Spain
January 1544, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos and Martin A. S. Hume (editors)

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1899

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1-13

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'Spain: January 1544, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 7: 1544 (1899), pp. 1-13. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88153 Date accessed: 27 November 2014.


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January 1544, 1–15

1544.— Jan.1. Juan de Vega to Prince Philip.
S.E., Roma.“Señor,”—Cardinal Farnese (fn. 1) has heard of His Imperial Majesty's goodwill and inclination to peace, and says that His Holiness is about to send two legates, one to His Imperial Majesty, the other to king Francis, though he (the Pope) knows by experience that legacies and missions very seldom produce the effect for which they are meant, and have on the contrary done mischief and harm. It would be much better (he says) not to send legates at all.
The Cardinal, however, thinks that the Pope will in the end decide to send a legate to His Imperial Majesty; but he will like to know beforehand how his legate is to be received for fear he should fail in his object, as the bishop of Viseu (Sylva) once did. “To treat of peace between two such powerful princes as the Emperor and king Francis (continued the Cardinal), more is needed than the mere courtly demonstrations resulting from legacies of that sort.”
The Cardinal then began to speak about the last Diet, and asked a number of questions. The answer returned to him was that His Imperial Majesty, being at war with king Francis, had more important business to attend to than to go into details and explain his motives and intentions. His Holiness (said the Cardinal) has already declared openly and signified to the prelates and ecclesiastics who attended it, as well as to the Papal Nuncio, what his reasons are for acting as he is doing; besides which the persons appointed by him to attend the next sitting of the Diet will have full cognizance of the affairs treated and resolutions taken therein.
My last Instructions from the Emperor are as follows:— “Should the Legates and the breve of revocation of the last Papal bull not have left Rome, the Imperial ambassador is to make every effort to stop the Legates and the 'breve' also; but should the Legates have started on their respective missions, His Holiness is to be urgently requested, in the Imperial name, to have them recalled. As to Our Royal rescript pragmatica, you must address His Holiness in the very same terms that Our son, Prince Philip, has done, warning him (the Pope) before he issues the revocation that his bull will not be obeyed here [in Spain].”
Spanish. Original. 1½ pp.
n. d.2. Juan de Vega to —. (fn. 2)
S.E. Roma, L. 847.You shall call on His Holiness and say that I (Vega) have communicated to the Emperor and to His Royal Highness Prince Philip, his son, the conversation I had with him, as well as my own individual opinion of the measures likely to be taken at home respecting matters in which the inhabitants of the various Spanish kingdoms consider themselves to be much aggrieved. That I myself have sent home a report of what His Holiness intends doing in the matter. You will add in my name that I have written to the Emperor, and to his son in Spain (prince Philip), describing the good disposition in which I have found him (the Pope), and that I confidently hope, nay trust, that my efforts with the Emperor and with his son will meet with complete success, and some effectual means be found to give complete satisfaction to the Holy Apostolic See.
Do tell him that after the affair had been closely examined in Spain by people of reputation and learning in such matters, and well known also from their devotion to the Apostolic See and to His Holiness in particular, it was resolved, after mature deliberation, that the provision lately made in Spain about the matter is good and just, and that His Holiness ought to consider it as such.
You will also say that I beg and entreat him to consider whether instead of a vigorous revocation of the measure it would not be better and more convenient, as he himself has frequently admitted, to recall or revoke his own Apostolic bull, and not let what the laws and customs of Spain have established for ages go to ruin, be disobeyed, and held as nought.
Spanish. Original. 2 pp. (fn. 3)
3 Jan.3. The Emperor to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.“Venerable chier et feal,”—This will be for the purpose of informing you that the English ambassador, (fn. 4) who resided formerly at the Court of Our sister, the dowager queen of Hungary, and is now here with Us, spoke to Us on Sunday last on three different points. One was about Our sending to the King, his master, 500 Spanish hackbutiers out of those We have in Our army here, alleging that the King, his master, had already remitted the money for the men, and sent commissaries for conducting them to England. The second point was that we should hold the Scots as enemies, declaring them to be such, and interdicting their trade with Our dominions and subjects. The third was the 1 per cent. tax (le centiesme denier).
Respecting the first point, We remonstrated with the ambassador, telling him the want in which We Ourselves were of the said Spaniards, detached as they are now in the Luxenburg and in the Cambresis; wherefrom they could not at present be withdrawn without serious inconvenience, inasmuch as in the one as in the other of these provinces the common enemy are continually making inroads. That We had already dismissed and paid up the greater part of Our infantry, and that if from those remaining in Our service We were to withdraw the 500 hackbutiers now asked for, the infantry, which constitutes the nerve and soul of Our army, would become considerably weakened and unable to do efficient service hereafter.
To the second point the answer has been similar in every respect to that given to the Sieur de Briant, (fn. 5) namely, that whenever the King declared open war against the Scots, and had actually suspended the intercourse of trade with his own dominions, We should not fail to execute and accomplish whatever engagements were made or entered into by the last treaty.
With regard to the third point Our ministers have represented to the English ambassador that at Our departure from this place We shall particularly recommend to Our sister, the Queen, to take a good and final resolution in the matter, and that she, herself, will begin the moment We are gone to look into it most carefully.
Although the above-mentioned answers to the two first points, on which the English ambassador has particularly insisted, are reasonable and justifiable enough; although Monsgr. de Granvelle, to whom We referred him, has since spoken to him on the subject, yet the English ambassador does not seem at all satisfied, finding it very strange, as he says, that We should refuse to his master, the King, the 500 Spanish hackbutiers on whom he counted, and for whose enlistment the King had already remitted the necessary funds, besides having sent commissaries to conduct them to England. As to the Scots the English ambassador affirms that his master is already at war with them, insisting that the hackbutiers are really wanted, and that the King cannot do without their services. Notwithstanding these and other excuses, which the above-mentioned Briant found plausible and reasonable, when he spoke to Us on the subject, being apparently satisfied and adding, before he went away, that his master had not yet lost all hope of coming to terms with the Scots, this new resident ambassador will not accept Our said excuses, and insists upon Our sending to his master 500 Spanish hackbutiers to serve on the borders of Scotland.
We have considered it necessary to let you know in detail. what passed with the English ambassador in order that with your usual dexterity and wisdom you may try to give satisfaction to the King on the three above-named points in conformity with the answer given to the English ambassador and Our own excuses, which, We repeat, are perfectly true, just, and reasonable, the more so, in regard to the first point, namely, that of the Spanish infantry, as We do not hesitate to say, that the number of those now with Us is really very small, many of them having perished during last year, (fn. 6) so much so that We have been obliged, as Don Fernando well knows, to send expressly to Spain for more. Besides which, as far as the Scots are concerned, it must be considered that apart from the text of the treaty of alliance between the king of England and Us there are other reasons to be taken into account, such as Our old confederacy with the Scots and the intercourse of trade with them, which it would be quite unreasonable and dishonest to break through at once without the above-expressed conditions of the King being actually at war with them. (fn. 7)
We left Brussels yesterday, and shall prosecute Our march to-day and to-morrow, counting upon being at Liège on the eve of the Epiphany; We shall pass that festival in Liège, and on the following day shall proceed by the route which, according to information, may seem to Us most commodious and secure, having ordered that a detachment of horse and foot go in front. (fn. 8)
This is all “We can tell you for the present. “We presume that if Don Fernando (fn. 9) is still in England, you will communicate with him respecting the contents of this letter, and should he have left We refer you to what We write to him, of which a copy is enclosed.—Louvain, 3 of January 1543 [Old style].
French. Original minute. 3 pp.
6 Jan.4. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch.“Sire,”—Since the departure of the viceroy of Sicily nothing important has occurred here. This king is daily, nay from hour to hour (et d'heure à aultre), showing the greatest possible care and activity in preparing for the military undertaking in contemplation. Indeed, I am given to understand that his intentions are to make still greater efforts than he promised me some time ago.
Last week his ministers ordered the seizure at Dover of three ships (navires) laden with salt herrings, which Alexander Antenory, Symon Reory, and others were sending to France with your Majesty's permission and safe-conduct. Not having heard of the seizure of those ships until this very morning, and being ignorant also on what grounds it has taken place, and what this king's privy councillors intend doing with the ships, I cannot at present say more about the affair, but hope to be able to-morrow or later on to learn the truth, and report accordingly.
I humbly beg your Majesty that the payment of my personal salary, amounting to —, (fn. 10) may not be delayed. I now send to Flanders the bearer of this letter, one of my secretaries, to claim the amount of my arrears, and lest he should have to remain [in Brussels] six or seven months, as he did last time, when sent on a similar errand, I have instructed him to wait first on your Majesty, and most humbly beg in my name that most pressing orders be sent at once to the treasurers in Brussels.—London, 6 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Addressed: “To the Emperor.”
French. Original. 1 p.
7 Jan.5. The Same to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 235.“Madame,”—Since the departure of the viceroy of Sicily (Ferrante Gonzaga) (fn. 11) nothing important has occurred in this country. The king is showing great care and activity, etc.
[The rest of the letter as in his dispatch to the Emperor of the 5th of January, with the following paragraph in his own hand]:
“I am really ashamed of my importunities with regard to my salary; but I cannot do otherwise, and, therefore, most humbly beg your Majesty to remind the treasurers that for several months past no payment has been made to my agents in Brussels.—London, 7 January 1544.”
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
French. Original. 1 p.
7 Jan.6. Eustace Chapuys to Monseigneur de Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 235.“Monseigneur,”—This king is writing to the Emperor respecting the Milanese physician. (fn. 12) The purport of his letter is, that having resided so long in England, and even taken out letters of naturalisation, he (the physician) can only be judged by Englishmen.
Begs him to take charge of his private affairs and have his arrears of salary paid.—London, 7 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
French. Original. 1 p.
7 Jan.7. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Imp. Arch.“Monseigneur,”—I beg Your Lordship to attend to my humble prayer to the Emperor, as in the enclosed, and to do your best for the speedy settlement of my arrears, for I am, indeed, in extreme want.
This King is now writing to his ambassador at the Imperial court respecting the Milanese physician, and the Emperor's letter to him. The King's answer is to this effect: —“That as the physician has resided very long in England, taken out letters of naturalisation, and has, besides, sworn to the statutes of the kingdom, he must needs be tried and judged as if he were an English subject, if he by the said letters of naturalisation—which, after all, are a privilege—had actually renounced the allegiance due to his natural lord, as well as the obligation under which he may be to the Apostolic See.” Such a reasoning on the part of this King's ministers may have very serious consequences in future on many considerations, which I have no time at present to lay before Your Lordship; but I readily submit to your good judgment.—London, 7 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Indorsed: “A Monseigneur, Monsr. de Grantvelle (sic), knight, first councillor of State, and lord Privy Seal (garde des Sçeaulx) to the Emperor.”
French. Holograph. 1 p.
9 Jan.8. The Same to the Emperor.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Rep. P., Fasc. C. 235.“Sire,”—By my preceding letter of the 6th inst. I informed Your Majesty that this King's ministers had ordered the seizure of three ships (navires) with cargoes of salt herrings, which by stress of weather (fortune de mer) and contrary winds had been obliged to put in at Dover, where two more ships with a similar cargo have since taken refuge. The herrings are the property of Alexander Antenory & Co., of Antwerp, who, with proper licence and safe-conduct from Your Majesty, were sending them to Bordeaux. Whatever remonstrances have been addressed by me to this King's privy councillors on the subject telling them that the article seized could not be kept long—being of a nature much subject to rot and decomposition—and that it was far preferable to give up the affair altogether, and get from the common enemy either money or some other merchandize instead, of a more durable kind, I have as yet been unable to obtain from the privy councillors proper reparation on that score, they alleging, among other reasons, that too much money had been spent by the King last year in naval armaments in order to deprive the French of the herring fisheries to allow them to be supplied now with the same sort of article. All his outlay of money (said the privy councillors) would count for nothing if, after all, the French were permitted to procure the article in another way.
Our (fn. 13) answer to that objection has been that the two cases were totally different; for, had they allowed the French to fish for their own herrings, it would not have cost them (the English) anything, and the enemy would not have had their money as on this occasion, when they will be obliged to repurchase the fish. (fn. 14) We, moreover, called the privy councillors' attention to the fact respecting the quality of the safe-conducts; they ought to consider, we said, that there was a great difference between Antwerp and London; for here in London the merchants are almost all natives of England, whereas Antwerp is full of merchants of all nations dealing in all sorts of merchandize, and, therefore, that it is just and convenient for the advantage and profit of merchants in general that the intercourse of trade be not interrupted.
Notwithstanding these and other like arguments of ours the King's privy councillors persist in their determination, and seem decided not to allow any merchandize to go into France, nor pass thence into Flanders, giving us to understand that the treaty of closer alliance between the two princes (the Emperor and their master) expressly forbids it With regard to the fish, they intend taking that portion of it that may be wanted for the provision of England, paying for it such a sum of money as may seem reasonable, the remainder of the ships' cargoes to go back to Flanders, that is, supposing that the herrings do not belong to French merchants; for, if they do, they will consider them a good prize, and will allow nothing for them. Respecting the ships themselves, until they ascertain whether they belong to Frenchmen or not they will not be released.
As the ambassador (fn. 15) of this King now resident at Your Majesty's court has charge of reporting on this particular, I will say no more about it for the present; but I beg to be apprized of Your Majesty's determination and receive instructions thereon.—London, 9 January 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
French. Original. 2 pp.
10 Jan.9. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch.“Monsieur l'ambassadeur,”—I have purposely delayed writing to you during the Emperor's stay in this country (fn. 16) (par decha), knowing that the Sieur de Grantvelle (sic) has communicated with you continually and reported news. Not having had anything of my own to say I have left off writing for some time; but since His Imperial Majesty has departed for Germany I shall, in obedience to his commands, resume my task and inform you of every occurrence in the Emperor's march. In the first place, you must have heard that the ambassador who for some time back has resided here for the king of England, that is, Master Nicolas Woutton, (fn. 17) has been ordered to follow His Imperial Majesty, instead of the bishop of London, the former ambassador at the Imperial court. Master Woutton at the very first audienco he had from the Emperor asked him, in his master's name, for a certain number of Spanish hackbutiers to serve on the Scotch borders; but this the Emperor refused, on the plea that he could not possibly part with them without completely unfurnishing, as it were, the Spanish infantry he brought with him and who are now wintering in this country; he would rather send to England the whole of his Spaniards than the number of hackbutiers asked for, without whom the rest of his army would be of very little service to him. (fn. 18) The English ambassador was anything but pleased at this answer of the Emperor's ministers.
After that the ambassador complained about the 1 per cent. duty on all goods and merchandize imported from this country by the English, and asked the Emperor to be pleased to have it removed. The Emperor referred him to the Sieur de Grantvelle, to whom he has since made a similar complaint. It has been decided that the answer to the ambassador's application is to be thus conceived: It was agreed that English merchants should be exempted from payment of the 1 per cent. duty on all goods and merchandize they exported from these Low Countries They ought to be contented with that and not insist further on the entire and complete exemption from duty, as otherwise so many frauds would be committed that it would be impossible to detect them all. (fn. 19) It is, moreover, to be considered that the duty was merely imposed for the sake of, and during the continuance of, the present war with the French, as a sort of subvention to meet the excessive expenditure of these Low Countries in the conflict, as a tax, in short, equally profitable to the subjects of both nations, since by helping the inhabitants of these Low Countries to resist better the attacks of the common foe, the English, bound as they are by treaty to contribute with men or money towards the defence of these countries, would in a measure be relieved from part of their obligations. If to this be added that the thing in itself is so insignificant for the English merchants that it is hardly worthy of mention, you will easily understand why We refuse to comply with the demand. But, in spite of all the remonstrances Our ministers addressed to him on this subject, the English ambassador was dissatisfied, and maintained that English merchants in general ought to be completely exempted, and that the act and ordinances exempting them from payment of duty on their own goods when imported into the Low Countries ought to be changed inasmuch as they were only meant as provisional measures. To this argument of the English ambassador Our ministers replied that he (the ambassador) ought to be satisfied with the fact that no duty was levied on goods and merchandize of these countries when exported to England, and that the proclamation (placart) in virtue of which the duty of 1 per cent. was levied did not expressly refer to the English, but to foreign merchants in general. And on the ambassador observing that notwithstanding that the English themselves might one of these days be compelled to pay the duty, Our minister told him that whenever that came to pass, then it would be the time and opportunity to complain, not now.
We inform you of these particulars in order that should the ambassador, who, as it would appear, is influenced in this matter by personal interests (par grande affection), write home about it, you may make such representations as you deem most fit for the reasonable satisfaction of the privy councillors, dwelling on the small importance of the affair as far as the English are concerned, and of what harm it would be for the Emperor's subjects were the total exemption to be granted as the English demand. His Imperial Majesty finds the ambassador's demand not only unreasonable, but tending to do away altogether with the tax, thus defrauding His Imperial Majesty of its produce instead of promoting the interests of the English merchants, who import very little merchandise from these countries under Our government, besides which, what they do import is for their own use, not for other countries.
With regard to what you last wrote, (fn. 20) that the English do not seem inclined to respect the safe-conducts issued here, not even those granted for articles of food, and at the same time that they claim the restitution of two French ships (navieres) captured by Our warships at the island of Gernusy (Guernsey), pretending that the island is neutral ground and that the French have perfect right to sail thither, We cannot help stating that We find English pretensions on that score very strange and preposterous indeed, for whilst they of themselves maintain that Guernsey is neutral ground, and that Frenchmen can frequent it undisturbed, the island itself is included and expressly named among those which the Emperor is bound to defend as belonging to England. We, meanwhile, on Our side are prevented from granting safe-conducts for foreign vessels to take merchandize to France and bring therefrom goods and articles of trade most wanted in these countries. This pretension on the part of the English, to say the truth, We find very inconsiderate, because, though We admit that the allies are bound to do all possible harm to the common enemy, yet the safe-conduct by Us granted to vessels has nothing to do with that affair, since the naval forces of these countries under Our government have never ceased pursuing the French at sea since the beginning of this war. The very same reasoning applies with greater force to the pretended neutrality of Guernsey, by means of which the English are actually communicating, contracting and bartering freely with the French as often as they like without hindrance or restriction of any sort.
In order, therefore, that poor merchants of this nation may not be deceived, owing to safe-conducts of Ours not being respected by the English, it will be your duty to represent the above arguments to that King's privy councillors, and if they do still persist in their refusal to consider them valid, signify to them with all possible discretion and mildness that they themselves ought to have no communication of any sort with the French nor grant them safe-conducts, as it is reported they are occasionally doing, for they cannot decently and honestly oppose Our granting some when they themselves on their side are bestowing them right and left. The inequality in this case would be too glaring and unbearable and a good deal more injurious to Us and to the inhabitants of these Low Countries than to the French, especially as to wine, nowadays very scarce in Germany, and which cannot be easily procured even from France. It is for the sake of wine, which is much wanted, for the soldiers especially, that We some time ago granted safe-conducts for vessels carrying herrings, an article that cannot be kept long, in exchange for French wine, for if the Emperor's army is not provided with it in time the soldiers will have none till after the autumn.
With regard to the two French ships (navieres) (fn. 21) taken at the island of Guernsey, those who captured them give a different version from the report which the governor of that island sent to the Privy Council. They say that being far out at sea, and away from the island, looking out for some vessel of the enemy, they saw in the distance, and away from land, the two French vessels, which they chased for some time. One of the ships carried twenty-one good pieces of ordnance, and had on board one trumpeter and sixty armed men for her defence. The chase lasted some time, a mutual cannonade going on all the time, until at the end the French took to flight and entered the port on the island, inside of which they were captured. Many of the French, however, escaped and took refuge on land; upon which the governor immediately opened fire against Our ships as if they belonged to the enemy. Finding, however, that the English gunners did not shoot as he liked the governor made use of the French, who, as above said, had landed and taken refuge in the island, to man the guns, firing several shots, which obliged Our ships to quit the place, carrying away, however, the prize they had taken, and which they would by no means abandon. The French ships had been freighted for the coast of Barbary, as was proved by the papers and books found on board of them, (fn. 22) and not for Guernsey as pretended. That the coast of Barbary was the ships' destination could easily be proved by the fact that their cargo consisted chiefly of linen cloth (toilles).
In all this there is no contravention of neutrality on Our part; it is, on the contrary, the governor of the island who by favouring and assisting the enemy against the allies of the King his master acted against it. Besides which, it must be said that the neutrality of Guernsey has never been notified to the government of the Low Countries. The commanders of the ships that made the prize suspect that the governor of the island acted as he did in order to save the French cargoes and himself get a gratuity (pot de vin) thereby. Even the French taken on board own that the capture of their ships was a legitimate one, and do not protest, which they might easily have done. Had the island been neutral ground, as alleged by the English, surely the French owners of the captured ships would have protested against the infraction of that neutrality, which, as above stated, was never intimated to Us nor to the military and naval authorities of these countries, who otherwise would have been requested to give up their prize. But, as the navigators of these seas tell Us, the neutrality of Guernsey would be very injurious to us, inasmuch as English and French traders are daily bartering and contracting in that island as if there was no war between the two nations, which by the way, if true, would be in direct opposition to the treaties.
The dean of York, that King's resident ambassador at this court has asked Us, in his master's name, to seize certain Scotch ships, which, he says, have robbed (detroussé) at sea certain English merchant vessels. This We have granted, and the seizure shall be made; but the same ambassador has applied to Us for a public declaration forbidding to the Scotch in general the residence in and frequentation of these Low Countries for the purpose of trade, as being at present enemies of that King. To this application of the English ambassador We have not returned an answer, waiting to know His Imperial Majesty's pleasure and what answer has been given to a similar request of the English ambassador residing at his Court. Meanwhile it would be advisable that you, Chapuys, should let Us know as soon as possible whether the war between the kingdoms of England and Scotland has actually broken out, which, by the way, the Scots here maintain is not the fact, that We may shape Our conduct accordingly, and in compliance with the text of the treaty.
But whilst a declaration against the Scots is being asked for, it seems just and reasonable that the king of England should make a similar declaration against the duke of Holstein, and the countries under his rule, forbidding all his subjects to trade with and frequent the King's dominions. On this point We shall also be glad to receive information and advice before returning an answer to the English ambassador.
On the other hand, We cannot omit to say that cardinal Ferneze (Farnese), (fn. 23) the legate and grandson (nephew) of Our Holy Father, the Pope, has gone to the Emperor. He left Rome at the end of November [last], and passing through France, arrived yesterday, the 9th, at this frontier. Some of his familiar servants, whom he has sent forward, state that he (the Cardinal) is going to the Emperor, to declare to him, as he has done to king Francis, the object of his mission, which is, as the Cardinal's familiars say, to treat of peace between king Francis and the allies. We cannot say whether the Cardinal will come as far as Brussels, or not; if he does, We will let you know what he says about it, that you yourself may report to that King, who, however, may be perfectly sure that nothing shall be treated or done without his intervention, in compliance with the treaty of closer alliance, the articles of which His Imperial Majesty intends to observe inviolably and with good faith, as the good friendship between the two allied Majesties requires.—Brussels, 10 January 1543 [Old style].
Addressed: “ To ambassador Chapuys in England.”
Indorsed: “ To ambassador Chapuys in England, the tenth of January 1543, Stil de court“ (sic).
French. Original draft. 3½ pp.

Footnotes

1 Alessandro, son of Pier Luigi, duke of Castro, about whom see Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 199, 209–13, 260, 400.
2 Most likely to Dr. Conchano or Conciano, at the time chargé d' Affaires at Rome owing to the Imperial ambassador's absence. See Vol. VI., Part II, pp. 572–5.
3 These two letters (Nos. 1 and 2) are preserved at Simancas, and copies of them may be found in Bergenroth's Collection (Vol. XXII., pp. 291, 295). Neither of them is dated, nor is there any clue as to the place at which they were written. In the above-mentioned Collection (No. 28,593) both are calendared in January, and certainly one of them, if not both, refers to the celebrated “pragmatica.” or Royal rescript promulgated by the Emperor in January 1544, forbidding the grant of ecelesiastical benefices to fóreigners.
4 Nicholas Wotton, dean of Canterbury.
5 In Oct. 1543 Sir Francis Briant was sent to the Emperor for a similar purpose. See Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 514, 528, 528.
6 “Et mesmes qui, comme luy a este dict, le nombre en est petit, et en avons beaucoup perdu ceste annee.”
7 “ Et quant aux dits Escossoys oultre le texte du traicté d'entre le dit sieur roy et nous [il] convient qu'ayons regard à ce qu'avons confederation et communication avecq iceulx Escossaiz, la quelles (sic) par raison et honnestete ne pouvons rompre sang les conditions ovant dites.”
8 “Faisant compte d'estre à Liège la veille des [Trois] Roys et y sesjournerons le jour, et des la passer oultre par le chemin que des lors nous adviserons selon les advertissements qu'aurons de la commodite et sheurete du chemin pour la quelle avons pourveu de quelque nombre de gens de cheval et de pied quest tout ce que pour le moment, &c.” According to the Emperor's Itinerary by Vandenesse, on the 2nd of January 1544 Charles left Brussels for Louvain; he did not reach Liège till the 5th, after passing Tillemont and Tongres.
9 That is Ferrante Gonzaga, duke of Molfetta, and viceroy of Sicily for the Emperor. He had been in London a few days, in December 1543, to arrange with king Henry the plan of campaign against France. See Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 526–8.
10 There is a blank for the amount, which is said elsewhere to have been thousands of crowns.
11 Gonzaga must have left London at the end of December. See Vol. VI., Part II., p. 544.
12 Baptozard Guerche (Baldasaro II Guercino?) a singularly clever surgeon and physician, about whom see Vol. VI. Part II., pp. 538–9. He is said to have been a native of II Boscho, near Milan. He was arrested in December 1543 and sent to the Tower, at the same time as two familiar friends of the bishop of Winchester (Stephen Gardiner) for having asserted in public the authority of the Pope in Church matters.
13 Meaning himself and his colleague.
14 “Leur a este respondu quil y avoit grande difference car les permettant pescher leur harengs que il ne leur eu[t] riens couste, et n'en eussent eu leurs ennemy largent comme à ceste heure quilz sont constraintz par necessite [de] les surachapter.”
15 Nicholas Wotton.
16 Mary's last letter to Chapuys is dated December 1543. See Vol. VI., Part II., p 544. The Emperor, according to Vandenesse, arrived at Brussels on the 23December 1543, and left on the 2nd of January 1544.
17 Nicholas Wotton, who in Nov. 1543 was accredited to the Emperor. See Vol. VI., Part II., p. 525. He replaced the bishop of London, Edmund Bonner.
18 “Dont Sa mate s'excuse par ce qu'il ny sçaueroit (sic) envoyer sans entierement defurnir (defournir) les Espaignolz quil a faict yverner de par decha, et vauldroit autant envoyer en Engleterre tous les ditz Espaignolz que y envoyer les hacbutiers sans les quelz les aultres ne sçaueroient faire service.”
19 “Et sur ce que lui a este remonstré qu'on avoit accordé que les Englois seroient exemptz du centiesme pour les marchandizes quilz mesnent en Engleterre, dont il se debvoit contenter sans insister plus avant, aultrement se commetteroient tant de fraudes que impossible y seroit obvier.”
20 See Chapuys' letter of the 13th of Dec. 1543., Vol. VI., Part II., p. 542.
21 “Quant aux deux navires franchois prinses en lisle de Garnuyse ceulx qui ont fait la prinse deguysent la prinse aultrement que le capitaine du dit isle n' [en]a fait entendre à ceulx du Conseil du dit sieur roy, car ilz disent qu'estans en mer pour cherser leur avanture et endommaiger à les ennemis ilz appercheurent (apperçurent) en plaine mer les dits deux navires franchois, dont l'une avoit XXI bonnes pieces d'artillerie, une trompette et LX hommes de defense, lcsquelles ilz poursuy[vi]rent de sorte que canonerent lung contro lautre. Finaliement les navires franchoises prendrent la fuyte et se saulverent au port de l'isle Garnuyse, ou elles furent prinses par celles de par decha; mais plusieurs franchois se saulverent au dit isle. Et incontinent le capitaine du dit Garnuyse fist tirer contre les navires de par decha comme si elles eussent este aux enemis, et pour ce que les canoniers Englois ne tiroient à son plaisir il laissa tirer les franchois qui s'estoient saulfvés au dit isle, de sorte que celles de par decha furent constraintes eulx saulver menans avecq enlx leur proye, la quelle ilz ne voulurent abandonner.”
22 “Et estoyens les dits navires franchoises chargees et affrettees sur Barberie comme se troeve par les quarte parties troeves en icelles.”
23 Alessandro, son of Pier Luigi, duke of Castro, and grandson of Pope Paul. Vol. VI., Part II., pp. 199, 209–18, 400.