Spain
April 1543, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos (editor)

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1895

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293-309

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'Spain: April 1543, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 6 Part 2: 1542-1543 (1895), pp. 293-309. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88109 Date accessed: 01 October 2014.


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April 1543, 1-15

2 April.124. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—On the 24th ult., Your Majesty's letter of the 17th, enclosing one from Mr. Granvelle to me, and the documents thereto annexed, came duly to hand. It would take me too much time to recount what passed on the affair of the treaty between this king, his privy councillors, and myself in my three different journeys to court, from which I have just returned. It would also be superfluous and not to the purpose to dwell on the service, which I flatter myself I have rendered on this occasion, since it has pleased God to have it concluded entirely to the Emperor's satisfaction and your own. In short, this king, after several meetings and consultations with his privy councillors, resolved, as he has just sent me word, to make war upon France this very year, and if possible lead his own army (though this he would not actually promise), provided the Emperor, as Mr. de Granvelle writes to me, determined to invade France personally. Though there can be no doubt that the Emperor's presence at the head of his army would be very profitable for the undertaking, the King says that in his opinion a prince, like the Emperor, ought not to expose his person to danger and fatigue.
As to the plan of campaign, the King thinks that the Imperial army might invade France by Champagne, a province comparatively open and fertile, as well as more commodious and nearer for Spaniards and Italians coming straight down from Germany. It would be much to the purpose that the invading army should lose no time in besieging towns on the river Somme, but march at once on Paris. And upon my replying to him that there might be reasons for not following his advice, inasmuch as the said province of Champagne might claim neutrality, the King said to me, "I am not aware of that, but if it is so, let me tell you, that whoever consented to that condition committed a great fault. At any rate, granting that Champagne is a neutral country, as you say, the Imperial army can very well march through it, paying down in money for whatever provisions they may want, as if it were a friendly land. Should the inhabitants refuse to afford passage and sell provisions, then, in that case, they would be unworthy of the said neutrality. As to my own army," continued the King, "I intend to send it towards Boulogne and Montreuil, and thence to Abbeville, as if I intended to lay siege to the latter town. Yet that is not my intention: Leaving Abbeville on one side, I would make my army march straight on Rouen, which is not very strong, and on its arrival there attack two bastions (bellvears), which the French have erected and armed with guns pointing to the sea; whilst on the land side they may easily be taken, and afterwards held with the assistance of my fleet."
The King was also of opinion that in order to prevent king Francis from utilizing the services of the Gascons out of their own county, the Emperor might double the garrisons of his places along the French frontier and Guipuscoa, and make some show of invading France on that side.
In order to prove to me that he was not speaking without foundation, and filling my head with vain words, but was really in earnest, the King added that he had sent to all the provinces of his kingdom to select and enlist soldiers to serve in this war, and had taken such measures that the enlistment seemed to be very successful, and more orderly than in old times. And I gather from his words that he will enrol as foot soldiers only his own subjects, the English, though he will have his cavalry from abroad. (fn. 1) He would very much wish, intending, as he does, to prepare his men for the future war, that Your Majesty should lose no time in preparing and fitting out the war ships, ammunition, and material required for the undertaking. I did not ask him how many pieces of ordnance he had at his disposal, how many sets of armour, or lances for the infantry, nor what amount of provision in store. Not to trouble and over fatigue him with so many questions at the same time, and, considering that as he himself told me that yesterday he had a slight access of fever, and besides that my frequent communication with his privy councillors will afford me plenty of opportunities to interrogate them on that point and others connected with the preconcerted invasion, I refrained from asking any more questions; his councillors assured me that there was every prospect of a good harvest this year, and that corn would be so abundant here in England that it might be exported in large quantities. There might (said the privy councillors) be a deficiency in butcher's meat, owing to a great number of beasts having died in consequence of the hard winter, (fn. 2) but as to other necessaries of war, such as ammunition, ordnance, and so forth, they were amply provided. Neither have I asked him, for the same reason, what number of soldiers he (the King) intended to enlist. Supposing that whether he commands his army in person, or sends it under a general of his own choosing, it will be sufficiently numerous for all purposes, and may in case of need be increased as may be deemed necessary.
I have shewn to these privy councillors certain articles and advice drawn by the admiral of Flanders respecting the manner in which the commander of the English fleet (navierez de par deça), when in contact with that of the Low Countries (cellez de par della), in the harbours (avrez), or on the high seas is to behave; and they have approved of the whole, adding only that they should wish that besides the ordinary flags carried by the vessels of each nation, there should be a countersign to be changed every month, so that the enemy may not counterfeit the ordinary flags, as they might easily if the secret countersigns were known to them. As soon as they give me their opinion in writing on this particular, I shall not fail to inform Your Majesty.
There are now in those Low Countries a number of English emigrants, a bad lot (meschants garnements), who are continually having heretical books printed there, and who afterwards send them by secret means to this country, to have them circulated to the great scandal of worthy people. That is why this king has requested me to beg Your Majesty that some provision be made and remedy applied to this evil, according to the mutual engagements taken on two former occasions.
I must not omit to say that this king has taken in very good part the particular notice received from Your Majesty of the political and other events in those Low Countries, which he has attentively perused and read, praising all the time Your Majesty's prudence and great attainments in the science of government.
The French ambassador received yesterday letters from the King, his master. He counted upon having an audience from the King this very day, but I went to Court first, and prevented his seeing the King. His predecessor in the embassy (fn. 3) has left for France whilst I have been writing this letter, and although the English one, who was formerly at the court of king Francis, is already set free (lasché) at Boulogne, yet the Frenchman now going down the river will be compelled to stay a little while at Calais until the English one lands here, at least such is my information from one of this king's privy councillors.
I have presented to the King Your Majesty's letter respecting the safe conduct for the wines and biscuit (pastel) which the Vuychardini (Guicciardini) are sending from France to Flanders, and have explained to him my own credentials to that effect, but hitherto he (the King) has made difficulties about granting it, alleging that the enemy might well, under cover of that, cause some of his ships to pass on to Scotland. He thought it was far preferable that the French should lose their merchandize (denree), and thus have a taste of the impending war, than furnish them the means of attacking the allies, and that he thought Your Majesty must have been asked with importunity by some foreign commercial house to apply for a safe conduct from him. That he would grant it if Your Majesty wished, but only for a reasonable quantity, not for the whole cargo. Even then it seems to me as if the King, when he spoke to me about it, wished that the goods in question should come in Flemish bottoms, not in French. Your Majesty will be pleased to send me her commands as to that, and tell me how to act in the affair.—London, in haste, 2 April 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 3.
8 April.125. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Monsieur l'Ambassadeur,"—We hear that the courier dispatched to you on the 29 ult. has been taken prisoner in the Channel, though he had time to throw into the sea the packet of letters, of which he was bearer. That is why you will find herein enclosed a duplicate of that which is missing. (fn. 4) We there gave you an account of the engagement fought between Our army and that of the duke of Clèves on Easter Eve. The loss of that letter We regret, the more that We should have liked the King of England, Our ally, to be informed as soon as possible of the signal victory of Our arms over the enemy. After that, having received more particular information concerning the said battle, We could not do less than add to the missing letter the following particulars, which have since been received, that you may communicate them to the King, and he may know what is the state of affairs in those parts. Whatever Our enemy (the French) may say to the contrary, the duke of Clèves cannot certainly be proud of the advantage which his men pretend to have gained over us, for after all they lost all their artillery, which they would very much like to have now, besides a number of captains, lords (sieurs), and gentlemen slain in the battle, they themselves owning that the number of gentlemen of good family killed in the encounter exceeds that of one hundred and fifty. On Our side, We have lost no gentlemen at all; those whom in the first advices from the field We counted as dead, happening to be alive though prisoners, such as Mr. de Ysche, whom We reported as dangerously wounded, and is now out of danger. Our total loss consists in 27 cavalry, as appears from the muster-rolls, 60 who are prisoners of the enemy, and a few who had their horses killed under them. (fn. 5) Had the infantry done their duty, the battle would have been gained entirely.
Whilst We were writing the above in confirmation of the missing letter, yours of the 2nd inst., came to hand. You have done your duty in persuading that king to make war on France; but still We should be glad to hear how far, and in what manner he intends declaring himself; when and where he purposes carrying on war; what part of the French frontier is to be first assailed, with what number of men, and at what season of the year? On all these particulars We wish to obtain reliable information, in order to be prepared, and provide on this side of the Channel all necessaries of war. We also wish to know whether that king intends taking into his service any of Our men; if so, how many; and whether he intends waiting until His Imperial Majesty has reached this country, or invading France without him? It will be for you with your usual dexterity and secrecy to ascertain the above from the King himself, from his ministers or privy councillors, or else from the would-be commanders of his forces, without, however, making it appear as if We Ourselves had applied to you for such information. And should the King wish to know how We Ourselves are prepared for any enterprise he may think of against France, you will answer him that if he wants 2,000 horse and as many foot, paid at the Emperor's expense, to join his army and obey an English general according to the article XXII. of the treaty of closer friendship, We shall be glad to furnish them whenever demanded. But if the English think that We consider Ourselves bound to furnish that contingent of troops at Our own expense, independently of any other separate attack that the Emperor may also make on his side on the French frontier, the English are mistaken, and you must as soon as possible make them aware of their error. You will tell them that those are two different and distinct things, but that We shall not fail to fulfil the stipulations of the treaty in all its parts. It ought also to be borne in mind that His Imperial Majesty has not yet decided whether, after his progress through Germany, he will direct his arms towards France or towards Italy. As long as he remains in Spain (fn. 6) he cannot say what his movements will be. That will depend chiefly upon his passage to Genoa, whether long or short, and the state of affairs when he arrives there, and the military operations which the enemy may be carrying on at the time, all things which must be considered and kept in mind for fear of mistake.
You write to say that the King desires Us to commence the fitting out of the necessary war-ships, though without specifying the number and class of those with which We are to help. You will therefore inquire and ascertain what sort of craft the King means, what number, and of what tonnage; when and where they are to be ready, that We may in time do what is absolutely required of Us without however having to incur unnecessary expense.
As to that king's presumption that His Imperial Majesty might, and ought to, make an invasion by Champagne, We have always understood that the enemy's frontier in that particular province of France is more open and less fortified than any other, and yet We also hear that it is more difficult there than anywhere else to procure food for an invading army, owing to the agricultural districts of that province having been much wasted during the last year, not only by Our own soldiery quartered in or passing through it, but by the men of Martin Von Rossom after their retreat to France, all of whom—friends and enemies—have lived at large among the people of the country, owing to which cause provisions and food have now become so scarce that many proprietors and farmers have been obliged to abandon their homes and cultivated lands.
Burgundy's neutrality moreover will prevent any attempt being made on the side of Champagne, though the French themselves, regardless of that neutrality, have made frequent incursions on that side of Our frontier.
If the King wishes to dispatch an army of his own to this side of the Channel, he will be obliged to send also wheat from England for the support of his men, for We ourselves have none to spare here. We request you to take particular notice of this point, and if you find a fit opportunity, obtain from him permission to purchase in England the quantity required for Our forces in the field. Should the wheat be stored at Calais, or in any town in its immediate vicinity, the King's army and Our own might thus be amply provided with food. (fn. 7)
With regard to the articles bearing on the discipline of the crews of the ships of war and mutual relations of their commanders, We find that the additional measure suggested by the King's privy councillors with a view to prevent frauds and surprises is very reasonable, provided it is carried out sincerely and uprightly (sincerement et droitierement), without any shade or suspicion of the allies molesting each other, as the perfect friendship of both princes requires. As soon as you send Us the amended articles We will remit them to the admiral of Our fleet, that he may have them enforced accordingly.
Respecting the books in English, which the King says are being printed in these Low Countries, We know nothing at all, but We are now writing to the Margraf of Anvers (Antwerp) to make enquiries, and should it be found that such books are printed in the town of Antwerp, the printers shall be punished to the contentment of the English.
As to the difficulties which that king makes about granting safe conduct to vessels laden with wine and biscuit (fn. 8) from France, on the reasons and considerations alleged by his privy councillors, and mentioned in your dispatch of the 2nd of April, you will represent to them that those very considerations have hitherto prevented Us from granting safe conducts to vessels coming from France to these Low Countries laden with wine, biscuits, and other articles, but since then, from considering that in consequence of the war of Clèves German wines cannot be easily procured, and that if an army is to be raised, and put on war footing, it is indispensable to make provision of wine for the soldiers to drink—of which article We already begin to feel the want—We have lately granted permissions to introduce 10,000 tuns of it, 3,000 of which are already stowed in 20 French vessels, and that about 10,000 bales (fn. 9) of biscuit (pastel) have likewise, as We hear, been put on board of certain French vessels. In short, that We very much wish that the King would give orders for the said wine and biscuit (pastel) destined for these Low Countries to be allowed to pass free, promising on Our part to take care that none of that goes to Scotland, and that the vessels (navières) go back to France laden with those articles without landing any person or persons in that country; besides which, should We in future require more wine and biscuit (pastel) it shall not be introduced in French bottoms, but in Spanish, English, or Flemish, as may be. (fn. 10) —8 April 1543.
Addressed: "To Ambassador Chapuys in England, 8 April 1543 after Easter."
French. Original draft, almost all ciphered. pp. 5.
n. d. 126. Advices from the Emperor's Camp.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl.
The Emperor's army numbering 10,000 foot and 24,000 horse (fn. 11) entered the duchy of Juliers on the 21st of March, and arrived at Hainsberghe at 11 o'clock of the night, owing to impediments caused on the march by the long and heavy carriage train, and the bad weather. The whole night after their arrival the Emperor's men had to pass before Hainsberghe in order to revictual the place next morning, which was effectively done before noon, the whole of the provisions being unloaded and sent to the town. After effecting the revictualment as aforesaid, the Imperial army went and encamped a short league from Hainsberghe, whereupon the enemy, appearing all of a sudden, some alarm was felt at first, and there was some slight skirmishing, though without loss on either side, (fn. 12) Our army retreating another league towards Sittart, where it is now encamped, Our scouts however ... (fn. 13)
French. Original. p. 1.
9 April.127. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 11.
"Madame,"—Since the date of my last, (fn. 14) this king has sent for my inspection a letter he had received on the fight before Zittart (Sittard), in which letter it was said that the affair had turned out more disadvantageously for the Emperor's army than I myself had reason to believe, to judge from private correspondence. And I am told that whilst lamenting with his privy councillors over the untoward event, the King told them that in his opinion it would be very fit and convenient to find out some means for His Imperial Majesty and the duke of Clèves to come to terms; but that Secretary Wristley (Wriothesley) got up and contradicted the King, saying that it would be a dishonourable act for the Emperor to propose means of reconciliation with his enemy, much less agree to any terms put forward by the Duke. Since then, fresh and more favorable accounts of the engagement between the Imperial troops and those of the rebel duke have come to hand, which I have shown to the King, and, I must say, have been received with particular satisfaction and contentment, although they differ slightly as to the details of the fight, that being the reason why an official and detailed account from Your Majesty would come very à propos.
These privy councillors have not yet, owing to their being engaged with certain internal affairs, come to a resolution concerning the order to be observed by the two fleets when they come to join, but they will to-day meet again, and the vice-admiral of Flanders, who is now in London, will be the bearer of their determination in that particular. Neither have they, owing to their many occupations, dispatched the two ambassadors, who are to go to Your Majesty. I myself have not insisted particularly on their departure, inasmuch as the chief point which made me desire their prompt expedition to the Low Countries is already settled, as Your Majesty will see by my last letter, (fn. 14) yet I believe that they will depart shortly. This notwithstanding, I would most humbly request Your Majesty to let me know as often as possible how affairs are going on in Flanders, for the satisfaction and contentment of this king, who I am sure will not fail to respond on his part, for even yesterday he sent me word that he had intelligence that a man-at-arms, and an archer of the army commanded by Mr. du Roeulx were in secret intelligence with the French. The King (said the messenger), had not heard the names of the men, but they were both from Brussels, which piece of news I have immediately transmitted to the said commander that he may enquire into the affair, and punish the guilty parties.
The ambassador of France, (fn. 15) since the date of my last dispatch, has been to Court two days running (deux jours de rotte), thinking that he might be allowed to see and speak to the King. This, however, has not been granted to him. His charge was, as he himself declared to the privy councillors, that the King, his master, was willing to let this King's ambassador at Boulogne (fn. 16) proceed on his journey and return to England, provided Mr. de Marillac, who was still at Calais, were released and allowed to depart, and that he (Francis) could not persuade himself that it was the king's intention to violate the liberties and privileges of a resident ambassador, and keep him in exchange, as it were, for a certain Scotch priest, this king's servant, who whilst in France, and in his service, had been accused of being mixed up with various intrigues at Rouen and in Dieppe. The French ambassador, moreover, had charge to say to this king that, unless another English ambassador were sent to replace the one who was detained at Boulogne, he was ordered to apply immediately for his congé. It appears that this king's Privy Council has come to this resolution, namely, that the ambassadors be mutually set free at some spot or other between the frontier of Calais and Boulogne, and that there be only six persons on each side to accompany and escort the ambassadors; not a large contingent, as Our common enemy, the French, wish, lest the latter, led by their treacherous and wicked propensities and their customary habits in matters of warfare, should all of a sudden fall on the English party, and thus obtain some small success at the beginning, likely to turn out to their advantage and consequent reputation. Such has been, as I hear, the resolution of the Privy Council in this case, adding that the French ambassador here may go away or remain, just as he pleases; but as to their master sending another one to France, that he would do whenever it suited his purpose, and not at the will and pleasure of anyone whomsoever.
The Scotch priest (fn. 17) above alluded to had been sent to France for the purpose of inquiring about the disposition and defences of Rouen, and the neighbouring districts, and of the coast of Normandy in general, and to procure intelligences in the country. He did also solicit the departure from France of the brother of the governor of Scotland, and also that of certain other gentlemen, who passed the other day through this city [of London], who were well received and entertained by this king, and I do believe did not leave this Court without handsome presents. (fn. 18)
Two days ago, the two Scotch ambassadors, who were expected here, arrived; one of them is the governor's cousin. Nothing is as yet known about their mission, for they have not yet explained to the King what it is. Yet I was lately told at Court that most probably their mission consists in declaring in the name of the General States, or Parliament of Scotland, that they consent to the proposed marriage of their Princess to the prince of Wales (Edward), but that they refuse to put her into this king's hands until she is of a marriageable age. Yet the English still hope that the princess will be, sooner or later, sent to England before that time, especially with the favor and help of the Douglasses, whom the said General States have lately reinstated in their property, honors, and rank. These Douglasses have great influence over the governor of Scotland, and enjoy much popular favor; for the count (of Angus) and his brother have gained much reputation and honor with the States now assembled, for having introduced such good order in the discussions, that up to this time no dissension or noise has ensued. (fn. 19)
The English Parliament, on the other hand, has again granted to this king, as they did four years ago, the tenth of all English property, whilst foreigners are to pay the fifth. It is still sitting, and it seems to me, from what I hear, as if they intend to bring in measures for the extirpation of heresy, so much so, that no later than yesterday, four or five priests were cast into prison. The principal man at the head of this reformation, and who is now trying with all his might to bring it on, is the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner), who happens to be at this moment most in favor with this king, to the great regret, annoyance and disgust of the Lutherans, and also of the French, who hate him like poison. (fn. 20)
The earl of Surrey, eldest son of the duke of Norfolk, has been in prison for about a week, owing to his having been two or three nights in company with other young men pelting and breaking the glass windows of honest merchants of this city. (fn. 21) Two of his chief accomplices in the deed, namely, one, son of Master Huyet (Wyatt?), and another of the provost of the [Royal] household have been sent to the Tower, and are closely confined therein, and I do believe that all three will remain in prison for some time to come, since besides their guilt they are suspected of professing Lutheranism, to which heretical sect the abovementioned earl [of Surrey] is said to belong, besides being a Frenchman at heart.
Talking yesterday with the Master of the Ordnance to this king, he told me that there was plenty of it in the kingdom, besides ammunition of all sorts, but that there was not a proportionate quantity of powder. That is why I think it would be advisable to issue prompt orders that when the English army on that side of the Channel happens to begin operations against the common enemy, they may be furnished with any quantity of gunpowder they may want for their money. The same might be done respecting carriage, in which they are deficient.—London, 9 April 1543.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 4.
April.126a. The Emperor's Manifesto against The Duke of Clèves.
S. E. L. 8vo.
s.
In order that the duke of Clèves, Guillaume de la Marck, and his six ambassadors, who lately, at Nüremberg, treated of a truce with the Emperor, may not in future deny or disguise that fact, and under some excuse or other pretend that neither he nor his ambassadors did apply for, and treat of the said truce, it has been found expedient to reproduce here, not only the full powers by him granted to his six ambassadors, but also the letter which the latter wrote to the queen of Hungary, regent in Flanders and the Low Countries, stating that the Duke, their master, had peremptorily refused to ratify the said truce. From which documents it appears that the said duke has not only usurped the duchy of Ghelders and county of Zutphen, both of which belong to the Emperor, but has also within the last year carried on war against him, his natural lord and sovereign, in the Low Countries. As to the Duke and his ministers pretending to excuse the infraction of the truce concluded with them on the plea that it was not valid until after the closing of the Nuremberg Diet, the argument has no force whatever; for the powers granted to the ambassadors were not limited nor restricted to the duration of the Diet. And besides that, is it not notorious and evident that the distinguished personages, who have intervened in the said truce, were purposely accredited by their respective masters to treat of it even after the recess of the Diet, as it was done at the urgent request of the Duke's ambassadors? And yet the Duke and his ministers do not scruple to say that the truce is a forgery, as if this document had not officially passed through the Imperial Chancery, and been signed and sealed as required! And is it not enough for the Duke's ambassadors to dishonour themselves and their master by thus denying the truth, but they must also cast dishonour and infamy upon the mediators, as if they had been influenced and obliged to do what they themselves had urgently and continually solicited night and day, the Duke having repeatedly declared that he would consider it a great favor? But above all, how can the electors, the German princes and others, tolerate the injury done to them by disavowing and contradicting what their deputies and commissioners have done, agreed to, and signed in their names? In one word, will not the said princes and electors consider it an offence to their dignity if, after doing such good offices for the duke of Clèves as to obtain for him, at the urgent request of his ambassadors, a truce, they find themselves deceived? What a blame and reproach will for ever attach to the whole German nation for preserving within its ranks a prince who can so openly break his faith,—in a country, too, like Germany, where the simple word of a gentleman, nay, of the lowest peasant, has always been considered as good as a notarial act!
Is it not clear from the above that the duke of Clèves has not only allied himself with the enemies of the Holy Empire and Christian Republic, but has also so accustomed himself and his ministers to the manners and ways of those enemies, that he cannot speak one word of truth, as has been proved by the last Diet, nor fulfil any promise he has made?
What other proof does Germany require of the Duke's bad faith, and hostile intentions, than his refutation of the truce, and his notorious alliance [with the French], in order to prevent any resistance against the Turk, the ally and confederate of the latter, to keep the whole of Germany in trouble and contention, and thereby impede the peace and welfare of Christendom?
French. Contemporary copy. pp. 3. (fn. 22)
12 April.129. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.
Corresp. Engl., 9.
"Venerable, chier et feal,"—By Symon, your man, We have received your two letters of the 17th of February, together with the copy of the treaty concluded in Our name between the commissioners (commis) and deputies of the king of England and you. We fully acknowledge the great diligence and dexterity shown by you, as well as the pains and trouble you have taken towards the conclusion of the said treaty; your services on this occasion have been more acceptable than ever they were. After having it examined in Our Council [of State], We have signed, ratified, and sworn to it, in Our private chamber, during Mass, and in the presence of the English ambassador only, that it may, as We are told, remain secret the longer. The treaty itself, after being thus signed and ratified by Us with the solemnity and form specified therein, as well as in the King's power to his ambassador, has been handed over to the latter that he may return it to his master.
And whereas it is required that the king of England do the same on his side, and ratify and swear to the treaty, We now send you express powers to receive from him the said ratification and oath, as well as a copy of Ours, and of the memorandum which the English ambassador placed in Our hands respecting the form and manner of the oath. As all these have been punctually observed according to the English ambassador's desire, it is for you, Chapuys, to solicit and take care that the same ceremonies and formalities be observed there; and when that is done, to remit the treaty to the queen dowager of Hungary, Madame [Marie] Our good sister, to be kept in a place of security for Us and Our successors.
As, moreover, the English ambassador has earnestly inquired from Us whether We had any other griefs and complaints against the king of France than those already in the treaty, in order that if We had any, they might be inserted in the preamble of the treaty before its formal ratification, or else be included in the war-challenge that is to be made by Us two in common, We have made the following declaration:—
That over and above the requisitions and peremptory demands contained in the said treaty, the king of France be bound to compensate for all the damages that We and Our subjects, Our kingdoms and interests and dominions, have suffered by the wars he has commenced against Us, and likewise that he restore to Us all and whatever places and fortresses once belonging to Us, which he still retains and occupies, and may not be mentioned in the treaty.
Also, that to the article wherein it is said that the king of France is to restore to the Germans, and compensate them for the damages their interests have had to sustain in the defence of their country against the Turk, be added: that he (king Francis) shall also be bound to compensate Our brother, the king of the Romans, for his losses in Hungary and other countries belonging to him. It will also be fit and convenient, when on the subject of the requisitions and demands, to add that of Our cousin of Savoy, who is to be reinstated in his duchy and territories, and fully compensated for the damages he has suffered at the hands of the French, and receive adequate interest for his losses.
In the article where it is expressly said that king Francis shall pay Us the damage sustained in consequence of the taking of Castilnovo by the Turk, owing to the latter having had the help and assistance of twelve French galleys, this last sentence might be omitted, for, although the French galleys were then at Constantinople, yet it has been ascertained that they did actually help to the taking of Castilnovo by the Turks.
Respecting the article of the treaty in which it is stipulated that the king of England and We shall conjointly send Our heralds to challenge, defy, and continue the war against France, as We have no one here fit for that purpose, We now write to Our sister to send Toison d'Or, who is now at Brussels, and that she (the queen), Mr. de Granvelle, and yourself together decide what charge he is to take to Calais, there to meet the herald whom the king of England may send, that they may both conjointly enter France, and if necessary, come afterwards to Us. Though, it seems to Us that, as We are already at war with France, and that the king of that country has openly broken the truce of Nyce (Nizza), and other treaties existing between him and Us, and has wilfully directed his armies against Our kingdoms and dominions, without any previous intimation or defiance, it would be unfit for Us to make a new challenge on Our part, and that the said Toison d'Or ought merely and conjointly with the English herald to ask for the restitution and satisfaction of the above items, as contained in the treaty, protesting that unless Our demands are fully complied with, We will prosecute and continue the war already existing against king Francis, his kingdom and subjects.
With regard to your remark that the English refuse to specify and name in the treaty the dukes of Holstein and Clèves, but maintain that both are clearly and distinctly comprised in the general clause as "common enemies," though in truth it is to be so understood, yet it would be desirable that you should look out for the means of obtaining a more explicit declaration on that point, and then that you solicit and procure it with all your might, either by some particular document bearing the King's signature, or by his declaring in your presence that both of them are in fact his enemies, or in any other way that you may suggest. We recommend to you to use in this case all possible discretion and dexterity.
Touching the common invasion of French territory which is to be undertaken at least before two years are over, and about which the English ambassador has spoken to Us in earnest, We could not at present determine specifically when and at what time it could be carried out. We have said to the ambassador that We are only waiting for the arrival of prince Doria with his galleys to cross over to Italy, and that once in that country We shall not fail to make all possible effort against the enemy according to the season of the year, and the disposition of affairs in England, and that it would not be amiss for the king of that country to be also prepared and willing to undertake conjointly with Us the invasion of France. However, as we consider it almost certain that the King will excuse himself from making the preconcerted invasion this year, owing to the season being already much advanced, and to his inability to make his men cross the Channel in so short a space of time, and do effective service on the Continent, We have told the English ambassador in general terms that he may report Our words to his master, that We shall be ready, as above said, according to time and circumstances, lest the king of that country should say one of these days that he had not been informed beforehand as to the precise time of the invasion. It will be for you to treat of this affair as if the proposition came from you, in conformity with the above statement, but you must not go beyond that, or take engagements, until you receive fresh and express orders from Us.
Your despatches of the 16th and 21st of January have been duly received; but as the treaty has been concluded and signed since then, there is no particular answer to make, except that We shall be pleased at your continuing to advise the news of that country, and tell Us how the affairs of Scotland go on, and how it is that the cardinal of St. Andrew's (Betoun), has become a prisoner in the hands of that king, of which imprisonment, by the way, and other political news, We expect to receive positive and certain information by your next despatch.
The English ambassador here has spoken to Us of the desire which his master has that We should go to Flanders by way of Biscay, for us two (the king of England and Ourselves), to hold an interview, and that he may entertain and feast Us in his kingdom; or else, if We decide to go the other way, by the Mediterranean and Italy, that he may, on Our arrival on the coast of Flanders, meet Us at Calais or at some other port, and thereat hold a conference. Our answer has been that he (the ambassador) could see that We had come to Barcelona to wait for Our galleys and sail for Italy, and therefore, that there was no possibility at present of Our sailing by the other sea. As to holding an interview with him at Calais, that, We said, in general terms, We could not do, without giving the ambassador any specific reason, or saying more about it. (fn. 23) This much did We answer to the English ambassador respecting his master's invitation, and as it might be that a similar offer was or is made to you there, in London, We inform you of Our answer to the English ambassador, that you may decline the invitation, if repeated. Besides which, We have held so many interviews of the sort without deriving any advantage or profit therefrom (but, on the contrary, exposing Ourselves to personal danger), that We are unwilling to accept this one. This, of course, to be expressed in general terms, without positively accepting or refusing, but trying to get out of the difficulty as you best can.
The same English ambassador, in conversation with some of Our ministers about the projected invasion of France by Our joint armies, is reported to have declared that his master, the King, would be ready at any time, when requested, to enter French territory. If so, taking first the advice of Our sister, the Queen, and also that of Mr. de Granvelle, who will not fail to send you instructions as to that, you will solicit the King to effect at once his entry into France by the Calais frontier, and act entirely in conformity with the orders you may receive from them [Our sister, and Monsr. de Granvelle].—Barcelona, 12 April 1543. (fn. 24)
French. Original draft. pp. 3.

Footnotes

1 "Et pour me tesmoigner quil ny alloit pas à faulse enseigne, et quil ne vouloit repaistre le monde de parolles, il me voulloit bien advertir quil avoit desja despaiche (despeché) par tous les coustez de son royaulme pour choisir et enrouller gens, en quoy sestoit mis nouvel ordre et trop meilleur que le passe. Et me semble, à ce que je puis comprendre par ses propoz quil ne prendra à sa souldre autres pietons que du sien [royaulme], ouy bien gens de cheval."
2 "Je ne luy ay point tenu propoz quil equippaige quil avoit dartillerie, municion, harnoix, ni aussi bastons de guerre, ne pareillement quelle assistence il pourroit faire de victuailles tant pour non la travailler par trop, veu la grande communicacion quavons eue sur le reste, et quil mavoit donne dentendre que hier il avoit eu un petit acces de fievre, joinct que ceulx de son conseil mavoient dict quil y avoit apparence de bonne prise, et que ce estant lon pourroit diçy tirer grande quantite de grains, mais quil ny avoit soubres (Sp. sobras) de chairs mesmes à loccasion du grandiver qui avoit tue grande nombre de bestez."
3 All this paragraph refers to Marillac, but it is doubtful whether the other ambassador who called on the King was Morvilliers or the Prothonotary of Orthez. See above, p. 276. As to the English ambassador in France (Sir William Paget), his return took place about the 20th of April. State Papers, Vol. IX., p. 353.
4 A duplicate of the missing letter, dated the 30th of March, has already been abstracted. See No. 122, pp. 290–3.
5 "Confessant qu'ilz ont perdu plus de cent I. gentilshommes de nom de leur pays. De nostre coste navons perdu aucuns gentilhomes, mais ceulx que pensions estre tuez sont prisonners, et vivants. Le Sr d'Ysche, qui estoit fort bleshe (blessé), est hors dangier. Ne sont de nostre coste demourez mortz à la dite bataille point plus de xxvii. personnes des gens de cheval, comme s'est trouvé à la monstre depuis faicte. Il y a environ lx. prisoniers, et aulcuns aultres qui ont eu leur chevaulx tuez."
6 At this time the Emperor was still at Barcelona. On the 1st of May he sailed for Genoa, where, after touching at Savona, he landed on the 27th. He stayed there till the 2nd of June, and left for Tortona and Pavia.
7 "Si le dit roy d'Angleterre veult envoyer armee decha (deca?) la mer, il sera roquis tirer bledz d'Angleterre pour la pouvoir secourir de vivres, à quoy vous requirons avoir bon regart et obtenir congee du dit sieur roy den pouvoir tirer, et sil en vouloit faire provision à Calais ou aultre ville vosine (sic) ce pourroit grandement servir à son armee."
8 "Vins et pastel" are the words. See above, p. 296.
9 "Et quelque nombre de pastel jusques à x. mille bailles sur aultres navieres franchoises."
10 "Et de nostre couste feront prendre regart que personne ne passera pour aller en Escosse, et que les dits navires retourneront droit en France, et que dores en avant ne fera conduise les vins et pastel sur navires d'Espaigne, angloises ou flamenges."
11 "L'armee de l'empereur qui estoit de xm testes de pietons et xxiiiic chevaulcheurs est entree en Juliers le xxi. du mois de Mars, et arriva à Hainsberghe auprinces (sic) à unze heures de nuyt pour l'empeschement quilz avoyent eu a cause du grant charoy qu'ilz avoient, et du mauvais temps quilz avoient."
12 "Et s'est faicte la charmouche (sic) sans perte d'ung coste ou daultre."
13 The letter itself is unfinished (ending abruptly with the words "ou icelle a campe et ont les allarmes"); it is, moreover, undated and has no address, from which it is natural to conclude that it was abstracted from another sent from the Imperial Camp to someone living at Brussels, whence it was probably forwarded to Chapuys in England, enclosed in one of queen Mary's. At any rate it is annexed to the preceding of the 8th April from the Queen to Chapuys.
14 That of the 2nd of April. see above, No. 124, p. 193.
15 Morvilliers (?), for Marillac had already left, and was at Calais. See p. 296.
16 Sir William Paget of the King's chamber.
17 Most probably John Penven. See State Papers, Vol. V., pp. 61, 360–2, &c.
18 "Le dict prestre excossois a este envoye en France pour espier la disposicion du dit Rouen et de tout le pays à lentour, mesmes à la ligiere (lizière) de mer, et cherche[r] de y avoir de lintelligence et si a sollicite de faire vuyder de france le frere du gouverneur dEscosse, et certains aultres gentilzhommes, qui sont passez par icy tres bien recueillez et festoyez du dict sieur roy. Et croy[s] bien quilz ne sont party (partis) sans present."
19 "Bien me me fust dict dernierement en court que lon pensoit quilz apportoient le consentement des Estatz du dict Excosse sur le marriage de leur princesse avec le prince de Gallez, mais quilz netoient dadvyz iceulx estatz de mettre leur dicte princesse aux mains du dict sieur roy jusque à ce quelle fust daage (sic) pour consumer le marriage. Toutesfois ceulx cy ne sont hors [d]espoir dobtenir la deslivrance de la dicte princesse avant le dict temps, et mesmez avec la faveur de ceulx de Douglaz, quont par les dictz estatz estez reintegrez à leurs biens, fame(?) et preheminenzes, et sont ceulx que peullent (peuvent?) aultant avec le gouverneur et le peuple. Et a le conte Douglaz et son frere acquiz reputation et honneur davoir donne si bon ordre aus (sic) dits estatz (ou sont assembles les seigneurs du dict royaulme) que encoirez ny soit advenu desbat ne noise."
20 "Au grand regrectz et dez Lutheriens et dez François, que le ayent (haient haissent?) comme poison."
21 "Le dict conte de Surrey, aisne filz au duc de Norfocq est en prison yl y a passe huytz jours pour sestre trouve en compagnie deux ou trois nuitz, ou sestoient rompuez plusieurs verrierez de gens de bien de ceste ville."
22 This document has rather the appearance of an original draft. It is, however, only a fragment of that which appeared in the Memoirs de Granvelle, Vol. III., pp. 96–99.
23 "Et que quant à nous entreveoir avec luy au dit coustel de Calais, nous le passames generalement sans aultrement le reprendre ny en faire mention."
24 On this day the Emperor was at Barcelona waiting, no doubt, for the conclusion of the treaty which he ratified on the 12th (?). On the 15th news came of Doria's galleys having anchored in front of Rosas, in Catalonia. On the 18th, Doria himself entered Barcelona with his 44 galleys, and in the afternoon of the 1st of May the Emperor embarked for Genoa.