Spain
May 1544, 21-25

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Institute of Historical Research

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Pascual de Gayangos and Martin A. S. Hume (editors)

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1899

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167-179

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'Spain: May 1544, 21-25', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 7: 1544 (1899), pp. 167-179. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88167 Date accessed: 02 October 2014.


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May 1544, 21–25

21 May.104. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monsieur l'Ambassadeur,”—By your letters of the 12th and 17th inst. (fn. 1) We have been duly apprised of the news of that country, as well as of the King's successes in the parts of Scotland, of which news his ambassador, resident at this Our court, had already given Us notice, at the same time exhibiting a letter (fn. 2) from the King's general (earl of Hertford) relating to his landing in Scotland, his taking two forts guarded by the Scots, as well as the town of Lith (Leith), and the flight of the Governor and Cardinal, and so forth, the whole of which is contained in the said letter as shown to Us. We have caused it to be translated [from the English] into French, and to be published and proclaimed everywhere, as a very good and most agreeable piece of news. And We request you, when the opportunity offers, to thank that King in Our name for his attention in communicating to Us that signal success of his arms, which has been as pleasant and agreeable to Us as if the affair had been one of Our own. We hope that with so good a beginning the King will establish such order in the country that the Scots will no longer have the means or the power of rebelling against him, and that Our common undertaking against France will be benefitted and made easier through it, confident as We are that his men will behave as gallantly on this side of the Channel as they have in Scotland.
We have likewise been pleased to hear that the King has taken in good part and approved of the declaration against the Scots, without making any difficulty as to the clause about the safe-conducts, which his privy councillors added in the form proposed by them, and which, as you must have observed, has been purposely left out; for it has nothing to do with the declaration.
With regard to the letter of the Admiral of France (Hannebault) We cannot say anything yet, not having had an answer to the one We wrote to the Emperor, our lord and brother, about it. When that answer and the Emperor's decision come to hand, We shall know whether the Admiral's letter is to have a reply or not, (fn. 3) and, if so, what that reply has been, that you may immediately inform the King of it, all the time thanking him for the good advice he has been pleased to bestow on Us, and assuring him that in this matter of the Admiral, as in many others, We do not intend to act without letting him know first and ascertaining what will be found most convenient for both parties, and most suitable for the observance of the treaty of closer alliance between the two majesties, Imperial and Royal.
You will do well in trying to ascertain from that King's ministers what they intend to do with the port of Lit (Leith), and whether they are thinking of fortifying it or abandoning it altogether, for should they abandon it, the fishing of the people of these countries would become a very hazardous occupation, and, if so, We must look to, and reject, the propositions which the French High Admiral (Hannebault) is now making Us on the subject. (fn. 4)
With regard to Octavian Bos, prisoner in England, We have issued orders that a copy of Guillaume de la Chapelle's confession should be placed in the English ambassador's hands. La Chapelle, who, as you know, is a Frenchman, incriminates him at every stage of the trial, and it is not to be wondered at, if Octavian refuses to acknowledge his complicity in so offensive and treasonable an act as the one he is accused of. Nevertheless, the evidence against Octavian is becoming so strong that it seems impossible that La Chapelle could have invented the facts adduced against him. True it is that at the very commencement of the trial the former would not confess, and denied the charges brought against him, though his “gougart” (fn. 5) (accomplice and denouncer) told him to his very face that he had been the bearer, by his order, to France of certain letters in cipher, which he himself had deciphered for La Chapelle's use, but no sooner was the latter put to the rack than he confessed the whole of it. Since then, on different occasions, and without any further torture, La Chapelle has confirmed his first declaration, and when closely examined and questioned by the Sieur de Brabançor (to whom he owes many favours) he has voluntarily confessed what he had formerly indirectly declared in an affidavit; and besides that, as you will see by the copy of his confession herein inclosed, has charged the said Octavian with having been the principal agent in the treasonable correspondence of which both are accused.
Ever since the Emperor's camp was at Landreschis Octavian has done nothing else than go up and down from Antwerp to the frontier, and from the frontier to Antwerp, without having in that town any trade, pursuit, or business likely to require his presence thereat so often after frequenting the Imperial camp in front of Landreschis, for We have caused his property at Antwerp to be seized, and nothing has been found there, whereas, here, in Brussels, his sequestered property amounts to only thirty florins in all, which certainly is not a sufficient capital to carry on trade. In addition to this, he had no occupation or profession that is known of, all of which are strong proofs that the said Octavian's frequent journeys to Antwerp had another object than that of merchandise.
It is not likely that Octavian will confess having had a hand in the treasonable practices he is accused of, and which deserve punishment of death, unless he be first put to the rack. If the King's privy councillors, after a close inspection of the papers and documents herein enclosed, think as We do, they might send him here, where the guilty practices he is accused of have taken place, to be confronted with La Chapelle; that it may be ascertained whether he is guilty or not. This is a thing no less important to the king of England than necessary for the security of the countries and provinces under Our government, and therefore, We request you to put the case before the privy councillors, and beg them to issue orders for the transportation and delivery of the said Octavian, if they consider it just and well-founded, for We remit Ourselves to their judgment. The English resident ambassador proposed to Us to send the said La Chapelle to England, but this We have not accepted for many reasons; first of all, because La Chapelle has been a military man, has served and received pay in this country, and committed here the crime of which he is accused; whereas Octavian had his domicile at Antwerp, whither he escaped from Brussels, and the crimes with which he is charged had their origin in these countries under Our government, besides which, We are in Our full right, according to the fifth article of the treaty of closer alliance, to have him ejected out of England. We have delayed until now to ask for Octavian's extradition, for fear the King's privy councillors should hesitate, and bring on an altercation on the subject; but now We can no longer demur, as justice must be done in this case, as in others. We hope, therefore, that Our request will be complied with in order that the truth may come to light.
All possible diligence has been used on Our part to send Our warships to sea; Monsr. de Bèvres has left to hasten their departure. We expect that about the 25th inst., or soon after, the fleet will be ready to put to sea, and if weather and wind be favourable touch on the coast of England and communicate with the King's commissioners as to the service that is expected from them. We, however, request you to take care that the said Monsr. de Bèvres (fn. 6) be properly treated and not molested by the English military authorities (gens de guerre), who, whenever they are the stronger at sea, insist upon everything being done after their fancy, which is by no means convenient to the common welfare of the two allied princes; the ships' crews should be able to live amicably and in perfect harmony with each other without any show of arrogance or assumption of superiority of one party over the other.
We have furnished Mons. de Bèvres with a private letter for you; please attend to it, for the soldiers on board Our fleet complain that the English very frequently keep them inactive at sea, with great danger of their ships running on shore, whilst Our men, separately, are not allowed to inflict a blow on the enemy. Indeed, We hear that the men on board the fleet, all the time that they are hoping to do good service to the king of England, and perhaps also benefit themselves without any risk to the ships, (fn. 7) are frequently kept on a lee shore doing nothing. This is the cause of the great difficulty there is now in procuring able seamen, and engaging them for any length of time, they preferring much to serve on privateer vessels with little or no salary at all, and have the chance of a good prize from the enemy, than be on board warships for the Emperor's money. (fn. 8) So it is, that in order to procure able seamen for the Imperial fleet, it has become necessary and convenient to forbid the armament of privateer vessels as long as the present war lasts, and Our fleet must be manned. You, Chapuys, should take note of this, in order to remonstrate with the King's privy councillors when convenient and opportune.
Every facility has been given by Us to the commissaries, whom the king of England has lately sent here for the purpose of chartering vessels for the transport of the English army to Calais; all they have asked for has been placed at their disposal—warrants, orders to the governors, letters to merchants and shipowners, and so forth. The commissioners have already left for the harbours and ports on the coast, but since their departure We have had no news of their doings, nor do We know how far they have been successful. Should the English commissaries, however, for the reasons above-stated, find a deficiency, or else that they cannot charter the number of transports required, the fault is in nowise to be attributed to Us, but to themselves, because previously to their departure from this city, We had it declared that if they wanted assistance or help for the execution of their charge We would willingly give them any that was in our power, and not only have they not answered Our offer of assistance, they have sent back, without a, verbal message, the very man We despatched to assist them in their business.
You have not yet sent Us the King's letters patent on the matter of the safe-conducts. We request you to make haste and send them on, that we may have the vidimus and the authentic copies of them made at once. If you deem it necessary, and they are wanted, We can send you back the originals.—21 May, 1544.
French. Original draft. 4 pp.
22 May.105. Eustace Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. Corresp. Eng. “Madame,”—Yesterday, the King sent me word by the bishop of Winchester (Stephen Gardiner) to the effect that the army he has in Scotland, after wasting the country, and doing incredible damage besides that of which I wrote last, had reached in safety the English frontier, (fn. 9) whilst his fleet was returning home, save a few vessels, which had sailed in pursuit of five French ones at anchor in the port of St. Andrews. The King hopes they will not escape; he is daily expecting the news of their capture, and waiting only for the arrival of such intelligence in order to inform Your Majesty most minutely of what he has accomplished in Scotland.
The King also sent to say that in the morning of that day he had received letters from a servant (serviteur) of his, whom he had sent to Dançag (Dantzig) for the purpose of buying cables and other things required for the navigation of vessels, and who had written to say, as most certain and true, that the duke of Holstein had sent to various parts, and also to the said Dançag (Dantzig), to recruit as many as thirty battalions (enseignes) of infantry (pietons), and three or four thousand horse. (fn. 10) That besides that he had at the Sond no less than 50 hulks (hucques) ready for sea, and sixteen more in two ports, which he named.
The King's message was for the purpose of my writing to the Emperor and to Your Majesty on the subject, warning you both to be on the alert and prepared to defeat the Duke's plans. He therefore begged Your Majesty to take care and watch the movements of the said Duke, and let him know that he himself may also be prepared, &c.
Yesterday morning Octavian, the Milanese, was on the point of escaping (fn. 11) from the servants of the Secretary of the Council, who guarded him. In the afternoon of the same day, after dinner, the privy councillors sent him to this embassy to be examined by me, and after that committed to the Tower, if I considered it necessary. I questioned him at length, according to the memorandum and articles that came from Flanders, and most particularly concerning the case of Salazar and his accomplices; but he would not confess anything, save that he was Salazar's friend, and had once resided in Cambresant (the Cambresis); that since then Salazar had been twice or three times at Anvers (Antwerp), and visited him (Ottaviano) in his shop (en sa boultique). Besides that, he would make no confession; he persisted, as he has done hitherto, in denying the guilt of which he was accused. Seeing which I sent him to the Tower, where he happened to meet the Secretary of the Council, to whom he confessed that he had been in France in October last, with La Chapelle, and had promised to the Dauphin to do service by information and other means in his power, but that he had not yet had time or opportunity to fulfil his word. As the above confession is conclusive enough to convince Ottaviano of high treason, one could, if Your Majesty approve of it, ask the King's permission for the culprit's extradition and transportation to Flanders, that we may hear from his own lips what were Salazar's plans, and who were his accomplices. I have no doubt that Ottaviano's extradition will be granted without difficulty, (fn. 12) and, therefore, let Your Majesty's orders come as soon as possible.
The King has again requested me to remind Your Majesty of his prayer for the transport ships (hurces) which he wants for the crossing of his army, to come as soon as possible, as he is only waiting for them, and everything else is ready for the passage. (fn. 13) —London, 22 May, 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Addressed: “To the Queen.”
French. Original. 3 pp.
22 May. 106. Eustace Chapuys to Granvelle.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monseigneur,”—The enclosed copy of my despatch to the Queen (fn. 14) will sufficiently inform your lordship of what has happened here since the date of my last, of which news, if your lordship pleases and considers it necessary, His Majesty, the Emperor, may equally be apprised. I have, moreover, avoided troubling the Emperor with a longer despatch about Scotland, because I am waiting for the full account of the state of affairs in that country which the King has promised to send me by one of his privy councillors.
If there should have been any temerity on my part respecting the reasons I alleged for His Imperial Majesty not attending personally the projected expedition against France, I beg to be excused, and pray your Lordship to consider that the motives I had for doing so did not exclusively proceed from me, and that I was obliged to gratify and please the company. (fn. 15)
I am expecting my redemption from this slavery more anxiously than the holy fathers their own from Limbo, for I beg your Lordship to believe me when I say that I could not possibly follow this King's camp for one single day; nor could I, if I wished, remain longer in England without imminent risk of my life. Such is, indeed, the state of my health through weakness brought on by chronic illness, that physicians here assert my life is in danger; that is why I beg and entreat that your Lordship to do me the greatest favour in the world, which is to remove me from this embassy.—London, 22 May 1544.
Signed: “Eustace Chapuys.”
Addressed: “To Monsgr. de Granvelle.”
French. Holograph, partly ciphered.
22 May.107. Anonymous Letter of an Englishman to [an Englishman.]
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monsieur,”—Nothing of what the Burgundians took from me has been restored, and therefore I am unable to do service as I should wish and ought to do. I hope, however, that His Majesty the King [of England] will know what I have done, and in the end acknowledge my services. (fn. 16) In compliance with orders received, I went on Monday last to Boulogne and stayed there the whole of Tuesday, and saw Monsr. de Fourquerole, (fn. 17) with whom I had a pretty long conversation on various matters, and chiefly on the differences now existing between the two princes, the king of England and that of France. Monsr. de Fourquesol (sic) told me positively that king Francis could not possibly forget the great friendship and regard which he once entertained, and in a great measure still entertains for the king of England, so much so that he had actually sent from his Court [to Boulogne] a rich and most wonderful ring, to be presented to the queen of England or to the King's daughter. (fn. 18) Of this I am certain (said Fourquesolle (sic) to me); may God, by his infinite bounty, permit that the king of England may take in good part these sentiments of my Royal master, that Christendom at large may, after so many troubles, rest in peace!
You know, continued Monsr. de Fourquesole, that there is no fiercer war than that which is raged against each other by two princes who were once friends. King Francis, I warn you, has just visited all the ports of Normandy, and I am informed by good friends and correspondents I have in that country, that he (king Francis) has ordered every large ship, besides his own, to be freighted and fitted out for war. That among the war ships of his own there is one carracon (fn. 19) of 500 tons, which the last admiral of France (fn. 20) caused to be placed on the stocks, and is now completely finished and armed. This ship and others are destined for descent on the coast of England, unless king Francis obtains first England's friendship. The command in chief of this force, by sea as well as by land, he has entrusted to the count of Dieppe, (fn. 21) and the landing is to take place near a port of the coast called, if I have understood well, Hamptonne (Southampton), by which port the Emperor's father, Philip, escaped and saved himself, as reported. Once on land, the French intend penetrating into a district of England called La Rye. The towns and boroughs of France are to furnish for the King 70,000 men, paid for five months; the Pope 6,000 infantry, and the duke of Urbino (fn. 22) an equal number; the Venetians have declared against the Emperor, and likewise promised to furnish 6,000 infantry paid for four months.”
Such was the imformation imparted to me by Fourquesolles (sic). It is also reported that the duke of Orleans (Charles de Valois) is about to join Monsr. d'Enghien in Italy, whilst others assert that he is about to operate in France, in conjunction with his brother, the Dauphin (Henri). Those who make him go to Italy, pretend that he is going thither for the purpose of taking possession of the duchy of Milan. No one knows for certain what this Duke's object or destination may be, but the great military preparations made, and the rumour that he is to start soon, followed by a large retinue of officers and gentlemen of the household, is gaining ground, and indicates that something is intended against the Emperor.
I commend myself to your good graces, and remain, as you know me to be, your very faithful servant.—Ascension Day, the 22nd of May 1544.
Indorsed: “Lettre d'un inconnu à un Anglois.” (fn. 23)
French. Original. 2 pp.
23 May.108. A Summary of what the King's Principal Secretary said to the Queen of Hungary.
Wien, Imp. Arch. First of all the Secretary (Sir William Paget) offered the King's commendations and thanks for the solicitous care with which she (the Queen) has attended to his request for carriage (charroy) and other material required for the campaign against the French.
Secondly, he said he had charge to state that, although the news from Scotland had already been sent to her, yet if she wished for more particulars, he (the Secretary) had orders to give her complete information on that subject.
The Queen answered that she had already heard of the news, and had been very much pleased, but that she should be glad to hear of it again in detail, if such was the ambassador's wish. Then the Secretary told her most minutely the said news, adding that the English had taken possession of the towns of Edinburgh and Leith, made rich spoil to the amount of three hundred thousand florins, and were thinking of taking some other fortresses and castles to keep, if easily defensible, and should the war continue destroy or rase them altogether. So great was the waste the English had made in Scotland, that next year if the king of England sent another army thither, he would soon become, if he chose, lord of the whole country, for the waste and destruction had been so general, that neither king Francis nor the king of Denmark could find provisions for their armies if they did land there.
The Queen's answer, after praising and extolling the feat of arms achieved by the King's generals, was that she confidently hoped that, after such a signal success against the Scots, the King, with the help of God would obtain a similar, and perhaps a greater one against the French, and that as the season was advancing, she was naturally very desirous to know when the King, his master, would be ready to cross the Channel.
The Secretary replied, that although he had no express commission to say so, his own personal information was that the vanguard of the Royal army would cross during the present month of May and beginning of June, and the remainder before the 20th, as he believed.
The Queen replied that the infantry and cavalry who were to join the English were quite ready, and had already begun their march; that was why she wished to know the precise date and place of their meeting with the English. Upon which the Secretary said that he would forthwith write to the King inquiring about those particulars, and would let Us know the result.
The Secretary further said that most likely the Queen had heard that the king of France had sent a present of wine to the king of England, and the Queen replied that so she had heard, and also that the French boasted of that, and said there was a certain understanding between the two princes.
Upon which the Secretary observed that the French were certainly at their usual tricks, trying to make people believe that the overtures which they themselves are making proceed from another quarter, and that it is we, the English, who are actually seeking for peace; for after the present of wine king Francis wrote a letter to the King, my master, thanking him for the honest words (honnestes propos) he had addressed to the man, who now took the wine, as a present, as a token of friendship, &c., whereas the truth is that the King's answer on the receipt of the present had been quite different, for he had said to the messenger: “I am very much astonished at your master, the King, pretending to be my friend, when he has been, and is still, making war upon me in the Boulongnois (sic), and is hoping soon to make a greater one. If I returned a civil answer to the man who brought me the wine, it was merely because it came from the king of France. If he thought by that means to engender jealousy between the Emperor and him, he (the King) was very much mistaken, for our friendship is indissoluble. As to Francis' friendship he cared not for it, unless he previously renounced the alliance with the Turk, and satisfied offended Christendom, the Emperor, and himself of all their demands.
The Secretary then produced king Francis' original letter to the king of England, and the copy of the latter's answer, and after that he intimated that he had some private affairs of the King, his master, to speak of, such as that of count of San Bonifacio, kept prisoner at Ripelmonda, whom he (the Secretary) had gained over in France; and brought to England for the Royal service. He had been taken prisoner in the Luxemburg, and kept long in a dungeon, and although the King had written in his favour and interceded for him through the viceroy of Sicily (Ferrante Gonzaga), Monsr. de Chantonnay, and others, the Count had not yet been released.
The Queen's answer was that she would consult those who knew of the Count's affair, and let him know her decision.
After this, the Secretary said that English merchants had long been soliciting to be exempted from the “centième denier,” which exemption they had not yet obtained, and that they compelled them at the custom houses to take an oath, which they disliked immensely and which was the grievance they had often complained of.
To which the Queen made answer that the English could not refuse to take the oath required, unless they wanted to introduce forbidden goods into the Low Countries, since according to the commercial treaties between England and the Low Countries, she understood that it was customary to visit and search the goods coming from England, as was done with the Flemish shipped for that country.
The Secretary replied that in England the custom was to visit the goods imported, but that was not the custom of Flanders and the Low Countries, and that the last [English] ambassador had presented an article on that point, to which no answer had been given.
The Queen answered that she would make inquiries and let him know the result thereof.
Thirdly, the Secretary complained that no sentence had yet been pronounced in the Brabant chancery one way or the other in the cause (proces) of Tiedlevelle (sic).
Fourthly, that there was in the territory of Ypre, in the service of the king of England, a young man, son [of his], who happened to have had words with a certain presbyter of that town. In the course of the dispute the latter had spoken disparagingly of the king of England, and moreover, denounced the young man to the justice of the place, as professing Lutheranism. The youth in question had been summoned to appear at Court, but being unable to do so, owing to his being in the King's service, he (the Secretary) asked that his contumacy should be overlooked, and that if anyone was found guilty, the Devil himself should suffer the penalty. (fn. 24) Upon which the Queen promised that if the defaulter (adjourné) presented his memorial she would look into the whole affair, and decide; she would also have the case thoroughly investigated, and if the words uttered by the presbyter were found to be in any way injurious to the King, she would have him punished.
Fifthly and lastly, the Secretary wishes to know how the affair of the indemnity, to be paid to the English on board the vessel taken by the Scots close to La, Vere, is going on. The Queen answered that she had already declared to the Scots that the English were to be fully indemnified for their losses; otherwise she would put them and their property into the hands of the English. This, however, was not much to the Secretary's taste, who remarked that his countrymen would have preferred that the indemnity should be paid to them, by the Queen, and then taken out from the Scots in the Low Countries.
French. Entirely ciphered. 4 pp.
25 May.109. The Queen of Hungary to Eustace Chapuys.
Wien, Imp. Arch. “Monsieur l'ambassador,”—After the receipt of your despatch of the 18th inst., and before that of the 17th came to hand, Master Paget, one of the principal secretaries of the king of England, arrived here with credentials for Us; in virtue of which credentials, and after due commendations and thanks from the King, his master, to Us for the solicitude and care which, he said, We had employed in forwarding the King's affairs in these countries under Our government, he (Paget) addressed Us in the words contained in the indorsed summary of the conference We had with him. He first of all began to speak to Us about the imprisonment of count de Boniface, (fn. 25) who was arrested in this country wearing secretly a French uniform, which, as military men here say, is a capital offence. To please the king of England We should already have ordered his release from prison, had it not been that whilst in confinement he has threatened to revenge himself somehow, and when interrogated, declared, among other things, that he was travelling on behalf of the English merchants, who complained that they were now compelled to declare on oath what merchandise they imported or exported from the Low Countries, whereas in former times, according to the rules of the intercourse of trade, a simple inspection of the goods would have been sufficient. (fn. 26) So much did the Count say, ignoring, perhaps, that if We have ordered that the English be made to declare on oath what merchandise they bring to or take away from this country, it is both for the sake of sparing them the trouble and annoyance of having their vessels and cargoes visited, and that if the merchants are thus made the judges in their own affairs they have no reason whatever to complain.
With regard to the affair of which you wrote to Us on the 18th, (fn. 27) the Emperor will decide what had better be done.
Two days ago, one who styles himself the king of England's commissioner arrived for the purpose, as he says, of raising at Antwerp (Anvers) money for that King, namely, one hundred thousand ducats monthly. We are very much surprised to hear of it, believing, as We do, that the king of England has plenty of means, and, therefore, is not in need of financial operations. Even if he were so, and he (the King) wishes to send his money to this country by means of exchange, that will be inconvenient, as it will considerably delay and impede the military operations of the Emperor, who has not the means of bringing money from Spain, and run the risk of losing it—unlike the king of England, who can easily send his own wherever he pleases, and especially to this country. (fn. 28) The same happens with Us, for the greater part of the money with which We have to aid the Emperor as well as the English, according to treaty, is to be raised at Antwerp by bills of exchange, and should there be the least delay in the payment of these bills you may imagine what discredit would fall on the Emperor and Us. That is why We earnestly request you to try and ascertain whether the King has really given the commission or not. Some one under his name is trying to raise money [at Antwerp], Should you upon inquiry find out that it is by the King's orders that the above-mentioned agent is going to Antwerp to negociate, you shall try as graciously as possible to dissuade the King from it, and tell him that there is nothing We wish for so much as to serve him with anything he may want from these countries under Our government, as long as that can be done without thwarting or delaying His Imperial Majesty's military operations against the common enemy; but that by trying to raise money here [in Flanders], he will seriously affect the Emperor's plan of campaign, which can be easily and commodiously avoided by raising the money in his own kingdom and remitting it here in specie. It is for you to request him to attend to this prayer of Ours for the above-mentioned considerations and reasons.—25 May 1544.
Addressed: “To the ambassador in England.”
French. Original draft. 2 pp.

Footnotes

1 No. 92, p. 153; and No. 97, p. 161.
2 See above, No. 85, p. 135.
3 See above, No. 97, p. 161.
4 “Vous ferez bien d'assentir de ceulx de par de là comment ilz entendent faire du port de Lit, et silz le veuillent fortifier ou abandonner, car en cas quilz doibvent le delaisser la pescherie de ceulx de par decha seroit bien hazardeuse, et selon ce nous conviendroit avoir regart à rebouter la practique que 1'admiral de France presente et offre.”
5 “Combien que son gougart (sic) luy dit en sa face qu'il luy avoit fait porter lettres en France en luy deciffrant le contence d'icelle.”
6 “Vous priant de tenir la main que le dit sr de Bevres puist estre bien traicte sans estre molestez des gens de guerre du dit sr roy, lesquelz quant ils sont les plus fortz en mer, ne veuillent le tout faire synon à leur fantaisie, qui ne convient à commun bien des dites princes; mais est besoing quilz s'entendent par ensemble sans user de haulteur ou preeminence lung sur l'autre.”
7 “Aussy nos gens de guerre se plaindent que ceuls de par de là le veuillent tenir (ocieulx, oisifs?), souvent avecque grant peril de donner en terre sans vouloir permettre quilz puissent exploicter contre les enemys [là] ou ilz esperoient à la fois faire bon service et profiter pour eulx mesmes sans hazarder les navieres.”
8 “Qu'est cause que bien mal on peult içy recouvrer des matelotz qui se veuillent meltre en mer à soldre, aymant mieulx servir aultres pour riens, quant ilz peuvent choisir leur fortune que sa mate pour son argent, de sorte que pour avoir bons matelotz nous a convenu da deffendre d'armer navieres tant que les navieres de sa mate seront en mer.”
9 “Estoit arrivee (sic) en saulveté aux frontieres de ce royaulme.”
10 A marginal note in a different hand has the following:— “Ces nouvelles ne sont vraies semblables, car Dansic nest lieu pour avoir bons pietons, et les a trop meilleurs plus pres de soy.”
11 “Hier matin Octavian, le milanois, pensa reschapper (s'eschapper) des serviteurs du Secretaire du Conseil quil lavoit (qui l'avoient) en garde.”
12 On the margin of the draft I find the following: “Il me semble qu'il seroit bien faict de transporter le dict Octavien.”
13

Against this passage there is also in the same hand as the preceding:— “Il fauldra parler à l'ambassadeur du diet sr roy affin qu'il face (fasse) haster les hurces, car comme il s'est jaffaict (dejà faict) ce que est en moy, ne reste [sinon] que ses gens [en] faisent (fassent) la diligence des chenors (chevaulx, chariots?), de quoy en pourrez aussy advertir nostre ambassadeur en Angleterre.

“President, par les apostilles vous verrez mon avis; toutesfois vous pourres communiquer ceste à Messrs D'Aarschot et Praët, et selon et mon dict avis faire les despeches au dict ambassadeur et parler à l'ambassadeur d'Angleterre touchant les hirces (sic), dont pourres avertir le nostre de la response qu'il vous affaicte (a fait).”

14 No. 105, p. 171.
15 “Sil y heust de la temerarite (sic) en mes pieces touchant lexcuse de non aller sa mate en personne en larmee, je supplie v[ost]re Ste men tenir pour excusé, et considerer que ces motifz ne sont procedes de moy mesme, et quil a fallu gratiffier à la compagnie.”
16 “Pour quoy il ne m'est possible de fere si bien mon debvoir comme je vouldroys [et] comme j'espere que la mate du roy en la fin en aura bonne cognoisance.”
17 Lower down Fourquesol and Fourquesolle. Which is the true reading I am unable to say, but Fourquesolle, with an “s” at the end (Fourquesolles) seems more acceptable.
18 Mary. “Et a le dit sr roy de France fait apporter une bague fort, excellente et merveilleusement riche, de sa court jusques à Boulloigne, pour en faire un present à la royne d'Engleterre ou à la fille du roy.”
19 Carracon is the augmentative of carraca in Spanish—a large ship of burden.
20 The last admiral of France, that is Philippe de Brion Chabot, or otherwise and more correctly, Philippe Chabot, sieur de Brion, who succeeded Anne de Montmorency, and was replaced by Marshal d'Hannebault.
21 “Le Comte de Dieppe.”
22 Guidobaldo della Rovere.
23 The letter is neither signed nor addressed; but as a copy of it has been found at Vienna, it may be conjectured that it was originally written by some secret agent of king Henry, and addressed to the dean of Canterbury (Dr. Nicholas Wotton), at that time English ambassador at the Imperial Court. It was probably written in English, and then translated into French, to be placed into the hands of Granvelle, or some other of Charles' ministers, which explains why it is still in the Imperial Archives of that city, among the papers and letters relating to England.
24 “Quartement dit que au quartier de Ipre avoit ung jeune filz dont le roy d'Angleterre se servoit, le quel avoit eu parolles contre ung presbytre, qui avoit dit beaucop de mal du roy d'Engleterre (sic), à cause de quoy le presbytre l'avoit deferé à la justice comme Lutherien, et estoit appellé mais ne pouvoit comparoir pour le service du roy, requerant que sa contumace ne luy fust preiudiciable et quel'on fist chastier le diable.”
25 About this Italian count, whose real title was San Bonifacio, see above, p. 176.
26 The passage is rather obscure; it stands thus:— “Et que neanmoins pour complaire au dit sieur roy volountiers l'eussions eslargy, ne fust que estant en prison il menasse de soy venger par quelque boult que [ce] soit, et aussy donner responce [estant interrogué] de ce quil se duelloit (douloit) que les marchans d'Engleterre estoyent constraires (constrains?) de declairer par sermens les merchandises quilz passoient.
27 Most likely that of the truce, about which overtures had been made to queen Mary. See above, No. 97, pp. 161–3, though the letter is dated the 17th.
28 “Et sy ainsy estoit que le dit sieur roy vouldroit lever son dit argent par decha par finance, donneroit gran retardement aux affaires de ea mate Imperiale, qu'en a (qui n'a pas) la commodité de tirer son argent d'Espagne pour non le hazarder comme le dit sr roy qui peult faire conduire son argent d'Engleterre par decha.”