Spain
March 1545, 21-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Martin A. S. Hume (editor)

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1904

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71-81

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'Spain: March 1545, 21-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8: 1545-1546 (1904), pp. 71-81. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88220 Date accessed: 24 July 2014.


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March 1545, 21–31

24 March. Simancas. E.F. 501 extract.33. Licentiate Vargas to Francisco de los Cobos.
The health of his Majesty has improved: he intends to leave here for Antwerp on the 13th or 14th proximo and starts for Worms on the 20th. (fn. 1) The King of the Romans arrived at Worms on the 14th and the sittings of the Diet have begun.
Cardinals Santa Croce and Monti, who are commissioners to the Council, have arrived at Trent. The Germans, however, think that the Council will not take place, and that the Pope is only appearing to acquiesce for the look of the thing. They are confirmed in this idea by the fact that the Cardinal of England (i.e. Reginald Pole), who had been appointed one of the commissioners, has refused to accept the office, giving as his reason that he was in fear of Ludovico delle Arme, who is enlisting troops in Italy for the King of England. In order to overcome this difficulty the Pope ordered the arrest, in Bologna where he lives, of the father of Ludovico. It is expected that his Holiness will exact a large sum of money from the prisoner.
Brussels, 24 March, 1545. (Spanish draft).
25 March. Simancas. E. 69.34. Francisco de los Cobos to de Granvelle.
Acknowledges receipt of letters written as Granvelle was departing for the Diet (of Worms). Praises his self-sacrifice in going thither for the service of God and his Majesty. Personal compliments and good wishes. Has no remark to make as to his Majesty's decision in the matter of the alternative marriage, only to urge that it should be carried through promptly, so that the peace may be firmly established, and all occasion for suspicion banished. (fn. 2) I note what some intemperate persons are saying about the terms of peace; and Idiaquez and others had told me the same. I recognise that in the circumstances we could not avoid doing as we have done, or even making peace on worse terms. Hesdin does not matter much, in comparison with the rest, especially if the other Flemish and Piedmont territories are restored: seeing that his Majesty's resources are so exhausted. I can judge of the rest of his dominions from what I see here in Spain. It is very fine to grumble about the terms of peace; but they are always complaining of the war. All things considered, you may well be satisfied with what has been done, and need not trouble yourself about the murmurs of the discontented; for all those who really understand affairs, and especially those who like myself have to deal with them, and see the great necessity that exists everywhere, approve of the peace. The state of affairs here is such that no more aid can possibly be obtained. What has been got already is more than could be afforded: and having this in view, his Majesty's action should be deeply considered. Do not let them deceive themselves, for this is the very truth; and as we have reached this extremity, notwithstanding the peace, you can judge what the state of things would be if the war continued. Urgently prays that the terms of peace may be fulfilled. Seeing that I cannot do as his Majesty orders, I am in great trouble and would fain leave here, for perhaps others in my absence might do better. (fn. 3) I am writing to his Majesty, praying for permission to serve him elsewhere. Pray do not think I say this with any ulterior views, for in truth I have no other object but his Majesty's service.
With regard to the Duke of Alba, I have always been of opinion that nothing could be done until the decision as to the alternative marriage was arrived at, and the question of the Diet settled. If his Majesty s resolution about Milan is carried out, I think he (Alba) would go thither. He appears more willing to serve his Majesty abroad than here, either against the Turk or otherwise, as he thinks the Emperor is very short of company. He will be greatly missed here in his important office, but he is of opinion that he would be more useful with his Majesty. Granvelle's patent of Knighthood (encomienda) has been despatched. Congratulates Granvelle upon the Pope's intentions towards the Bishop of Arras. The dignity will be well bestowed. (fn. 4) —Valladolid, 25 March, 1645.
25 March. Simancas. E. 6935. Prince Philip to the Emperor.
Received letters of 27th ultimo by Bernardino de Mendoza and 3rd instant. Congratulations on improvement of Emperor's gout, which has caused writer much anxiety. Hopes the wood water (agua de palo) (fn. 5) will cure it entirely, for the mere truce is not enough. Kind regards from the Princess, who though suffering somewhat from her pregnancy, is fairly well and hopeful. Notes the decision arrived at with regard to the alternative marriages. He approves, and has never had any other object than the service of his Majesty and the general good; no personal end of his own. Earnestly prays that the resolution may really be carried out, and no ground given to the French to complain of non-compliance. It was well you deferred answer till Stenay was restored, and the captured ships surrendered. The subjects here have been begging me for redress in this latter affair; but I have referred them to your Majesty and to the ambassador in France. It will be just for you to favour these claims, for there was no excuse for seizing these ships after peace was signed. Notes with approval the Emperor's plans for resisting the Turk, who threatens Vienna, and for the subjection of the Protestants, the settlement of German questions, and the holding of the Council. Any one of these subjects is sufficient to cause anxiety, but the whole coming together is of tremendous importance. God knows how all of us here are ardently wishing and praying for success in these just and holy matters; and how ready we are to sacrifice even our blood to forward them; but for so many years past we have been seeking means in every direction that everything here is absolutely exhausted. To such extremity are we reduced that nothing can be obtained by any device. As your Majesty knows our only ways of getting money in Spain is by sale-tithes (alcabalas), the sale of “Crusade” indulgencies, our share of the ecclesiastical tithe (tercias) subsidies and grants; and as your Majesty has been informed several times of the state of these sources of revenue, there is no need to repeat it here. All the subsidy and “Crusade” revenue is pledged and anticipated; and already the poor people are burdened with two ordinary and two extraordinary grants up to the year 1548. (fn. 6) There is no way of getting more money from them, for your Majesty knows that, even with your own presence here, it was impossible to extract from the people any sort of excise (sisa) or other tax whatever. As to loans, notwithstanding all our efforts, the infliction of many vexations, and the imprisonment of those who might lend money, the utmost that could be got was 30,000 ducats, and the whole of the people are desperate. I must not omit to mention that the comparisons your Majesty draws between the grants that the French people have voted for their King, and those obtained from Spain, are misleading. The great fertility of France enables her to bear such taxes as are impossible in sterile Spain. One bad year here leaves the people so crushed with poverty that they are unable to hold up their heads again for many years. And, besides, every nation has its customs, and it has always been usual in France for such grants to be made, whereas here they would not be tolerated. Regard must be had to the peculiarity of nations, and the character of the peoples, and the treatment of them must vary accordingly: and it must be borne in mind that last year Spain voted 450 million maravedis, which is a vast sum. What with this and the other ordinary and extraordinary taxation, the common people who have to pay the grants are reduced to the lowest depth of calamity, many of them going naked with nothing to cover them. So universal is the poverty that it not only afflicts your Majesty's vassals, but also and even to a greater extent the vassals of the nobles, for they are utterly unable to pay any rents. The prisons are full and ruin impends over all. Believe me, your Majesty if this were not the case I would not dare to write it. (fn. 7) Your Majesty, says that, although we write to you from here that on no account is it advisable at present to summon Cortes, for reasons stated, you consider it too long to wait for your coming before obtaining fresh supplies and request that in the present circumstances a different decision should be adopted. I assembled the Council of State in my presence on various occasions, together with the President of the Royal Council and Dr. Guevara (fn. 8) to consider this point. It was discussed in all its bearings and the great difficulties in the way, as already explained to your Majesty, were again considered. The former Cortes (i.e. of 1544) was convoked with great misgiving as to the good issue, against the opinion and vote of the Royal Council and others, and having been so recently held and having voted a larger sum than ever before, even greater fear must be entertained now; especially in view of the universal poverty of the common people, who pay these taxes. Bad harvests, and one trouble after another, have produced a state of things that makes it impossible to believe that further ordinary supply could be obtained or that those who are not accustomed to pay would consent to do so now. (Details at great length other reasons which make the convocation of Cortes, or the imposition of fresh taxation impracticable and highly dangerous. Even if the Cortes voted the supply, the people would not and could not pay. Similar reasons are given, also at great length, against summoning the Cortes of Catalonia, etc., and a fervently worded assurance is given that night and day Philip and his Council are endeavouring to find some other means of raising money by loan or otherwise.)
Notes letter of Emperor to Juan de Vega respecting the aid promised by the Pope's Nuncios against the Turks and the Protestants. His Holiness might at least do thus much; but from what I hear it will all end in generalities. I spoke to the Comendador Mayor (Cobos) about your Majesty's idea that a considerable subsidy might be got from the bishops. By his advice I secretly consulted the Council of State, the Cardinal Archbishop of Seville (fn. 9) and the President of the Royal Council. (fn. 10) They thought no good would come of speaking of the matter to the bishops, as the latter would at once tell the clergy, and all manner of difficulties would be raised, an appeal to Rome made, and after all we should get nothing. The bishops at present pay very little, and most of them are in need. They would try to excuse themselves on the ground that they have to pay the pensions, and those who are going to the Council will be put to heavy expense. (These and many other reasons are adduced for recommending the Emperor to desist from the idea of exacting a subsidy from the bishops.) It would be better that your Majesty should obtain from the Pope another concession similar to that of the half first fruits, which expires next year. The Cardinals of Seville and Toledo are in favour of this and the Nuncio also will do his best. We have also discussed about the property of the churches, but it is thought that very little would be got from that source, as with the exception of Toledo and a few others, they are mostly very poor, and the recent rains have ruined and brought down many of the walls. They are indeed, asking us for help. Nothing could be done with the monasteries without the Bull we have asked for.
(Discusses and approves of the nomination of prelates, etc., by the Emperor to proceed to the Council of Trent.)
The pay for Andrea Doria's galleys shall be attended to. We have already paid him 5,000 ducats in gold and silver from the Indies for last year, and 2,100 ducats of the same for January and February of this year; so that we only owe him now for the month of March. We have not yet investigated with his representatives the amount payable to him for interest on overdue instalments. Will try in future to keep the payments up to date, but it will be difficult. He (Doria) is asking again for an increased interest, but we will put him off with soft words. If he is paid punctually in future he ought to be satisfied.
With regard to your Majesty's remarks about the increase of offices here; no more appointments shall be made in the judicial, accountants, or revenue services. Your Majesty will see by former letters that this was always the intention, and we will try and get as much as possible from this source. It is the least prejudicial way of obtaining means.
Your Majesty should again write to Rome urgently about the Spanish monasteries and the Moriscos of Granada, and great diligence will be necessary in the matter. It will be also very advisable to have the (Papal) briefs about the recently converted people of Valencia, for which we have waited so long, sent without further delay, as it is of the highest importance in the service of our Lord and the peace of these realms. We have not yet effected the disarmament of the Moriscos, as we have been waiting for these briefs which will facilitate the operation, and also for the report from the Duke Don Fernando (of Aragon) as to the financial measures necessary for raising there the troops which we shall want for the purpose, as we have none available here.
(Summary of news from South America. Greatly regrets the events that have occurred in Peru.)
Gives an account of the measures adopted for the fortification of Barcelona, and the defence of the Catalonian frontier.
Refers at length to many domestic affairs, such as the quarrels between the Bishop of Cordova and his Chapter, the affairs of the Duke of Gandia, those of the Count de Puñonrostro, the indebtedness of the Duke Don Fernando of Aragon, in consequence of his income from the Sicilian revenues not having been paid, etc.
Several Navarrese captains, etc., ask for permission to accept the King of France's offer to employ them. Asks the Emperor's decision on the point. Philip is strongly of opinion that Navarrese especially should be forbidden from entering the French service. If any Spaniards are allowed to go, they should be Castilians.
Diego Ortiz Melgaredo (fn. 11) has been imprisoned in accordance with the Emperor's orders. His confession is enclosed. He is wounded in both legs by harquebuss shots fired at the taking of St. Disier, and as the doctors say his close confinement would be very injurious to his health, he has been relieved of his fetters, and has given bail to keep within the prison bounds. Begs the Emperor to send instructions. From his confession Ortiz does not seem much to blame and he asks for a reward.
Postscript.—From Guipuzcoa I learn that in addition to the ship from the Indies captured by the English, as related in the report of the Council of the Indies, they have plundered another vessel belonging to St. Sebastian. Full report herewith. Begs for instructions.
Rejoices at later news of the Emperor's recovery and ability now to travel.
Valladolid, 25 March, 1545 (27 pages).
31 March. Paris Arch. Nat. K. 1485.36. St. Mauris (Imperial Ambassador in France) to Francisco de los Cobos.
Letters of 21st February received. Surprised you have not the cipher, as the Emperor told me all the principal officers had it. It is true I have since added certain disguised names, of which I send copy, and also of the cipher itself. Many thanks for obtaining payment of my salary. Rejoices at health of Prince and Princess; and prays for safe delivery of the latter.
Health of the King of France. The surgeons have closed four of the five issues that existed in his abscess, leaving the other open for the elimination of the infected matter. By this issue the King usually urinates, instead of by the natural passage, and this makes some of the surgeons think that his bladder must be ulcerated. As the wound is incurable the patient cannot last long, and he follows no regime, but lives according to his fancy. Others say that they have seen people thus afflicted live for a long while, but they one and all agreed that the King's body must be very corrupt. He is obliged to be carried in a litter, in order not to ulcerate the wounds, which he insisted upon having closed up.
I answer the Prince direct with respect to the two matters he entrusted to me. With regard to the occurrences here, I may say that the preparations for the invasion of England next summer still continue, the commander of the fleet having already been chosen, (fn. 12) as he himself tells me. He expects to have 30,000 men, of whom 6,000 will be cavalry. Captain Paulin (fn. 13) left court a fortnight ago for Marseilles, to conduct the King's galleys to the open sea, this Paulin being the lieutenant of the person mentioned. He will hold the sea, whilst the troops are on land.
Under Paulin there will be the Prior of Capua (fn. 14) , who has been retained here to serve in this war; although he begged for a long time to be allowed to retire from the French service, and claimed a large sum of money, which he says the King of France owes him for money he spent in Italy during the last war. They are making great preparations of shipping on the coast; and at Rouen the King has had six galleys constructed, and six vessels have arrived from Scotland to aid the French.
Three weeks ago there arrived here a Scottish ambassador to inform the King that the English had a force of men and ships ready to invade and ruin Scotland; and that unless French aid was promptly forthcoming, the Scots would be obliged to come to terms with the English. This King thereupon despatched M. de L'Orge (fn. 15) with 2,500 foot and 600 horse, of whom 100 are Scots, to Scotland. But according to all accounts, this force cannot arrive before the end of April. He is only to carry with him 60,000 crowns to raise Scottish troops; and the said ambassador is therefore in despair of the aid. It is even feared that M. de L'Orge may be encountered at sea by the English.
The English have recently captured a castle near Ardres from the French. It is a place of importance, as the possession of it will enable the victualling of Ardres to be prevented. Ardres is in great need and the King is sending as many men as possible towards Abbeville in order to endeavour to revictual the former town.
About ten days since there was at this Court an Englishman named Tout (fn. 16) Lotges, a merchant living in London, who was accompanied by another Englishman, without whom he was unable to negotiate. He addressed himself to M. de Chastillon (fn. 17) , the Maitre d' Hotel of the Queen of France, as they were old friends. He told Chastillon that a Secretary of the King of England whilst he was at Brussels had sent him specially to him (Chastillon) in order that he might convey to the King of France the King of England's wish for peace, and his desire to abandon the friendship of the Emperor, as the latter had made peace without him, and was only seeking the ruin of both of them. He was ready to cement a firm peace by the marriage of the Princess of England with the Duke of Orleans, giving to the Princess as a dower that which otherwise would depend upon the fortune of war. He added that the little Prince of England was of weak constitution, and if he died the Duke of Orleans would become King. The King of France, having been informed of this, replied through Chastillon that he would listen to no proposals for peace until Boulogne was first restored. Tout Lotges answered that perhaps some expedient might be found; and he then returned to obtain the King's decision about Boulogne, promising to return in a fortnight. He saluted the King of France before he left, the King receiving him in State surrounded by his courtiers, for the purpose, apparently, of showing that he was not dead yet. I have informed the Emperor of this.
The French have chosen a number of prelates and other learned men to go to the Council; but have decided not to send a multitude. They make no show of starting. There is a rumour that the Protestants will take no part in the Council, unless they are assured first that the Hungarian enterprise and the driving back of the Turk are to be persevered in.
The Pope had undertaken to furnish the King of France with 6,000 men against the English, but now informs him that he can only send 3,000, as he must send some to Hungary; and he will be put to great expense by the Council. The King is furiously angry about this, and has sent word to the Pope by his ambassador in Borne for his Holiness to send a legate to Lyons to issue the Papal indulgences for France, and that the money thus gained should be applied to the war against the English. The Pope proposed that he should give permission to the King of France to raise three tenths from the clergy, two tenths being for him, and the other tenth being applied to maintain the troops he was to send. The King replied that he was no subject of the Pope to need his permission for levying tenths in his realm, and if his Holiness did not help him he would take care that the contributions from France did not reach Borne. They are thus fencing with each other, and the Pope resents the pressure daily exerted upon him from here to grant unreasonable things. The enmity is increased by the desire of the King of France to dispose of the benefices of Savoy and Piedmont (fn. 18) ; which the Pope says belong to him. His Holiness is also very angry that the King of France should treat for peace without informing him of it, and should refuse, as he did, to admit to the negotiations the legate sent by the Pope to take part in them.
The Spanish Jacobin friar who intervened in the peace negotiations was recently sent to Borne by the King of France, to exhort the Pope to write to the Emperor, begging him to declare against the English; as otherwise the King of France would find it difficult to attend both to the war and the Council (of Trent). The Spaniard has not yet returned. As these people are pressing for the Emperor's decision as to the alternative marriage, his Majesty has insisted upon the production of the original letters of conveyance of Stenay to France from the late Duke of Lorraine. There was much difficulty about this for a time, as the letters are said to be lost; but at last they were discovered in the house of M. de Longueval (fn. 19) who had maliciously hidden them. The new Duke of Lorraine (fn. 20) has been ill but is now out of danger. His uncle, being executor, is going to Lorraine to put him into possession of his States.
The King of France is counting upon Milan being given to the Duke of Orleans, but thinks that the bride will be our Princess. With this object, they are trying to endow the Duke better and more quickly than before, as the King of France says he would rather have one princess in rags than the other richly dressed. (fn. 21)
The King of France has increased the number of his galleys by a quarter, and has caused proclamation by trumpeters throughout his realm that money must be provided for him. I know on good authority that he will try all he can to avoid furnishing this year the contingent against the Turk stipulated in the treaty of peace. News has just arrived that the Pope will send 4,000 soldiers against the English, but he wishes to furnish the men and officers himself, whilst the King of France wants the money. So they are still in dispute.
The Paris merchants have news that the son of the Turk has allied himself with the Sophi, and that they are entering Egypt in force; so that the Turk is obliged to go and defend his dominions.
A gentleman whom the King of France sent to the Turk has just returned. He says the Turk is still at Adrianople, making preparations for war; but it was not known whether it was for Vienna or Egypt.
The Emperor instructed me to negotiate with the King of France to obtain a return of the property taken from the Duke of Alburquerque. (fn. 22) The only result I have been able to gain is that the King has consented to refer the matter for decision to his Council whereas previously it had always been dealt with by the Admiralty Court. Such is the inclination of these people, however, that I fear the Duke will never get anything.
The King arrived here three days ago, and proceeds by Tours to Normandy.
They say here that Ardres is still provisioned for six weeks; but they hope to succour the place and are sending the most of their men-at-arms well mounted to carry victuals thither.
The plague is spreading in Paris, Lyons and Picardy and great scarcity reigns in Paris.
The Secretary of the Ambassador Morette has arrived here to say that the Emperor will send his declaration as to the alternative marriage without fail by the end of this month. Morette is coming hither post with the Emperor's envoy, but will return to his embassy after Easter.
Amboise, 31 March, 1545.
31 March. Paris Arch. Nat. K. 1485.37. St. Mauris to Francisco de los Cobos.
I wrote to you fully by the Emperor's courier and have now only to add that I have made his declaration to the King, saying, in effect, that the former decided to choose the alternative marriage of the second daughter of the King of the Romans with the dower of Milan; but still holding out hopes that if the Duke of Orleans be better endowed by the King, a marriage with our Princess might be possible. The King and everyone else here is pleased with this declaration, and the King is sending one of his secretaries of commandments, named L'Aubespine, to the Emperor with the answer, which has not been communicated to me. I am told that he (the King) has been advised to accept Milan for the present; but still saying that in time the other marriage might be arranged. I am, however, of opinion that people here will never advise or allow any of the territories of the Crown to be alienated. (fn. 23) I have sent to ask what the answer is and will inform you as soon as I learn. The King's ministers have asked me to write to you begging for the surrender to the abbot of a certain member who has fled to Roussillon from a monastery in France. As this is in accordance with the treaties, and the French do so for us, I beg you will kindly have the order sent to me.
I send information about the two ships sunk by the French. I hear that two armed caravels are putting to sea to commit similar acts.
I am told that 600 horses are being brought from Spain, mostly from Aragon and Fuentarrabia.
There are a great number of Spanish doubloons in France.—Amboise, 31 March, 1545.
Accompanying the aforegoing letter is a note (2 folios) giving details of the capture of certain Portuguese ships by two French vessels belonging to Rochelle. The prizes were made in the West Indies, and much of the cargoes belonged to subjects of the Emperor. One of the ships was declared officially by the captors to contain 600 marks of gold, and a great quantity of round pearls; but it was supposed that the treasure on board greatly exceeded that amount. It was asserted that all the captures had been made two months after the declaration of peace; but as only Portuguese ships had been brought into port as prizes, it was suspected that the captors had sunk all the Spanish ships they had met. The Emperor should be informed that the French seize every Portuguese vessel they encounter, and their judges invariably declare them good prizes. The men on board are sent to the galleys and those who are worth it are held to ransom.

Footnotes

1 The Emperor left Brussels on the 7th April for Baren Malines and Antwerp and then at the end of April by slow stages proceeded to Germany. See Vandernesse's itinerary in Bradford's correspondence of Charles V.
2 It will be seen by this that even Cobos was not informed of the Emperor's intention to avoid, if possible, the fulfilment of the conditions of peace, so far as regarded the marriage, either of his daughter or his niece with the Duke of Orleans.
3 This refers to the Emperor's continued demand for fresh money to be raised in Spain. In the Cortes of Valladolid of the previous year a pitiable story of the state of the country had been told; but the members were unwillingly forced to vote the ordinary tri-annual subsidy of 300 millions of maravedis, and an additional 150 millions payable in three instalments in December 1544, June 1545 and December 1545, that is to say three years extraordinary subsidy within twelve months. (See Danvila y Collado. El Poder Civil en España.)
4 Probably even thus early there was an idea of making Antoine de Perrenot a Cardinal.
5 Vanderness mentions that the Emperor went through a five weeks' course of “Indian wood” for his malady.
6 See note to preceding letter, Cobos to Granvelle
7 This bold and statesmanlike letter, though it can hardly have been entirely indited by the young Regent of 18 years, must nevertheless have represented his own opinions, after hearing those of Cobos, Alba, and Cardinal Tavera.
8 D. Antonio de Guevara, a Franoisoan monk and a famous legist and historian, the official chronioler of the Emperor. His political and didactic works had a great vogue throughout Europe and especially in England. He died during this year 1545.
9 Cardinal Garcia de Loaysa, President of the Council of the Indies.
10 Cardinal Tavera of Toledo, one of Philip's principal mentors. He died in this year 1545.
11 Diego Ortiz was an ensign in the Emperor's service (see Vol. VII., p. 266) but the offence he had committed is not known.
12 There is a cipher sign to indicate who is the person referred to, but the key does not contain the sign, which was one of the private marks referred to in the first paragraph of the letter. The person chosen was Annebaut, Admiral of France.
13 Paulin Baron de la Garde, General of the galleys of France, who brought the galleys from Marseilles to the Channel, and commanded them when the attack was made upon the-English coast. See Brantome's curious life of him.
14 Leone Strozzi, Prior of Capua, Admiral of the galleys of Bhodes. His memoirs are also included in Brantome.
15 Jacques de L'Orge de Montgomerie, who was himself of Scottish descent.
16 The name is thus spelt in the original. The person referred to was perhaps Thomas Lodge, a famous London merchant-banker, who was afterwards knighted, and was sheriff in 1559, and Lord Mayor in 1563.
17 Chastillon had been ambassador in England, and this would explain his acquaintanceship with the London merchant.
18 It will be recollected that a considerable portion of the Duke of Savoy's dominions was now occupied by the French.
19 The name is thus spelt in the original, but probably the person meant is M. de Longueville (Duke de Longueville) the son of Mary of Lorraine, Queen of Scots, by her first husband.
20 The “new Duke of Lorraine” was Francis formerly Marquis de Pont a Mousson and Duke de Bar who had succeeded his father Antoine le Bon in the previous year. He was an invalid and died a short time after this was written. His uncle was the elder Cardinal Lorraine.
21 That is to say he would rather that his son the Duke of Orleans should marry Mary of Austria daughter of the Emperor poorly endowed than Catherine daughter of Ferdinand King of the Romans, with a large dowry. Mary eventually married her cousin Maximilian and became Empress whilst Catherine married the Duke of Ferrara.
22 The Duke of Alburquerque (Beltran de la Cueva third Duke) had acted as principal military adviser to the King of England in his campaign before Boulogne. When Henry returned to England he insisted upon the Duke crossing at the same time. His followers, in a hurry and determined not to be left behind, hastily shipped the Duke's and their own horses and portable property and treasure at Calais and Dunkirk. A considerable portion of this was captured by a French ship on the way across to the Thames, and the loss appears never to have been made good. See Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII.
23 That is to say in order to inorease he endowment of the Duke of Orleans.