this matter, and it is that I doubt much of our success, for although this king may not treat with the French, he will, nevertheless, temporize with Your Imperial Majesty, and not come to a resolution until he sees this next summer how Your Imperial Majesty's affairs and those of Scotland will turn out. Should he perceive that the French are really thwarting his plans in Scotland, and carrying on intrigues for the purpose of preventing him from getting at the crown of that kingdom—which, by the way, it is to be expected the French will attempt, considering how advantageous it is for them to have, as hitherto, a friend sitting on the throne of that country, and how inconvenient it would be for them if this king gained the object he is aiming at—then, in that case, I have no doubt that this king and his ministers will decide in favor of the proposed alliance, and make no difficulties whatever. But it is to be feared, on the other hand, that by this king temporizing, as he is evidently doing, in order to gain time and see how our affairs with France will turn out, when the moment comes for ratifying the treaty, fresh conditions will be asked, and we shall again be obliged to resume the negociation. In this manner the time and opportunity of making war against France will pass away, and the whole affair will be unavoidably delayed. This, after all, would not be so bad if we could only be sure of this king's neutrality, which, considering the innumerable causes and reasons, which Your Imperial Majesty with Your incomparable wisdom and political experience can much better appreciate than any other living creature, would, in my opinion, suit You as well as the treaty with England. Indeed, it might be that this king would not consent to remain neutral unless king Francis paid him a good sum of money on account of the arrears of pension owing to him—which, after all, would be tantamount to plucking a chief feather from their wings, and thus incapacitating them from flying far off. (fn. 28)
I will, nevertheless, go on soliciting the conclusion of the treaty. To that effect I sent, two days ago, one of my men to Court. He has not yet returned, and I wonder what keeps him so long there, unless it be that the privy councillors wish to meet and deliberate on certain remonstrances of mine in writing, which I have sent by the said man. Should he come back, and bring an answer from the privy councillors, I will keep this despatch open until then.
As to news from Scotland, Your Imperial Majesty must already have learned how this king's large army, under the command of the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, after wasting and robbing the enemy's country without resistance on the part of the Scotch, and meeting no armed men in the fields, was, owing to the winter season and most unusual fall of rain, which made the roads impracticable for the carriage of ammunition or provisions, obliged to retreat, the two above generals, however, leaving at Baruich (Berwick) under the command of Master Dodelet (Dudley), now called Milort Lyl, about 4,000 men to keep molesting and harrassing the Scotch on that frontier. Fourteen war-ships were also left on that coast to prevent succours from coming to the Scotch. (fn. 29)
Since then the king of Scotland (James), a young and brave (jeusne et animeux) prince, displeased and angry at his people not having had the courage to meet the English, who had penetrated far into Scotland in the field, assembled his nobles and called upon them to revenge the affront and make a raid on England, or, at least, retaliate for the damage received at the hands of the English soldiery. The command of the expedition was intrusted to Milort Massuel, admiral of the sea and captain-general of the Scotch Borders, who had under him two counts, certain lairds, and several gentlemen of the Royal household, and others the most experienced in military affairs that could be found in all Scotland, the whole force consisting of about 18,000 foot, with 20 or 25 pieces of camp artillery, and the requisite war ammunition. (fn. 30)
After wasting as usual the country on this side of the frontier, and on that opposite Berwick, and perceiving that there was no resistance, nay, that the English fled in all directions, the Scotch thought they would have their own way and pushed on. On the 23rd of November, with great temerity, and without taking the precaution of sending scouts forward, they came to a river which can only be forded at low tide, near which, and at a spot very advantageous for them, 4,000 Englishmen—hastily and tumultuously collected by means of beacons and fire signals, here used in times of war—lay in ambush. As there were among them seven or eight hundred men on horseback, they fell suddenly on the Scotch in the dangerous position in which they were—with an unfordable river in front, and an enemy at the back. Thus attacked, none of the Scotch, high or low, thought of anything save flying towards the river, which, being at the time swollen by the late rains and the ebbing tide, could not be crossed save with great difficulty. The chiefs then, perceiving that there was no security on that side, determined to stand and tight their way; but this gave the rest time to run away, whilst those who for fear of the water remained in the field were all taken prisoners, save a certain number who were slain. The Scotch lost all their artillery, besides a number of waggons laden with spears and other weapons, as well as a great number of their horses, for some of the men had no time to look for them, having left them behind to cross the river. The most wonderful thing about it was that the English bad only two men killed.
On the 20th of December the above mentioned admiral, the two counts, the lairds, and the rest of the gentlemen made prisoners [at Solway Moss], to the number of twenty-three, were brought to this city, and passed the first night at the Tower. Next day they were summoned before the Privy Council, and accompanied thither by various lords and gentlemen of the Court, and thence, after giving their word not to depart for Scotland without first obtaining the King's leave, they were billeted on the lords and gentlemen of the city, there to be entertained and treated each according to his rank. Two days after that the news arrived from Scotland that king James had died of regret and grief at the aforesaid unfortunate event, as well as because, as it is said, some of his men who had escaped alive from the rout [at Solway Moss] had interpellated him rudely enough and asked for their pay, threatening that if he did not comply with their demands, they would find someone else to serve. Such is the report, and that he (King James) was at the time at the house of the cardinal of Scotland (Betoun), whither he had gone for the purpose of relieving his mind and overcoming his sorrow. It is also reported that the Queen, his wife, (fn. 31) had been delivered prematurely of a daughter, who died soon after, and that the Queen herself was in great danger of her life.
On the receipt of the above news this king began to deliberate on the expediency of sending back to Scotland the above-mentioned prisoners. This being resolved upon, all were summoned to appear at Court on Christmas-day, were splendidly entertained there, allowed to wear swords and dirks just as they pleased, go about quite freely and converse with whomsoever they liked, a sort of thing at which the French ambassador was delighted, for he wanted very much to have a conversation with some of them, which he did often and long enough. After showing the Scotch prisoners all the kindness and consideration possible, the King gave each of them a gold chain, more or less valuable according to his rank and quality, providing them besides with good horses (monthurez) and a good sum of money, and granting them permission to return to Scotland. Thus on the 29th ult. they all went back, promising to return to England before Easter, or else to send hostages, and in the meantime, whilst in Scotland, do all they could to win over their countrymen to this King's party, and ultimately try to promote his accession to the Crown. Three days before the departure of the Scotch, count Douglas (fn. 32) had left by post for Scotland, whither his brother (George), who was on this side of the Border, had gone the moment he heard of king James' death, and retaken possession of some estates belonging to the family close on the other side.
On the last day of the year the duke of Suffolk left Court for the Borders, accompanied by a good number of gentlemen. He took no troops with him, and, what is more, the King has written to Millort Lyl, (fn. 33) who happens to be now at Berwick, a frontier town with 8,000 men, not to attempt anything or make raids into Scotland without his express command, so that it is thought that by good management, without having recourse to arms, the King will ultimately become master and king of Scotland, for king James died without heirs—the two sons he had having died last year—whilst his first cousin is half an idiot, and quite unfit for the Crown. (fn. 34) As to his daughter, if still alive, as some people here will have it, she cannot be an obstacle in the way of the King obtaining the crown; on the contrary, by having her married to the prince (Edward) the thing might easily be done. I very much suspect that, in order to forward his interests in Scotland, and the better to lull king Francis asleep, this king may think of himself marrying the widowed queen, inasmuch as before she (Mary of Guise) was married to king James he, himself, had sued for her hand. In short, all here seem to think that without much trouble or exertion the King will one way or other gain his end, for every day his party in Scotland is growing stronger, and the intelligences of which he is in need for the accomplishment of his plans, are getting more sure and frequent. Again, two days ago a count from that country—and certainly not the least powerful of them—came here [to London]. He had two years ago been banished from Scotland, owing to his being suspected of lutheranism (lutherie), and during that time had resided in Italy and in France. He has been very well received, and I believe it will not be long before he joins in Scotland those who hold for this king. (fn. 35) Of whatever else happens in that country, or here in England, respecting this affair and others, Your Imperial Majesty shall be quickly apprized whenever there is an opportunity.
I need scarcely remark that the above successful events have restored the King's usual good humour and high spirits; (fn. 36) ever since his late queen's misconduct (maulvais gouvernement) he has been sad and dejected, showing no inclination for carousels and pageants, or paying his court to ladies (festoyer ne hanter dames). No sooner, however, did the news from Scotland arrive than he began to invite and entertain them at Court, which has come very fortunately for the Princess, as the King being still a widower, and there being no one more fit than herself to receive the ladies in her father's palace, she has been recalled to Court, accompanied in her triumphant journey thither by a number of ladies, having been received at the gate of Hampton Court by almost all the gentlemen who attend the Royal Court. The King himself went out to meet her at the entrance of the park, receiving her in the kindest possible way. He has since continued to treat her in the same manner, addressing her in the most endearing terms, and making her valuable gifts, having on this last New Year's day presented her with rings, silver plate, and other jewels, among which are two rubies of inestimable value. Many here think that in the midst of all this feasting and carousing the King may well take a fancy to some lady of the court and marry her, but I must say that at present I see no appearance of that.
I forgot to say that the ambassador or agent of Clèves—whose name I do not know, for he leads a very obscure life, and, although he entitles himself "l'ambassadeur du duc Guillaume" lodges over a tavern and keeps only one man servant—has for the last month gone twice or three times to Court, whereas for the last two years he had not been there once. The last time he went, on the third day after the Nativity (Noel), he was especially summoned. Up to this moment I have been unable to learn what his errand there could be, but I fancy that he was sent by Dams Anne de Clèves, who is now residing at a place three or four miles away from Court, and yet I hear nothing in support of my conjecture, she herself not having been invited to nor having appeared at Court, as I am told.
By my letter of the 2nd of November I informed Your Imperial Majesty of this King's answer when I applied for permission to export wheat (bled) from this country, according to orders and instructions received [from Spain]. Since then, having pressingly solicited a categorical answer to that effect, the privy councillors have granted to the merchant in charge of that negociation license to export one thousand quarters of wheat, saying to him that the King, their master, presuming that the scarcity of that cereal in Spain could not be so great as represented, and that most likely the order had come to me at the importunity of some speculative merchant or other, who wished to make money by it, could not grant license for more. Had he known the scarcity to be as great as represented he certainly would have allowed the exportation of a larger quantity. That was the privy councillors' answer, and although I have since done my best to persuade them that really and truly there was scarcity of corn in Spain, no more has been obtained from them. That is why, should Your Imperial Majesty judge that a larger quantity is required, I beg that by the next letter orders come for me to renew the application. I am exceedingly sorry not to have obtained permission to export the quantity originally applied for, and I regret still more that the merchant, who must be aware of the scarcity of corn in Spain, has yet taken no steps, notwithstanding my importunities, to have it shipped for Spain.
After four or five days stay at Court, whilst the King and his privy councillors were debating on our affairs, my man came back, and on the same day the bishops of Winchester (Stephen Gardiner) and Westminster (Thomas Thirlby) called on me, and said that on their return to Court after our last conference they had faithfully reported to the King, their master, on all that passed at that meeting, and also the proposals made by me in the name of the queen regent of Flanders, that is to say, to wait, if such was the King's pleasure, until an answer came from Your Imperial Majesty respecting the newly amended article proposed by them, and which I myself had accepted after a good deal of contention and debate. "That new article (said the councillors to me) had been inserted in the treaty, and you (Chapuys), out of zeal for the Imperial service and desire for the conclusion of the treaty, then and there offered to pass it without loss of time, provided the King himself should agree to other amendments which you considered just and reasonable, adding that you had no doubt that the Emperor in the end would not disapprove of the article passing as amended. After that the King asked us to put down in writing whatever your demands were on the other points, and what you considered was to be amended, taken out of, or added to the remaining articles of the treaty, that he himself might particularly examine your demands one by one, and, after mature deliberation, decide on the whole. This we (the councillors) did at once. Three days after the news of the defeat of the Scots [at Solway Moss] came, which event and others that have happened since have so preoccupied the King, our master, and taken up so much of his time that he had completely forgotten the paper we had put into his Royal hands containing the substance of your demands. Nor did we (the deputies and other members of his Privy Council) dare remind him of it, so that there was no opportunity to ask the King what his resolution was in the matter, until you yourself again applied to us for an answer. This we have at last obtained from the King, our master, who has declared to us that he considers it better and more expedient to wait for the Emperor's answer, but at the same time wonders that the answer has not yet come, which makes him suspect that his Majesty does not take much interest in the affair."
To this speech of the deputies I (Chapuys) answered that they (the Royal deputies) knew well that in order not to lose time I consented to pass the article in question without waiting for the Emperor's answer, provided all the rest were reduced to just, reasonable, and honest terms, and that if the King, their master, would only consider and weigh the demands made by me in Your Majesty's name, and my own representations on the subject, he would find them reasonable enough, and therefore that there was no necessity, as they seemed to think, of waiting for Your Majesty's reply, but they ought to proceed at once to the conclusion of the treaty. Otherwise people might think that the premeditated delay was caused and brought about in order to gain time and see how the two wars of France and Scotland respectively would turn out. It might indeed be surmised (said I to them) that their late success in Scotland had made them forget other neighbours of theirs; but they ought to consider that nowadays, for that very reason, they would be in greater need than before of friends and allies. This I tried to inculcate by more than one reason which I alleged to them, and which I omit for brevity's sake, telling them, among other things, that it behoved them more than ever to declare against king Francis, and give him cause to think of and provide for his own affairs at home, rather than allow him leisure to direct his thoughts towards Scotland, for otherwise the French are sure to cause trouble without end in that kingdom, where, by means of the Danes and Swedes, already arming, they might, on the pretence of favoring His Holiness' interests in Scotland, send thither 1000 Italian hackbutiers, or at least money to feed the discontent of the people against England. That, as Your Imperial Majesty had lately written to His Holiness, French practices and their simulated friendship were far more dangerous and more to be guarded against than their open hostility and forces. It was most probable, nay, almost certain, that the French would try by all possible means and specious words to lull their master to sleep in order to prevent him from allying himself and making a league with Your Imperial Majesty. Meanwhile they would try to gain friends in Scotland, and principally to get possession of the Low Countries, if they could, with the help of their confederates in the North, the kings of Denmark and Sweden. Supposing that king Francis was strong enough for that, it would be easy for him to turn the King, their master, out of Scotland if he had actually occupied the throne, and perhaps also out of this kingdom of his. "Indeed (said I to the Royal de-deputies), the French are now spreading in Scotland the rumour that after finishing with Your Imperial Majesty they will make your king restore whatever he may have usurped in Scotland. (fn. 37)
"For the above-mentioned reasons (said I to the deputies) the king of France desires now more than ever to be at peace with the Emperor, so much so that His Holiness is now trying all he can to bring it about. The Emperor, my master, will never listen to the latter's solicitations, hoping for the conclusion of this treaty between the King, your master, and him. Indeed, it would have been extremely convenient and important for my master, the Emperor, to know the King's final resolution as to the treaty, in order to provide in time for his own affairs. All this waiting for the Emperor's answer, without advancing one step towards the conclusion of the treaty, may after all be only an excuse for delaying it. If the 'zabra' which took my letter to Spain has foundered at sea, eight months may pass before the Emperor's answer comes to hand. Besides which, had your master's intention been to stop at such trifles, he might have let me know of it immediately after my last conference with you, when I should have been unable to forward a duplicate of my despatch of the 2nd of November. Before the arrival of the Scotch news, that is to say, two days after the conference which my colleague (Courrières) and I held with you, when you had already made your report, there was no idea of waiting for my master's approving answer, which makes me suspect, nay, be certain, that your plan is to gain time, so as not to be obliged to undertake the invasion of France this next summer, owing to the expedition you were then meditating against Scotland. In fact, I am sure of this, for when the season and time of the projected invasion were discussed, you (the deputies) were the first to propose that those points should be left to the decision of the contracting parties. In short, I thought, speaking as one of the King's servants, that if such was his intention, that was no reason for delaying the conclusion of the treaty; for although it might be that Your Imperial Majesty might consent to the invasion taking place at any other time before the treaty was ratified and sworn to, the season for a campaign would have passed, and by that means the King would have gained his object, whilst he would have been sure of the other stipulations of the treaty—which he seems to have desired most ardently, and which, on many considerations, was so convenient and advantageous for him and his heirs—being fulfilled.
As to doubting whether Your Imperial Majesty might not disavow me, and refuse to pass the article as it was amended, inasmuch as the Queen Regent had neither dared confirm it expressly nor authorized me to do so, but had, on the contrary, not sanctioned it, remitting me to Your Imperial Majesty's answer, I exhibited to them a letter from the said Queen Regent, in which she tells me to pass boldly the said article without waiting for Your Majesty's answer.
These words of mime the deputies seemed glad to hear, for they destroyed in fact the King's principal argument as to the necessity of waiting for Your Majesty's answer. (fn. 38)
After some more conversation on this particular point, the deputies, who seem very much inclined to the conclusion of the treaty, offered to report to the King the substance of my conference with them, and do all they could besides to forward Your Majesty's views.
Having afterwards told them that I wished to have an audience from the King, and speak to him on the subject, inasmuch as I fancied that the report they had made of our last conference was not faithful nor correct enough, the deputies offered no opposition, and engaged to solicit it for me, promising at the same time to forward the affair as much as they could.
I must not omit to say that talking with them about the affairs of Scotland, the deputies said to me that the King's daughter (Mary Stuart), whom they thought dead, was still alive, and that there was no one in the country who could oppose the King's views and cause him annoyance, except perhaps the Cardinal. That, therefore, was their reason (they said) for insisting so much on the words "prelates et personnes ecclesiastiques" being introduced into the clause about the defence, and that it seemed to them a sort of inspiration from the Holy Ghost, for at the time that the treaty was negociaied not one of them could have even suspected that such a thing might come to pass.
The Cardinal is all powerful (est le tout) in Scotland, and has hitherto used his power very prudently, for in order to keep secure in his hands the entire and free administration of government affairs, and to avoid arousing jealousy (et estre à moings denvie), he took care that king James, before his death, should appoint as governor and tutor of his daughter a first cousin (cousin germain) of his, the nearest heir to the crown of Scotland; but, as I said above, he is half an idiot, besides which, the English (ceulx-cy) consider him a bastard, and maintain that he is an illegitimate son. There is a report that the Cardinal, of whom I speak, has introduced more order in the administration, and made better provision in military affairs than there was during the life of the late king, so much so, that a few days ago the men on the Scotch border made a raid, slew a certain number of men, and did some other damage. That is only by land; for by sea they have captured some English ships, and, as I have just been told, the Cardinal, and the others who now have the reins of government in their hands, have decreed the arrest and imprisonment of the sons, brothers, and other near relatives of those who were taken prisoners [at Solway Moss], suspecting that either through disloyalty and treason the latter had allowed the English, though in much smaller number than themselves, to defeat them, or else that they (the governors of Scotland) have got wind of this king's relations with some of them, and that he may, one of these days, through their means create disturbances in Scotland to the Cardinal's injury. In addition to the Scotch prisoners [of Solway Moss] being deprived by that measure of the hostages they might have furnished for the sake of obtaining freedom and returning home, they have now been declared traitors, in consequence of which they all remain for the present at Berwick, not daring to set foot in Scotland. All are soon expected back here [in London], with the single exception of one, who has offered to go home, boasting that he has the power of arranging the affair so that all the others may go back freely and in security.
This King has ordered the States of the Kingdom to assemble in eight days' time. Should I hear anything of what they intend to do, I shall not fail to let Your Imperial Majesty know.—London, 15 January 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England; of the xvth of January. Received at Madrit (sic) the xxvjth of February 1542 [old style]."
15 Jan.95. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—Your Majesty will see, by the duplicate of my letter to the Emperor (fn. 39) here enclosed, that I am anxiously expecting the answer of the bishops of Winchester and Westminster (fn. 40) to my last communication, as well as to my petition for an audience [from the King]. (fn. 41) I have this very morning sent to them one of my men, whom I am expecting back to-morrow. Of the answer he may bring, as well as of any other news, Your Majesty will be promptly advised.—London, 1 January 1542 [old style].
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. p. 1.

Footnotes

1 Neither of these despatches of the Marquis is at Simancas.
2 Second son of Nicolas Perrenot de Granvelle, the Emperor's Privy Seal.
3 Not one of the letters here mentioned is at Simancas.
4 Miguel de Silva, a Portuguese, who had been made cardinal in 1542. See Vol. VI., Part I., pp. 427, 545–6, 551, and above, pp. 141–2.
5 D. Beltran de la Cueva, II. duke of Albuquerque.
6 "Quexandose tambien del Mossiur porque no le escribia."
7 See above, No. 92, p. 197.
8 "Para responder á esto se rescaldó un poco y dixo."
9 That is Isabella of Poland, the widow of Zapoli, waywod of Transylvania and her son John Sigismond Zapoli, then four years old.
10 Bernardo Clesi, the bishop of Trent, having died in September 1540, the one alluded to here must be Christoforo Madruzzi.
11 He was bishop of that see from the 10th of September 1539 to [August?] 1545. In 1544 he was made cardinal.
12 "No sin alguna nota y guicio (perjuicio?) de su reputacion."
13 Cardinal Alessandro, the Pope's eldest son.
14 "Ellos se deben de entender y estar de acuerdo con Sa Santidad."
15 "Que en la empresa de Ungria ayudaria al misme respecto que en lo del armada, y que esto ofrescia Su Santd."
16 Gaspar Lopez de Borja, from 1531 to 1551.
17 Refutado, says the original, for refusado, which after all is not Spanish, but French, from refuser.
18 He must have been in June 1539 somewhat connected with it, for Lope Hurtado in one of his letters mentions him among others. See Vol. VI., Part I., p. 165.
19 "Visto esto he escrito à Mos. de Ru" (Rœulx?), from which it would appear that he was then the Emperor's Lord High Steward in Flanders. As to the duke of Sessa, D. Luis Fernandez de Cordoba, he had been ambassador at Rome from 1522 to Aug. 1526, when he died.
20 By referring back to Chapuys' correspondence in November, I can find no account of this Mons. de Holbecq or Hollebeque (for his name is written both ways), who must have been sent to England on some mission or other; perhaps to deliver into that ambassador's hands the powers to treat with the English deputies.
21 Not in the packet.
22 "Et me semble que changeront doppinion, pour aultant que en dedans les dits deux jours le dit sr roy recent quelques lettres de France de son ambassadeur, et aussi, et principallement, quil eust nouvelles dune belle et inopinate (sic, inopinée), voire comme miraculeuse victoire que ses gens des frontieres avoient eu freshement contre les Escossais, comme cy apres entendra vre. mate. La quelle deust mectre le dit sr roy en tel pensement pour suyvre sa fortune, et faire lemprinse pour la dit, Escosse, quil mect en oubly toutes aultres affaires, ou par adventure [et] qui loseroit ainsi temerairement interpreter, il en pourroit avoir prins tant de gloire quil luy sembleroit navoir gueres grand besoign de ses voisins."
23 "Et peut estre que en secret et au prive ilz en ayent use aultrement, selon que ceulx-cy sont fondes en telz misteres enfin (à fin) de non engendre[r] jalousie."
24 Was he Jean de Honz, so often alluded to in these pages, or another of Marillac's family servants or visitors at the Embassy (familiers)?
25 See Vol. V., Part II., pp. 508–9.
26 That of the 11th of December, 1541, No. 213, p. 412 in Vol. V., Part II.
27 See No. 228, p. 464, in the same volume.
28 "Quoy estant il oseroit (oteroit) une bonne plume des dits françois, que par ce moyen seroient gardes de vouler gueres loing."
29 "Delaissant à Baruick soubs la charge de me Dodelet, qui sappelle maintenant milort Lyl, environ quatre mille hommes pour grever et travailler continuellement les dits Escossois."
30 "Mennant environ xviiim hommes de guerre, equippez de xx. ou xxv. piecez dartillerie de camp avec la munition necessaire."
31 Mary of Guise.
32 Archibald, earl of Angus.
33 Sir John Dudley, lord Lisle. See above, p. 220.
34 The earl of Arran. "Pour la succession du quel le dit feu roy na laisse nul hoir (sic) heritier, car les deux filz quil avoit moururent lannee passee, et son cousin germain est à demy insense et incapable de la couronne."
35 Patrick, earl of Bothwell. "Et crois quil ne tardera de suyvre les aultres, que ne sera sans estre plus plantureusement (?) presente que nul deulx."
36 "A remys en nature et resjonissance le dit sr roy."
37 "Et cependant ilz travailleroient de pourveoir aux affaires dEcosse, mais principallement de gaigner, silz pouvoient, à laide de ses (leurs) colleguez (confederés) les pays dembas (d'en bas) de vre. mate, bien presupposant que sil (le roy de France) en pouvoit venir à chief, il luy seroit treffacille (très facile) et aise de deschasser leur dit maistre du dit Escosse, sil lavoit occupe, [et] aussi de ce royaulme; et que les dits françois commençoient de publier de par de là que quoy quil coustast ilz gaigneroient le dit sr roy leur maistre; mais que puis apres quilz auroient exploicte contre vre. mate ilz luy feroient bien faire restitution, et que pour tout cella si falloit-il quilz creussent que le dit roy de France ne desira oncques plus de paix avec vre. mate, et que sa Ste estoit apres à bride abatue pour la moyenner."
38 "Car par ce estoit encrue (encroué, encloué?) tout le fondement que le dit sr roy allegoit pour lattente de la dicte response, et certes ilz monstrent estre tres enclins au paracheuement du dict traicte."
39 The preceding, No. 94, p. 214.
40 That is Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Thirlby.
41 "Tant sur le contenu de noz dernierez devisez que sur lottroys (l'octroi) de laudience quilz me doibvent pourchasser."