August 1545, 6-10


Institute of Historical Research



Martin A. S. Hume (editor)

Year published





Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Spain: August 1545, 6-10', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8: 1545-1546 (1904), pp. 217-230. URL: Date accessed: 19 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


(Min 3 characters)

August 1545, 6–10

6 Aug. Vienna Imp. Arch.113. Chapuys to de Granvelle.
As I was on the point of departure from Malines on the 20th ultimo to come hither, I received the letters of his Majesty dated 16th, addressed to his ambassador in England; but in consequence of my grievous illness, I was unable to give to the ambassador any further advice concerning them than what you will see by the copies of the letters I wrote to him. I have since received from the ambassador copy of the letter he has written to his Majesty, with a letter to myself; but as I was at the worst point of my malady, and was unwilling to delay the forwarding of the copy in question to the Queen (Dowager), to whom it was addressed, I was only just able to glance hastily through the contents. As the ambassador seems to have conducted affairs very cleverly, both with the King and Council, and matters were taking the proper course, I thought it was unnecessary to add anything, especially as his Majesty had in his letters of the 16th foreseen and provided for every point, both with regard to the aid and the release of the seizures.
I have now just received other letters from the ambassador, dated 28th ultimo, with duplicate of what he was writing to the Emperor; from which I gather that affairs are progressing better and better. I am of opinion that everything will turn out well, if a little willingness is shown in humouring the temper of the King, which you know so well. It appears now that really the only point still open is that of the declaration of war against France, in case the aid is given (to the English). According to my poor foolish fancy, and under your Lordship's wise correction, it seems to me, that in this respect we might take advantage of the King's suggestion, and that his Majesty might please to write to the ambassador, saying that his Majesty, for the reasons so often repeated and so well known, desires not to be held to the declaration of war; and even if he might be so held, he trusts in the great goodness and honesty, and the ancient, sincere friendship of the King, that the latter will not place him in a position which will not benefit the King, and yet will grievously injure his Majesty and his Flemish subjects. The principal reasons given may be those already set forth, namely the need for the continuance of trade; and his Majesty might add that having regard to this, he sincerely begged the King to desist from his demand (for a declaration of war) at the present time, and thus to ratify the agreement already made between his Majesty's ministers and Secretary Paget. It seems to me that this would not be at all a bad course to take, because, in case of a rupture between the Emperor and France, his Majesty might demand a declaration of war from the King (of England) against France; whereas if his Majesty were now roundly to declare that he. was not bound to make such a declaration, it would form a precedent for the King to do the same. I am very glad to hear that his Majesty has consented to give the assistance, and your Lordship will see by the Ambassador's letters what a change has taken place in the King. I am still strongly of opinion that the Emperor will not have to disburse a penny, for when once his Majesty really sets his hand to the promotion of peace, it will be quite possible to conclude some sort of suspension of hostilities before the expiration of the six weeks. Both parties must be already tired of the expense and trouble of the war, and even if this were not. so, the galleys, the principal hope of the French fleet, will be obliged to withdraw and the rest cannot keep the sea without them. It appears to me, however, that the ambassador has omitted to broach one of the most important points; namely, the, recognition or ratification (i.e., by the King of England) of the Emperor's treaty of peace with France. I spoke at length on this subject to the Bishop of Westminster and Secretary Petre at Bourbourg, and they did not fail to advise the King of what I said, with the result that Paget wrote to tell them to find out my meaning, and for what purpose the request was made, as I informed the Emperor at the time. If his Majesty still requires the ratification, it would be well to remind the ambassador about it.
I can sincerely assure your Lordship that he (i.e., the ambassador) might just as fairly have demanded the release of the property claimed by poor Carrion as any other goods detained in England, as the case in question is so very clear, and the injustice shameful. It is true that, as it was somewhat hard for them (the English) to swallow, the ambassador may have feared that it would have prevented the settlement of the other claims if he had made a firm stand about it; but it may perhaps seem advisable to your Lordship to slip a word or two about it into the Emperor's letters to the Ambassador, saying that his Majesty had not pressed Carrion's claim with the rest, because he understood that I had made some proposal for the settlement of it, and that the Bishop of Westminster and Petre had held out hopes of a successful agreement. The Ambassador might be instructed to do his best in the matter.
Since I have been here, I have no other recreation but to listen to the praises of the virtue and wisdom of your sons here. Verily, it is almost miraculous. I saw them this morning, the first time I had been out for a fortnight. They are very well, thank God.
Louvain, 6 August, 1545.
6 Aug. Vienna Imp. Arch.114. The Emperor to Van der Delft.
We have received your letters of 24th ultimo and note the communications you had had with the King of England, his Chancellor, the Council and Secretary Paget, touching the means for forwarding a peace between England and France, the release of the ships under detention, and the contribution of the assistance stipulated by the treaty between us and England. You have very cleverly conducted the whole of these affairs. The ambassador has addressed us here in conformity with your letter, and as the full details of our answer to him have been forwarded to our sister, the Queen (Dowager), and our decision on all points, as you will see by the copy enclosed, we need not repeat what we say therein. You will, therefore, be guided in your dealing with the King by the contents of the letter, and the orders you may receive from our sister.
Inform us of what passes, as often as possible, and also keep us advised as to the progress of the war.
Worms, 6 August, 1545.
1545. (fn. 1) Paris Arch. Nat. K. 1485.115. Intelligence sent by the Imperial Ambassador in France.
The Christian King has been ill for a long time past, the commencement of his indisposition being a slow fever that he caught. This troubled him several times, and came on suddenly without any premonition, lasting on one occasion for five days. In addition to this fever it was discovered that he had a gathering under the lower parts, which distressed and weakened him so much that he could not stand, and he had to keep his bed. For the cure of this gathering the most expert doctors and surgeons of Paris were summoned. After purging the King they applied a cautery to the abcess, in order to open and destroy it. This treatment was continued until the abcess broke: but instead of discharging in one place only, as they expected, it broke out in three, in very dangerous positions: and there is at present no assurance that he will live. He has even fallen into extreme fainting and exhaustion, but he has always retained consciousness and still does so. The malady proceeds from a similar illness to that from which the King was suffering when the Emperor passed through France on his way from Spain. As the abcesses did not discharge properly, the physicians have applied three fresh cauteries, and this has caused three issues, whence infected matter flows in great abundance. In order the better to recover from his malady, the King has commenced a course of Chinese wood, which his physicians say he must continue for 20 days. All the medical men are of opinion the malady proceeds from “the French sickness” and for the eradication of this, the Chinese wood will aid greatly, unless, as is feared, the bladder is ulcerated. The King expects to be able shortly to go into the country in a litter, going first towards Blois and thence to his native place, Cognac.
The French have set afloat the intelligence that they will recommence the war against the English. They talk of raising three armies, one to go against Boulogne by land, principally with the object of preventing the victualling of the place; the second for Scotland, under the command of M. d'Enghien, who will have 20,000 foot and 400 men-at-arms, without counting the Scots raised in the country itself; and the third will be a naval force to muster in Normandy and attack England, capturing the first port they can with the object of marching inland thence and giving the English battle. The English will be obliged to fight or lose their country, as there are no fortresses except on the coast. Three millions of francs are to be raised from the French people for the commencement of the war, of which Captain Paulin has already received 90,000 to fit out ships and galleys at Marseilles, which he intends to send round to Normandy. They are also raising what vessels they can to aid the expedition, in Brittany and at Rochelle. The worst of it is, however, that the French recently lost fifty or sixty ships loaded with goods, which the English captured by force, and quite recently 17 more have been captured by the English. It is reported that the English have already about 80 to 100 armed ships, so that their fleet is very much stronger than the French. It must be borne in mind also, that the French army bound for Scotland will have to pass between Dover, Boulogne and Calais, and may find its passage disputed. In Boulogne there is ordinarily a garrison of 4,000 men who make many raids on their enemy both to Ardres and to Montreuil, burning everything as they go, in order to render victuals scarce. The King of England has recently constructed a new bastion adjoining Boulogne and the port, so that the harbour is now entirely dominated by the English, and they can introduce as many victuals as they please. They have accumulated in the place great quantities of provisions, artillery and munitions of war. They have recently captured by force a castle in the Boulognais, where they killed the 200 men who defended it. They afterwards tried to prevent the French from constructing a bulwark, which on the advice of a Venetian they had commenced to build quite near Boulogne harbour, with the object of stopping the English ships from approaching. For the constructing of this bulwark the French have already 6,000 footmen in the field, and a large number of horse. But really these people (the French) are withdrawing as much as they can from the war with England, having by means of intermediaries arranged for the Emperor to negotiate a truce between them and the English. The Dauphin will not consent to a truce, as he says it would be too shameful; and no one knows at present what will happen. It is said that the truce is being sought, in order that they (the French) may be the better able to put pressure upon the Emperor to fulfil the clauses of the treaty of peace (of Crépy): but the distress in the country is very great, and the result to be expected from the war doubtful and dangerous. M. de Vendome with a good force recently revictualled Ardres and also Thérouanne, where the need was very great. As Vendome's force was the stronger, the English could not prevent this.
Intelligence arrives here that in Scotland the nobles and the people are at issue, the nobles for the most part siding with the English, whilst the people at large are in favour of the French and the Queen (of Scots). There is hope of a settlement being arrived at with the English, and the King of England goes so far as to propose a marriage between his son the Prince and the Princess (i.e., Queen) of Scots, the prince to be held by the Scots as a pledge. Whatever he may negotiate, however, it is not believed that the King of England will ever give up his son.
This King has caused to assemble at Melun twelve of the wisest men in his realm, to discuss the opinions of the protestants, in order that they may subsequently attend the Councils General. These personages entered upon their dispute six weeks since, after the celebration of Mass; and they displayed outwardly great signs of devotion.
The King of France has brought forward the marriage of the Prince of Piedmont (fn. 2) with Madame Margaret, holding out hopes to the Duke of Savoy that he shall be favourably dealt with afterwards, and that all subjects of dispute between them shall thus be overcome. The King and Queen of Navarre (fn. 3) have again arrived at this court, and are still pressing the King (of France) to treat for a marriage between the Prince of Savoy and their daughter. They hope, in this case, that the daughter of France (i.e., Margaret) may marry the eldest son of the King of the Romans. In order to render the chances of both suitors equal, it is said that the Emperor is summoning the said Prince of Piedmont to his side.
Count William of Furstenburg (fn. 4) has been put to ransom for 30,000 crowns, and it is said that the Emperor has fixed for the Prince of Roche sur Yonne the same ransom. People here resent this very much, as they say the Prince is poor; and yet they have never admitted the force of the same reason with regard to the Count.
Forty five warrants have recently been issued to as many captains to raise 500 footmen each, so that they may be ready when they are wanted, by which they mean the war with England if it recommences.
There has been in the Court of France a Spanish captain named Guzman, who solicited for a long time employment in the French service against the English, for which purpose he offered to bring 2,000 Spaniards, either those who were sent to Hungary for the King of the Romans or the others who were on their way home to Spain from Flanders by sea. He was long delayed without a reply, but his offer has now been accepted; and he has gone to raise the Spaniards. The French complain that many Spaniards who should have gone home to Spain by sea have remained in England; and they cannot avoid supposing that this was with the consent of the Emperor. (fn. 5)
It is said that the Emperor will furnish the King (of France) with 25,000 crowns a month in aid of the war against the English whilst the war lasts or else Italian infantry to a similar value. The commander of this infantry will be the nephew of the Pope, who is at present in the Court of France.
The Counts of Brienne and Roussy, brothers, who were taken prisoners at Ligny, recently proclaimed by sound of trumpet in Paris, that if any person denied that they had done their duty for the defence of Ligny, or otherwise impugned their honour, they would meet him in combat. Up to the present no one has accepted the challenge. Since the peace was signed the King of France sent a gentleman of Avignon to the Turk, to inform him that it was not a peace that he had concluded with the Emperor but only a truce, which he (the King of France) was obliged to grant by reason of the presence of two powerful (foreign) armies in his dominions. The recall of Barbarossa he said had given a great advantage to his (the French King's) enemies. The Turk, however, had been informed to the contrary and has imprisoned the ambassador, granting letters of reprisal against the French.
News has arrived here, confirmed by advices from Venice that the Turk recently left Constantinople for Adrianople, and before his departure, as an indication that he intended to undertake some notable enterprise, he visited the mosques, where he offered many sacrifices of animals, and worshipped at the shrines of his ancestors. He also took with him most of his treasure; and it is concluded from all this, that he will this year go against Vienna. It will, however, be necessary for him first to subdue the island of Komorn, where the King of Hungary has placed seven or eight thousand foot-soldiers to defend the point, which is of the greatest importance to him. There is a rumour that M. D'Orleans is to go to see the Emperor at Worms when the King has recovered. The prince is already making ready.
The Admiral of France and other captains have been very busy lately studying the marine charts, it is said planning the attack on England. But the Admiral has since fallen ill of gout, and is much troubled by an abcess behind the right ear. It has been necessary to make an incision and he is now better. But for the King of France's illness, the Spanish Jacobin friar who intervened in the peace (fn. 6) would already have been sent to the Pope to urge the latter to influence the Emperor to declare against England, and abandon his alliance with a King who is in rebellion against the church: and if the war with England is continued the friar will go.
The King ordered the captain who surrendered Boulogne to be arrested, but he escaped to England, the archers who were sent to arrest him having by mistake addressed themselves to his father-in-law, M. de Biez, and in the meanwhile the captain fled. He is accused of betraying the town; but withal, he defended it for 9 weeks without a bullet or a pound of powder, after having received 140,000 cannon shots. (fn. 7)
Notwithstanding all the (imperial) ambassador's efforts to obtain a revocation of the (French) letters of marque and reprisal against the Portuguese granted before the war, his efforts have been unavailing. The King of France has been informed on behalf of the Emperor that these letters of marque are a violation of the good understanding arrived at in the treaty of peace, as they can only be rendered effectual by force; though the King of Portugal is included in the treaty of peace, and should have the benefit of it.
After the conclusion of the peace the French took two vessels belonging to the Duke of Alburquerque; and the (imperial) ambassador has been pressing for a long time by orders of the Emperor for the restoration of these ships and their contents. He has however only been able to obtain the reference of the question to the Admiralty. The pretext adopted for the capture is that at the time the Duke was in the service of the King of England; and could not depart therefrom in consequence of the oath he had taken. The Duke denies this, and says that his intention was simply to pass through England on his way to Spain, his arrangement with the English having been made by express command of the Emperor. (fn. 8) By the treaty of peace the Princess D'Albret had to sign in authentic form the protest she made that it was not her intention to marry the Duke of Cleves. (fn. 9) Immediately afterwards she accordingly sent the protest duly signed by her and others and witnessed by two notaries. The Duke of Cleves is not satisfied with this, and has insisted in the name of the Emperor that she should solemnly make her declaration in the presence of some Cardinals, and this has now been consented to by the King of France.
The ambassador has also been pressing the King of France for the surrender of Stenay to the Duke of Lorraine, in accordance with the treaty, as the King, who might demand the demolition of the fortifications, wished to demolish them after he had surrendered the place. To this the imperial ambassador replied that the demolition must take place before the town was given up; so that the surrender might be complete and unconditional. The King of France at length consented to this, but the Duke of Lorraine complains that the old buildings have also been destroyed, which they should not have been; and the matter is now at a stand; the Duke refusing to accept Stenay in its present state. The Emperor has sent a gentleman thither to inspect and report.
There is also a dispute about the surrender of the town and castle of Cahors, in Piedmont near Pigneroli, which the Emperor says were captured after the truce of Nice, whilst the King of France insists that he was master of them before the truce. They say here that the French case will be proved before the Tribunal of accounts of Piedmont.
With regard to the Duke of Cleves' affair, mentioned above; when the Emperor had been informed of it he declared that he would be satisfied if the Princess made her protest before a bishop. This has been accepted on this side, and the protest will accordingly be made when the Princess returns to this Court, where she is shortly expected, she having been summoned from Alençon, where she was. The King and Queen of Navarre are already here.
The rumour runs here that the Emperor was making great preparations both in Spain and Italy for his expedition against Algiers, and Count de la Mirandola was in great fear that some soldiers who were in Lombardy were sent for the purpose of besieging his place. The King of France has consequently been making great efforts to get the Count included in the peace. At last, only six days ago, the Emperor wrote to the King that he was willing to refrain from attacking the Count, until it was decided by legal progress whether or not he held Mirandola by right. It is therefore expected that the matter will shortly be decided in the presence of Commissioners to be sent by the Emperor.
M. de Sedan, heir of the late Robert de la Marche, and the Queen of Scots, for her realm, are also begging to be included in the peace; and the King (of France) is urging these petitions on his Majesty, who has not yet decided one way or the other. With regard to Scotland, however, he says that as a preliminary, the injuries and losses suffered by his subjects at the hands of the Scots must be made good, they haying been the cause of the war that was declared against Scotland.
The English some time since arrested several ships belonging to the Emperor's subjects, and all English property in the Netherlands had accordingly been embargoed. It is now understood that restitution has been made on both sides; and a new treaty has been signed, ensuring unmolested navigation to the subjects of both princes.
The French are at present putting into the field six or eight thousand infantry with a number of horse, to defend a bulwark that they are raising just near Boulogne harbour, to prevent the revictualling of the place by the sea. (fn. 10)
During the last week it is again announced here that the war against the English will be recommenced this year. The chief commander is to he the Admiral, who they say will go to Scotland with 14,000 French infantry, 8,000 lansquenets with a good number of Swiss, and 3,000 Spaniards they expect to obtain through Captain Guzman and another Captain called Bartolomé del Beal. The latter was appointed a gentleman of the (French) King's chamber a fortnight ago, and left court ten days since for Bilbao, in order to obtain as many ships as he can, and to load them up with Spanish wine and other provisions, as well as a number of foot soldiers, all of which he will take to join the French when they are at sea against the English. He (del Real) is an extremely tall man with a red face. He has promised to send men to England to report what forces the King (of England) can muster to resist the French. The Emperor has already been informed of this. The Emperor will shortly summon the Prince of Piedmont to his Court, and this may frustrate the plan of those Frenchmen to marry him. The Queen of Navarre also wants him for her daughter.
Those who have been deputed to go to the Council (of Trent) have taken leave of their congregations, and are making ready to go to the Council.
Rançon's nephew arrived here last week from Constantinople. He reports that the Turk was preparing for the expedition against Vienna for this year. The King (of France) is sending this news to the Emperor. But other reports say that the Turk is still in doubt, in view of the peace, and will only send troops to Hungary for defence.
The King left Fontainebleau yesterday for Blois, whither he will go by short stages. His health is still doubtful, and it is said that some time ago an abcess was cut from his lower parts.
No date. (fn. 11) Simancas. E. A. 641.116. Statement of Affairs sent by Secretary Idiaquez (to Spain).
Cardinal Farnese has returned to Rome. He acted well with regard to the matters discussed with him.
The Pope is strongly in favour of the employment of force against the Protestants, and highly praises his Majesty's intentions in this respect. He agrees to help with 200,000 crowns in money, and gives hope of providing 100,000 more, and will contribute also 12,000 foot and 1,500 horse in his pay.
He will also grant to his Majesty the half-first fruits of Spain, and power to sell the monastic vassals (manors ?) to the amount of 500,000 ducats; but he raised great difficulty about the latter, saying that it would be necessary to consider the recompense for the revenue which must be as secure as at present; and care must be taken not to interfere with the sites of the monasteries themselves.
This decision was accepted, and his Majesty undertook to make arrangements as soon as he left here (Worms?) for that was the most necessary of all things, since he was now in the midst of Lutherans, and must go to Ratisbon and Bavaria before they (the Protestants) learnt what was being arranged. They are already very suspicious, as they hear of the necessary preparations being made. It is true that the season is already very far advanced to undertake the affair this summer; but his Majesty did not care to raise difficulties (i.e., to the Pope's envoy), and answered that, so far as he was concerned, there would be no shortcoming, as soon as his Holiness had provided his part. The Cardinal then left. He was urged that the Pope should at once deposit the 200,000 crowns, which would be necessary at the commencement, pending the raising of funds by his Majesty, by means of bills, and advances on the half-first fruits, and sale of the monastic manors. He was also reminded of the further 100,000, and was told, that if the war lasted longer than was at present provided for, the Pope must maintain his aid for the time of its duration. Juan de Vega (fn. 12) was also written to that he must use the utmost diligence in getting the Bull for the first fruits and the monastic manors sent off without delay; so that money may be raised on them immediately they come.
When Farnese had gone to Rome with this, it was seen, on consideration, how difficult, and indeed impossible, it was to raise the money needed in time. No bills could be obtained nor could funds be so speedily raised on the ecclesiastical concessions, and without funds, of course, nothing could be done. Even if the Spanish infantry in Italy, and the Pope's contingent could arrive in time, and Germans could be got, the cavalry, which would have to be brought from Gueldres and the Low Countries, would necessarily be long delayed; and, in no case, could the army be got together before the middle of September; and after that the wet and cold weather would stop warlike operations in this country (Germany). To begin the enterprise without being able to carry it through would be simply to waste what it cost, whilst the enemy would be put on the alert; and would gain courage, and become more obstinate and irrepressible than ever.
His Majesty did not like this view of the question at all, but was forced to admit its justice, and Dandolo was sent, on the pretext of visiting the Duchess of Camerino, and congratulating her on her pregnancy, his mission really being to convey the above views to the Pope, and to ask his opinion, whilst at the same time assuring him that, if there was time and possibility, his Majesty was willing to begin the enterprise at once. It was suggested that it would be best to draw up a regular treaty between the Pope and his Majesty, to be passed by the Consistory; so that we might be sure, in any case: and as their own interests—or rather those of the house of Farnese—are most likely to influence them, his Majesty has promised always to favour and protect them (i.e., the Farneses), especially in the matter of Parma and Plasencia (Piacenza), which the Pope was anxious to transfer to the Duke of Camarino, as fiefs of the Church, without any allegiance to the Empire. Juan de Vega has been instructed to slacken or tighten the rein on the part of the Emperor, in this respect, in accordance with their behaviour in the other matter. (fn. 13)
The Pope's reply has now been received. His Holiness would have preferred that the enterprise should have been carried through this summer, but admits the justice of the difficulties raised to this, and it is therefore deferred to next year. In the meanwhile, he was preparing the Bulls. Before the Pope's reply came, as it was seen that the enterprise was impossible for this year, the question of the suspension of the Diet was considered. It was decided to arrange a recess, appointing a colloquy for — (fn. 14) or All Saints; and to summon a Diet for the Sovereigns later, at which his Majesty would be present. There is a hope also of being able to alienate from the Lutherans the two or three of the principal cities. As soon as the recess is agreed upon, his Majesty will return to Flanders to set matters in order there, which is said to be necessary, though it is inconvenient for German affairs that he should be absent from here.
The King of the Romans and Hungary will have plenty to do. Even during these negotiations for a truce, the Turks have over run Styria from Dalmatia, and have done a good deal of damage. The Duke of Lorraine died recently, leaving sons, though a brother of his wishes to take charge of the government of the State. He openly confesses that he will appeal for French aid, and the Emperor took measures, even before the late Duke died. It is a troublesome business, but it is hoped that a settlement may be arrived at, for otherwise difficulties may arise; and on his way to Flanders his Majesty will see to this. (fn. 15)
With regard to France there is nothing to say; except that both French and English are hard at it, by land and sea, whilst both of them plunder Spanish shipping. Redress is scanty: but his Majesty is taking measures to bring about a settlement, and thus to ensure himself.
(The rest of the communication, 2 pages, is occupied by Italian affairs and others with no relation to England or Protestantism.)
No date. (fn. 16) Simancas. E. F. 501,117. Prince Philip to the Emperor.
Many thanks for informing me of the state of public affairs, and especially of the arrangement with the Pope. Delighted to see the goodwill of the latter to aid your Majesty, particularly in the submission of the Protestants, so necessary as it is to Christendom. Your Majesty, I am sure, will have duly considered the difficulties of so great and arduous an enterprise. From here (Spain) we can do no more than beseech Our Lord ardently to grant to his Holiness and your Majesty the means and forces necessary for gaining so immense a boon; and to pray your Majesty to take care, as we doubt not that you will do, that what you undertake in this matter must be undertaken with forces sufficient to ensure success. For its success, amongst other things, it will be necessary, as your Majesty says, to make use of the aid and support promised by the Pope. But these things sometimes fail, and, in such case, the whole weight and responsibility would fall upon your Majesty.
We have noted and considered here the discussions in the States of the Empire, the delay that has taken place on the part of the King of France with regard to the alternative marriage, and your Majesty's efforts to mediate between the Kings of France and England, and to bring about an honourable peace, whilst preventing the injury suffered by your dominions by the war. Everything has been done with your Majesty's customary prudence and judgment: and we may hope that all will, by God's grace, go on well, in order that your Majesty may be free to employ your holy zeal in His service. Your Majesty has been wise in summoning the Duke of Alba; for his ability and experience in affairs and his ardent desire to serve your Majesty well, cannot fail to make his presence with you advantageous; although he will be missed here; especially now that the Cardinal of Toledo (fn. 17) has died. But German affairs at present are more important, and the Duke is leaving, in order to arrive by the time your Majesty indicates. It is unnecessary for me to supplicate your Majesty to favour him, as he merits. Personally my obligation to him is great for the care he has displayed in matters here, both public and private.
With regard to the ships and merchandise captured by the French and English, your Majesty's instructions shall be followed, your Majesty's communication having been handed to the Councillors for their guidance. Still it would be well for your Majesty to keep your hand in the matter there, expressing annoyance at the injury done to your subjects, and endeavouring to obtain redress. No more has been heard about the ships which it was said the French were fitting out for the Indies; but if anything further is learnt we will let your “Majesty know. The ambassador in France gave us due advice of what he wrote to your Majesty on this matter, and with regard to his negotiations with the King and Council about the convicts captured by Don Bernardino de Mendoza.
No date. (fn. 18) Simancas. E. F. 501.118. Francisco de los Cobos to the Emperor.
With regard to affairs of State I refer your Majesty to his Highness' letter of reply: but I am very anxious about the position of affairs, more especially with regard to the remedy to be applied to Germany and the Protestants. As they are so numerous and obstinate great trouble will be experienced in any case, unless God in His mercy subdues them. I am quite convinced that before your Majesty decided upon the course you indicate, you will have considered maturely the great difficulties which will have to be encountered, (fn. 19) His Highness is also answering your Majesty about the ships that the French and English have captured, and about other warlike matters. With this and the Duke of Alba's report, your Majesty will be fully informed; and I therefore do not enlarge upon these points. It has seemed to me very necessary that the Duke of Alba should go to your Majesty. He will, it is true, be missed here, both in war preparations and ordinary business. If we were at war his presence here would be more necessary than it is. But still it is important that he should serve your Majesty there (i.e. in Germany) which he will do with prudence, experience and zeal. His needs are still great; and since your Majesty's departure he petitioned to be allowed to sell 200,000 crowns of revenue secured on his estates. He has had difficulty in raising funds to start on his journey, but is now departing full of zeal to serve your Majesty.
7 Aug. Paris Arch Nat. K. 1485.119. St. Mauris to Francisco de los Cobos.
I wrote you a long letter recently by a man sent by the Portuguese ambassador resident here. I have since received your letter of 17 July, informing me of the death of our Princess (fn. 20) ; which intelligence I conveyed at once to the King (of France). He said he deeply regretted the sorrow that had fallen upon the Emperor and the Prince; but, since it had been sent by the will of God, it behoved us to turn this misfortune to some good account. (fn. 21) This was repeated several times in general terms: God rest the soul of our good Princess.
Nothing of importance has happened here, except that the Admiral is at present with the fleet in Boulogne-roads, between Calais, Boulogne and Dover, thus preventing succour from reaching Boulogne. Up to the time of his (the Admiral's) coming thither the English had always had free entrance to, and exit from, Boulogne both by land and sea. It is said that they (the English) have discovered a new approach, and that the fort that is being constructed on this side cannot do them much damage. But still, the English dare not face the French fleet at sea, so they keep in their harbours. The Emperor is to leave Worms on the 10th instant.
Caudebec, 7 August, 1545.
10 Aug. Vienna Imp. Arch.120. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager of Hungary.
Just as I was mounting to go from this place (Petworth), where the King has been staying for three days, to visit the house of the Master of the Horse, (fn. 22) whither the bishop of Winchester and Secretary Paget were courteously taking me for a pleasure trip, the King sent to inform me that one of his servants who usually purchases harquebusses for him had recently had 408 (harquebusses) sent from Italy. They arrived at Antwerp some months since, consigned to another of his servants named Pedro Paulo Bezana, and were packed first in cases and then in great barrels; being declared in the Customhouse by the consignee as barrels of sugar. The fraud was discovered and the director of the Custom house confiscated the harquebusses in consequence, refusing to listen to any proposal for restitution. As, continued the King's message, he had permission from the Emperor and your Majesty to transport through the Emperor's dominions such harquebusses, on condition that it was done in such secret fashion that the French should not know of it, for this reason the arms had been declared by his people as barrels of sugar, as had been done before to the extent of 3,000 harquebusses, and he (the King) therefore begged me to mention the matter to your Majesty, in order that you might give instructions for the restitution of the sequestrated arms and their passage hither with 5,000 more that are ready for despatch. In accordance with the King's request I submit the point to your Majesty's pleasure.
Petworth, 10th August, 1545.


1 The copy of this document in the Archives Nationales bears the date of 7 December, 1545. This cannot be correct. The intelligence contained it appears to be condensed from several communications sent by St. Mauris to the Emperor late in June and early in July, the present summary having been forwarded to Spain for the information of Prince Philip. This is probably the “long letter” referred to by St. Mauris in his letter to Cobos of the 7th August, and for this reason it is inserted here.
2 Emanuel Philibert, afterwards Duke of Savoy. The match took place many years later. At the time this letter was written, a considerable portion of Piedmont was occupied by the French, but by the treaty of Crépy, some fortresses were to be returned to Savoy after the Duke of Orleans had entered into possession of the Duchy of Milan.
3 Marguérite of France, sister of Francis I., had married Henry d'Albret, titular King of Navarre. Their daughter here mentioned was the famous Jeanne d'Albert who up to the time of the peace of Crépy had been nominally betrothed to the Duke of Cleves. She afterwards married Antoine de Bourbon, Duke of Vendome, and by him became the mother of Henry IV. of France.
4 In an earlier page of this volume it was suggested that Count William might have been one of the Nassaus. After the proof had been sent to press this was found not to be the case. Furstenberg had been captured by the French as he was attempting to guide the imperial forces across the Marne below Chalons,
5 A consideration of the earlier pages of this Calendar, and of the Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII. will show that the mercenaries entered the English eervice against the wish of the Emperor. There were fully as many in the French service as in that of England.
6 This was Martin de Guzman, a monk of Soissons and a relative of the Emperor's confessor. He had been the instrument of the Duchess d'Etampes in approaching the Emperor through de Granvelle.
7 This was Vervins, who although he escaped to England on this occasion, was, on his return to France in the following reign, executed for his surrender of Boulogne, which had greatly enraged the Dauphin (Henry II.)
8 The engagement of the Duke of Alburquerque as adviser to Henry during the siege of Boulogne and the loss of his baggage and horses here referred to is fully described in the “Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII.”
9 It was important to Cleves and his new friend the Emperor that his engagement with Jeanne D'Albret should be formally cancelled, as he was about to become betrothed to a daughter of Ferdinand King of the Romans, Charles' brother and successor as Emperor.
10 This would appear to have been “Chastillons garden,” a fort on the south side of the harbour.
11 The document at Simancas bears no date, but its contents point to its having been dispatched in the first days of August from Worms, as it contains the intelligence belonging to the month of July.
12 Spanish Ambassador in Rome.
13 The sudden rallying of Paul III. and the Farneses to the Emperor's friendship, after many years of enmity, was solely prompted by the family ambition. The Pope desired to secure to his son Pier Luigi the sovereignty of the duchies of Parma and Piacenza, independent of the imperial suzerainty. The Emperor's troops occupied a considerable portion of the territories in question; and the Farneses tried by cunning to gain what it was evident they could not win by force. Pier Luigi Farnese was to be succeeded in the duchies by his second son Ottavio Duke of Camarino, who had married Margaret the illegitimate daughter of the Emperor (afterwards the famous Duchess of Parma, governess of the Netherlands). Pier Luigi was murdered in 1547 by the Emperor's friend and Viceroy Gonzaga: and when the Pope's estrangement from the Emperor was again complete, the new Duke Ottavio rallied entirely to his father-in-law's side; the new Pope Julius III. confirming him in his duchy, to which his son Alessandro Farnese eventually succeeded.
14 Blank in original.
15 See note page 195.
16 The draft at Simancas bears no date, but as the contents are a reply to the information contained in the Emperor's letter of 2nd August (p. 213), the present letter must have been written early in the same month.
17 Cardinal Tavera, who had been appointed with Cobos Philip's mentor in the Regency, when Charles left Spain in 1543.
18 The document bears no date, but it was evidently written at the same time as the preceding letter from Philip.
19 It is evident from the tone of this letter and of the preceding one from Philip to his father, that the Emperor's decision to take up arms for the purpose of crushing Protestantism was not approved of by Cobos, upon whom would fall the burden of providing from already exhausted Spain the vast sums needed for the Emperor's project.
20 Maria of Portugal the young wife of Prince Philip, who had died in childbed after the birth of the unhappy Don Carlos.
21 The meaning of this was that already Francis was thinking of a marriage between Philip and Margaret of France.
22 Sir Anthony Browne.