Spain
July 1546, 16-31

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Institute of Historical Research

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Martin A. S. Hume (editor)

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1904

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427-446

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'Spain: July 1546, 16-31', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8: 1545-1546 (1904), pp. 427-446. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88261 Date accessed: 02 September 2014.


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July 1546, 16–31

July 16. Simancas. E. R. 873.293. Juan de Vega to the Emperor.
(Details of letters received and despatched. Refers to previous letters with regard to the raising and despatch of the Papal contingent under the Farneses. All activity has been, and shall be, employed.) Not hearing any talk, or seeing any such attempts as your Majesty was informed from Trent would be made here to suspend the Council; and thinking that this arose from the Pope's desire to banish all cause for suspicion on your Majesty's part, I spoke to his Holiness about it. I said that your Majesty had heard of the rumours of the suspension of the Council on the occasion of the armed troops being sent; and I added that as such rumours might militate against the good intentions of his Holiness and your Majesty, in the matter of the Council I should be glad if he would cause the legates (of Trent) to be requested to make known that there was no thought or idea of suspending the Council. He replied that he had also heard the rumours in question, and had written to the legates on the same day that Cardinal Farnese left here, requesting them to address the prelates to the effect suggested by your Majesty. The prelates were to be told that these soldiers, being Papal troops, and not enemies, they should be regarded rather as an additional security than as a menace to the Council. So that six days before your Majesty's letter arrived here, your orders had been anticipated. We have been pressing for the Brief for the half-first fruits in Spain. His Holiness has ordered it to be dispatched, as it would have been already if the Pope had not been way at Frascati, twelve miles away. He returned yesterday, and he matter shall be closely followed up until the Brief is dispatched he Briefs directed to the prince-bishops and other ecclesiastics of Germany, respecting the aid due to your Majesty, are also being sent off.
Seven or eight days after the publication here of the Treaty with your Majesty, a secretary of the King of France named Aubespine arrived here. He had heard the news of the treaty as soon as he crossed the mountains; and believing that in the circumstances his mission was unadvisable, he tarried on the road until he received a reply from the King. The day before he arrived in Rome, and subsequently, the couriers from France reached him, it is believed instructing him to refrain from carrying out his mission. The first time he saw his Holiness, he simply told him in general terms that peace had been concluded with England, giving a confused idea only of the terms. He also asked for a Cardinal's hat for a nephew of M. de Bourbon, and begged the Pope's pardon for some crimes committed by a certain bishop. He expressed dissatisfaction at the aid being given by the Pope to the war; saying that the same should have been done for the King of France in his contest with England. The Turk, he said, would come; and he raised other objections, not only to the Pope but also in conversation with other persons. He speaks very violently and passionately about it, and is full of threats of what the King of France will do. No doubt the Pope gave him a fit answer; so I will only mention one point. He said that when aid had been requested against England, the King of France had resolutely declined to do what the Emperor had done without the slightest difficulty, namely to enter into agreement with the enemies of the Holy See without the co-operation and consent of the Pope. (fn. 1) He (the envoy) showed them the agreement (with England) which he said was honourable and proper: and then announced his departure for Venice, apparently very little pleased.
I am assured that his original mission was to negotiate a marriage between the Dauphin's daughter and Horatio (Farnese) and to deal with a still more important matter, these being the words used by the Secretary (Aubespine), who imparted the information to a confidant, but no further details were given as to what the affair was.
The Pope was troubled about it; and I am informed also that in a conversation he had with Trivulciis he endeavoured through him to bring the French to a better frame of mind. The French who are here have, however, made very little account of Cardinal Trivulciis lately; and he is much disatisfied with them. He says they do not know what they are about. (fn. 2)
The Secretary (Aubespine) afterwards remained here, whilst the Pope was at Frascati; and sent to ask permission to go thither and take leave of his Holiness. It was however deferred until the Pope's return; and yesterday the (French) Ambassador and the Secretary had an interview with the Pope, in which more amiability was shown than before. The marriage of the daughter of the Dauphin already mentioned was finally broached; and they said that the peace they had made with England included your Majesty. Trivulciis remarked, to a certain person that, affairs between your Majesty and the King of France being in their present position, it is not decent of the latter to show resentment at this German enterprise, either by word or deed. The Secretary left here yesterday evening.
The Pope has been talking lately of sending a legate to France, to treat of a confirmation of the peace (i.e. between Charles and Francis), and prior to the coming of the Secretary they were very warm about it. Since then, however, the matter has cooled, and I suspect they wish to learn more about the progress of events in France from Dandino, who had gone thither as Nuncio; and at. the same time to sound your Majesty's intentions through Cardinal Farnese.
I understand that the Pope's financiers are devising means for raising the money he will spend in this enterprise, without touching the funds he had by him. His Holiness says he will not use any of the latter money, except for some great enterprise against the Turk. The Pope had news from Bologna yesterday that his troops were mustered on the 11th instant, in larger numbers than had been expected, so that a good proportion of the whole force is now ready, and a muster is to be taken at once. They will then start on their march, and it is expected that by the 17th they will be on the way. In good truth, they have not lost a moment in this. The cavalry was also ready, and would start at the same time, or earlier if desired. The Pope was told that your Majesty desired to be informed every four days where the troops were, and the road they were following. His Holiness has written to the legate to-this effect.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 28th ultimo about the deposit of funds in Augsburg and Venice. Since then we have been busy in the matter; for the Pope, in truth, has had some difficulty with the merchants with regard to the mode in which the funds are to be transferred. We have been much annoyed by the delay; and were not at first without some suspicion that there might be something behind it. I am told that it is now arranged that the 100,000 ducats payable in Augsburg are to be made available at Trent, and will be handed to the Cardinal (Farnese) there, or elsewhere as he may please, in certain instalments. The other 100,000 at Venice are also to be paid to the Cardinal (Farnese) or to his order. Seeing the need for the money I am sorry that it is to be paid in instalments; and that it will be necessary to await the arrival of the Cardinal there before any of it is paid. But as he is already on the road, and they tell me that when he arrives the money will be paid as your Majesty may require, I thought better to let them make their own arrangements with the merchants; even at the cost of some delay, rather than risk losing the money by insisting upon their sending it in specie. Besides which I noticed that when they were pressed much on this point they grew suspicious. I have taken the liberty to suspend my efforts with the Pope about the half-first fruits in Flanders, and the additional 100,000 ducats, until the treaty obligations have been fully complied with and Cardinal Farnese is with your Majesty. My experience of the Pope has shown me that he will never do many things at a time; even though he may have decided upon them in principle. Besides this, he is always thinking or fearing that your Majesty will come to terms with the Lutherans. But if the hostilities begin, as the Pope is now beginning to believe that they will, and he knows that his troops and his grandsons are there, I believe that he will not only do what we now ask but even more. For my part, I can guarantee your Majesty that not a moment shall be lost.
Alexander Vitello came to take leave of me, and said in effect that he was delighted to be going, for it would afford him an opportunity of serving your Majesty, as he yearned to do. Cardinal Farnese and Octavio, he said, also meant well, but they were young; and, considering their station, he was obliged to be careful how he treated them: but he begged me to write to your Majesty how devoted he was, and to say that in any important matter in which your Majesty thought proper to make use of him and the troops, he would take care to manage things as your Majesty might indicate. John Baptist Savello spoke to the same effect, though not so definitely. He probably thought it unnecessary, as his command is a small one. His Holiness has expressed to me and others his tenderness at sending his two grandsons to the war, and I have made much of it and praised him greatly for the sacrifice. If your Majesty thinks well, you might also do the same, as his Holiness is fond of glory, etc.
When the cross was given to the legate (Cardinal Farnese) and the staff to Octavio, the two ceremonies were arranged by his Holiness, in accordance with what was clearly indicated by the stars. This caused murmuring amongst the people, and gave some trouble to the Cardinals; for it kept them from ten o'clock till nearly seven in the ceremonial.
Rome, 16 July, 1546.
(The rest of the above letter is occupied by questions of Spanish ecclesiastical appointments, etc.)
July 16. Paris. Archives Nationales. K. 1486.294. St. Mauris to Prince Philip.
On the 5th instant I wrote a full account of events here; and mentioned the arrival of an English envoy, sent by the King to stand sponsor for the infant princess. The King of France met him half way between Fontainebleau and this place, on the pretence that he was returning from the chase. I mention this to your Majesty, because many persons of importance are quite at a loss to understand such a reception as this being accorded to the envoy; and that the King of France should have condescended to go out and meet him in person. As soon as the envoy (Sir Thomas Cheyney) had presented his réspects to the King of France, the latter went on his road to Fontainebleau conversing with the Admiral of France, being followed by the English envoy who was chatting with the; Dauphiness, and after them rode the whole company. As they neared the castle at about four o'clock in the afternoon, they were received by salvos of artillery. The envoy supped that evening in the apartments prepared for him, being accompanied by Messieurs Laval and Canapé, who had come with him from Paris. The next day the envoy dined with the King of France, and supped with the ladies. After dinner he had a very long conversation with the King of France; to whom he handed the letters from the King of England. The conference lasted two hours, the King of France talking very much and using his hands freely in gestures of affection, in which he was liberally seconded by the Englishman; who, however, used but very few words. So far as can be ascertained the King set forth at length the former friendship between him and the King of England. It had, he said, been so firmly cemented by their interviews and other means that he was quite sure the King of England would never have departed from it, but for the exhortations and contrivance of your Highness. He (Francis) hoped, however, now that the friendship had been reestablished, that the King of England and his people would never allow themselves to be deceived again, but would always rest in the security which was afforded to them by a close, constant, and sincere friendship with France. For his part, no disturbance of the friendship should come on any account whatever, and he would fulfil the agreement to the very letter. By means of this agreement their disputes were so fully settled that a perpetual friendship would henceforward exist between the two countries. The envoy replied that the King of England was similarly moved by a sincere and earnest wish to maintain the existing amity firmly; and he would fulfil to the utmost the treaty which had been made, on condition that the King of France also did the same. He added that he was himself fully aware that the breach in the old friendship had originated with the repudiation of the pensions and the non-payment of the amounts overdue, and with certain other causes; but, since the two princes had again become reconciled, he believed that all occasions for future disputes would disappear. He always repeated that if the King of France fulfilled the treaty, the King of England would do the same. This passed on the third instant, and on the following day, the fourth, the baptism was solemnised at four o'clock in the afternoon, the order of the ceremony being as follows. First marched the heralds of France and England, followed by M. de Longueville bearing the taper, after whom came M. de Guise with the cushion. M. de Montpensier then came carrying the cup, Saint Pol the basin, and the youthful M. d'Enghien the chrism. After them came the envoy of the King of England, carrying the infant princess in his arms, the babe wearing the royal mantle, of which the train was carried by Mme. de Montpensier and the Duchess de Nemours. Then came the Queen, whose train was borne by Mme. d'Etampes as lady of honour, and who was followed by Mme. Marguèrite of France, the Princess d'Albret and Mme. de Vendome walking together. In addition to these there was such an infinity of other ladies, and so great a multitude, that description would be difficult. The infant was christened Isabel de Valois, the King of England being godfather and the Queen of France and Princess d'Albret godmothers. As soon as the baptism was over the people began to shout “Vive Madame Isabelle de Valois.” It is said that the name of Isabel was chosen on purpose, because of the hope they have that at a future time a marriage may be arranged between the Princess and the Infante of Spain, where such names appear to be desired. When the ceremony was finished, all the company went to the King, who awaited them on a floor which had been specially constructed in the courtyard of the castle. The floor was covered with cloths and rushes for the dances, which began as soon as the company arrived.
The crowd being very great the King himself with a halberd turned all the men off the floor, except some who took part in the ball. After the ball had continued for some time supper was served in a hall specially made new for the purpose, and all covered with cloth of gold, both the ceiling and the walls, the rest of the apartments in the castle being richly decorated. There was a buffet of gold and silver plate, which was considered very magnificent; and the supper was served by the Admiral of France, as high-steward, accompanied by the rest of the King's household, the dances afterwards continuing until midnight. The next day there was a tournament, where the first prize was given to the Dauphin. (afterwards Henry II.) as he broke more shafts than any other competitor; although some difficulty was raised about it, as some of the judges maintained that the prize should rightly have been awarded to M. 'd'Aumale, because he had broken a lance every time he had run, although his aggregate number was not so large as that of the Dauphin. The following day the English envoy handed to the Dauphiness the presents sent by the King his master. They comprised a jasper cup, a clock with a crystal cover, and a gold saltcellar on a chased gold stand, and with a chased gold cover upon which stags and other animals were carved. The envoy presented at the same time to the two nurses a gold chain each and a sum of money.
The 8th instant was fixed for the combat between the two Spanish Captains, (fn. 3) both of whom were at Fontainebleau, but at dinner time on that day a courier from England arrived with letters for the English Ambassador, instructing him to request the King of France to postpone the combat for five days, during which the English second chosen by the Spanish Captain on their side would arrive at this court. The request was granted and a postponement for eight days ordered, during which time the King will not budge from Fontainebleau, unless it be to some of the chateaux in the neighbourhood.
The day following that which had been originally fixed for the combat, the English special convoy departed from Court, after taking his leave of the King, who, it is said, presented him with a sideboard of plate worth five or six thousand crowns. In good truth, everything possible has been done here to welcome him, and to show the ardent desire they have to be friendly with the King of England. Whatever was most likely to gratify the envoy was that which best pleased the King, who ordered incessantly that every attention should be paid to him. This, Sire, is an evident sign of the wish they have to preserve their new friendship, which, as they say, they hope to utilise by and bye.
It is announced that after the combat the King will go to Paris to await the arrival of the Lord Admiral of England, in whose presence he will take the oath to fulfil the new treaty with all solemnity in the church of Notre Dame de Paris. The King of England will act similarly in London; this having been agreed between their Majesties, in order to please their respective peoples, who can only learn the results of princely negotiations by outward demonstrations. The rumour is that from Paris the King will proceed to Blois, Chambord and Remorantin, and thence to Moulins; but things change so frequently here that I can only report what is current at the moment.
The Dauphiness left for Blois immediately after the christening, carrying with her the baby-princess to be brought up with the Duke of Brittany. (fn. 4) She will await at Blois the arrival of the King there.
These people (i.e. the French) are getting rid of many of their soldiers, and they have already dismissed more than 2,000 of French veterans; who it is said are about to enter your Majesty's service. There is no news of any men being sent towards Bayonne. I send this information to your Majesty, because I have again been requested from Spain to make enquiries respecting the alleged enterprise against Navarre intended by M. d'Albret. I can hear no confirmation whatever of this: and I do not believe that anything will be done this year. In future we shall see from time to time what will happen. I have very dexterously enquired through Mme. D'Etampes, of a secretary of M. d'Albret what the latter, who is coming hither with his daughter, has been doing during his long absence. The secretary told Mme. D'Etampes that M. d'Albret's whole thought was to strengthen his town of Pau, as he had previously told me. The secretary added that his master had little enough money to do even this; which is a very different thing from making preparations for war. With regard to the rumour that M. d'Albret was secretly raising troops, the secretary affirms that nothing of the sort was being done: it was a gross invention without any particle of truth.
16 July, 1546.
21 July. Vienna. Imp. Arch.295. Van der Delft to the Emperor.
I have received your Majesty's letters of the 3rd instant, with the information sent from Spain respecting the Renegat affair. Your Majesty will have learnt from my last letters of 6th instant what had passed between the Bishop of Winchester, Paget and myself, and also with the King in relation to this matter, and the rest of your Majesty's instructions contained in your said letter. (fn. 5) Nothing of importance has since occurred to my knowledge. The Admiral of France is expected here within a week. The Lord Admiral (Dudley) left London six days since, and is now at Boulogne, waiting until the other is on the road. Several communications have already taken place here with the French Ambassador, with regard to which I can only conjecture that the postponement from day to day of the coming of the Admiral of France is arousing some distrust here, and the friends are now in doubt of a lasting peace being made. It is even asserted that the French are retaining a considerable number of troops under arms, notwithstanding that they have been ostensibly dismissed. I am doing my best to discover if there is any intrigue afoot with the French, to the prejudice of your Majesty, on account of the Protestants; but I have been unable as yet to see any signs of such a thing, or that any confederation exists with them (i.e. the Protestants) on this side. I hear, however, that Secretary Mason, who was sent with Duke Philip of Bavaria to Germany and was recalled hither when he had arrived as far as Flanders, has now again-been dispatched thither, and this was after the news became current of your Majesty's enterprise. The Queen (Dowager of Hungary) instructed me to learn from the Council how matters stood between them and the Scots; as I had written that the latter were included in the peace concluded between France and England, on condition that they (the Scots) fulfilled the treaties existing between them and this King, whilst the French asserted that the Scots were included unconditionally. If such were the case it was considered (by the Queen Dowager) that your Majesty ought to be informed of it, since the state of war between your Majesty and the Scots existed solely in accordance with the clauses of your treaty of alliance with England, and you consequently should be included in any pacific arrangement with them. The Lords of the Council replied that it was true that the Scots had only been included in the peace on the condition above mentioned; and that in order to learn what their (i.e., Scots') intention was, an envoy had been sent from here to Scotland, a reply from whom was daily expected, and would be communicated to me. Since then I have continued to press for information as to their decision, but have been assured that no news has yet been received from the French gentleman who had been sent on the mission.
London, 21 July, 1546.
21 July. Vienna. Imp. Arch.296. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
I have nothing of importance to write at present. The Admiral of France is expected here shortly, the Lord Admiral of England having left six days since, and still remaining in Boulogne until the French Admiral is on the road to come hither. There have been several conferences here with the French Ambassador, of the details of which I know nothing; but I cannot help suspecting that the delay from day to day in the coming of the Admiral of France is causing distrust on the part of the English, and is making them doubt as to the conclusion of an assured peace. This doubt is increased by the statement made that the French still retained a considerable force under arms, after the English had dismissed their troops. I am doing my best to discover if there was any intrigue or arrangement with the French prejudicial to the Emperor, or in the interests of the Protestants, but I can see no signs of anything of the sort, nor of any confederation between the English and them (i.e. the Protestants); although I hear that Secretary Mason, who had been sent with Duke Philip of Bavaria to Germany and was recalled when he had arrived as far as Antwerp, has again been despatched (to Germany) since the news was received here of the Emperor's undertaking.
The Lords of the Council have sent to complain to me of the ill-treatment experienced by English subjects in the town of Antwerp. In order to save their lives it is necessary for them to go armed and in bodies through the streets, as they are constantly assaulted and outraged by our people, and no measures are taken to remedy this state of things. Injurious words are also allowed to be used about this King, without any punishment of the offenders. As difficulties may arise out of this, the Councillors beg me to write on the subject to your Majesty, and to request you to give the matter your attention, as otherwise they (the English in Antwerp) will be obliged to withdraw. They (the Councillors) add, that the Emperor and the King being in perfect friendship and alliance, they hoped that your Majesty would take such steps as were fitting to keep subjects in good neighbourship and concord. I assured them that this would be done. I pray your Majesty to look to this, as to-day, again, complaints on the same subject have been made to me, and there is a strong rumour amongst the merchants here that English factors and merchants (in Antwerp) are to be recalled.
Since my last I have made several attempts to learn the reply that the English have received from the Scots, with regard to the inclusion of the latter in the peace between France and England. They say, however, that no reply has been received from the French gentleman who has gone to Scotland on this matter.
London, 21 July, 1546.
27 July. Simancas. E. Milan, 1192. Italian.297. Intelligence from Turin, forwarded to the Emperor by Fernando de Gonzaga (Governor of Milan).
It is improbable that the King of France will make any war like movement this year. He has no money, few soldiers, and the season is already far advanced. He is, moreover, not at all sure of England; as the difficulties between them are not yet settled. The King of France is bound to pay by next Christmas day an instalment of the amount due by him to the King of England; and Boulogne is to be restored, some people say in six, others in eight years. The fact is that it will never be given back.
Negotiations are progressing for a marriage between the son of the King of England and the daughter of the King of Scotland. The King of England offers to him of France, not only Boulogne but also Calais and the other places in France now held by the English, on condition that the French support this marriage. Whatever course the King of France adopts, his position is a bad one. If he accepts the King of England's offer Scotland will in the course of time be united with England; and in such case there is no doubt that the French will always be exposed to great danger from that quarter. It is the fact that France can at any time bring about war on the Scottish Border that renders England weak. On the other hand if the Scottish marriage does not take place, it will be evident that France has stood in the way and hostilities between the two Kings will promptly result. It is well known that the King (Queen?) of Scots will act as the King of France advises him to do. War between France and England being therefore still possible, the King of France will avoid a rupture with the Emperor, unless the Lutherans be willing to provide the former with large subsidies in money. If this were done, he might consider himself strong enough with help of the Turks to offer a successful opposition to the Emperor.
27 July, 1546.
30 July. Simancas. E. R. 873.298. Juan de Vega to the Emperor.
(Acknowledges letters brought by Catanio, the Secretary of Cardinal of Trent, and others. Refers the Emperor to previous letters, to show that instructions as to the Papal contingent and payment of Papal subsidy have all been anticipated.)
(Note for reply on margin. “He will have seen by the fresh letters taken by Aurelio (Catanio) what has been said about the 200,000 crowns, and that his Majesty is much displeased that this money is to be paid in deferred instalments. His Majesty expressed his displeasure in the presence of the Nuncio and of the Cardinal of Augsburg; but no remedy has been provided, especially by Cardinal Farnese, who shelters himself behind the Pope. His Majesty therefore trusts that he (i.e. Vega) will use every effort in the matter, which is of great importance. The Papal contingent has arrived here. It is very good, and his Majesty is satisfied with it.”)
Before receiving the last letter I took advantage of the news of the troops leaving Augsburg (fn. 6) &c., to go to his Holiness, and submitted to him that as he saw now how urgent the need for resources was he should expedite the dispatch of the Brief for the half first fruits of the Netherlands. I said that I had no doubt that his Holiness on consideration would do this and more; and the delay that had already taken place in granting this concession was due to the circumstances not being ripe for it, as they now were, &c. His Holiness admitted the truth of what I said, and most graciously made the concession requested, ordering that the Briefs should be authorised. They have been occupied in the matter for the last fortnight, and as soon as the Briefs are ready they shall be sent without delay; although all official documents here have to be so carefully considered, and pass through so many hands that things are done more slowly than could be wished.
(Marginal note. “It is well that these half first fruits have been granted, and that the documents are to be drawn up, but the delay and the reason given for it are perfectly incomprehensible. They have the precedents and forms of similar concessions; especially that of 1542. The delay is extremely prejudicial, as the Queen (Mary of Hungary) complains that for lack of this source of supply many things in favour of the enterprise cannot be done. A copy is sent with this (reply) of the petition presented for the previous concession referred to. This is not a matter which will brook delay; and the documents must be sent as soon as possible.”)
The Briefs for the half first fruits of Spain directed to the Cardinals and to the Nuncio Poggio, who is granted the commission previously held in the matter by the Cardinal of Seville, (fn. 7) with the right of subdelegation, will be sent to the Prince (Philip) within four or five days. As neither your Majesty nor the Prince has nominated any fresh person to undertake the execution of the Briefs in Spain, the Pope has authorised the Nuncio to delegate his powers in this respect to the person to be appointed by your Majesty.
The only point now outstanding is that of the commutation of sale of the monastic manors, by the concession of other means for obtaining the funds. Your Majesty's consent to this, on the conditions and limitations set forth in your Majesty's instructions, has been conveyed to the Pope, who was extremely rejoiced thereat. He said it was important in your Majesty's interests that the matter should be so arranged, in addition to the difficulties which would thus be overcome, because it would deprive the King of France and others of a precedent for making a similar demand. The Pope has ordered the documents to be prepared.
(Note in margin. “The Pope will have to bear in mind that his Majesty only requires the resources that may be necessary for carrying out the enterprise; and these may be raised in the manner most agreeable to his Holiness. The affair is so important that he (the Pope) should accommodate himself readily to the adoption of the means that depend upon him. This matter must also be pushed on actively, and the conditions and modifications upon which his Majesty has consented to the change must be kept in view.”)
With regard to the additional 100,000 crowns beyond the 200,000 already provided, I calculate that it will be time enough to urge this point when the various above-mentioned documents have been sent off. I will not fail to bring it forward actively then, and will not lose sight of it. I will duly report what progress is made. This completes all the points of your Majesty's instructions.
(Note in margin. “There is no time more convenient than the present for the 100,000 crowns; but the best opportunity for bringing it forward must be chosen. The need is great, and however actively the matter is dealt with, the money will come too late.”)
(The rest of the letter is occupied with the question of the transfer of Cardinal Carpi's benefices in France, which was still pending. The writer urges Carpi's merits, his devotion, and his poverty, his abbacies in France producing him nothing; and prays the Emperor to allow the permutation.)
Rome, 30 July, 1546.
30 July. Simancas. E. 1318.299. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza to the Emperor.
(A long relation of his mission to Venice for the purpose of expressing the Emperor's grave displeasure at the rumours that the Seigniory were in negotiation with the Lutherans and the Turks to his detriment. (fn. 8) The Seigniory emphatically deny the truth of the intelligence, and express their great devotion to the Emperor; and a circular letter from the Seigniory to its various ambassadors to this effect dated 27 July is enclosed. An extremely lengthy explanation is given of the communications that had taken place with the Protestants and the Turks; which are declared to have been perfectly innocent of offence towards the Emperor. Reference is made by Mendoza to the endeavours of the Protestants and English King's agents in Venice to arouse the distrust of the Seigniory against the Emperor: and the following marginal note on this subject is affixed:—“Memorandum: to speak to the English Ambassador who remained in Ratisbon about this Secretary, and to complain of the levity of Ludovico delle Arme. (fn. 9) The Ambassador in England must also be written to about it.”
Venice, 30 July, 1546.
Attached to the above letter there is a copy of the instructions apparently given by Mendoza to Captain Pero Diaz de Corcuera, who carried the letter to the Emperor, with the verbal message set forth in the document. He is to say that the rumours of the Venetian intrigues with the Lutherans and Turks against the Emperor were originated by Ludovico delle Arme, “a light man with little brains and no goodwill.”
The following clause in the instructions to Corcuera may be transcribed in full. “I have heard that the agent of the King of England and Ludovico delle Arme are endeavouring to bring about a league between the Seigniory, the King their master, and the King of France. They also promise on behalf of the King of England, the friendship of the Protestants, and on behalf of the King of France the friendship of the Turk. They propose to begin by getting the Seigniory to send an Ambassador to England, or else to manage the affair through a Venetian gentleman called Francisco Bernardi who intervened in the peace negotiations between France and England, and who receives from the King of England an allowance of 1,200 ducats a year. I suspect that this man did not take so active a part in the said negotiations without the knowledge and encouragement of the Seigniory; because all of them (the Venetians) are very timid, and this man is heir to an estate worth more than 30,000 crowns; which he would have imperilled if he had undertaken such a task entirely on his own responsibility. They also wish the King of England to send an Ambassador hither; and they nominate Ludovico delle Arme for the post. All the above intelligence about embassies proceeds from Ludovico himself.
I have been obliged to communicate all this to the Seigniory and give my authority, either to warn them not to enter into any such league against us, as was done when Cardinals Grimano and Ferrara came hither, or else to hinder it, if anything had already been done in the matter. I plied them with the arguments which I thought appropriate, and I think I convinced them, and that they will make no move.
I also divulged to them the trick that Ludovico delle Arme had played in giving the intelligence to the Cardinal (i.e. of Trent) although without naming his Eminence or giving them the least suspicion that it was he. My object was that in future they might give to the words of this fool only so much credit as they deserve; and that they might punish him if they liked, and prevent him from doing us any more injury. It is suspected that the Secretary or agent (i.e. Altieri) that the King of England has here, is, both privately and publicly, doing as much mischief as he can about Fernando de Gonzaga. I remind his Majesty that it may be well to write to his Ambassador in England about this.
I have many times assured his Majesty that he may proceed on his way without the slightest suspicion that the Seigniory can do him any harm, league or no league, for they have neither men, money nor victuals. As to their feelings towards us, they are as vile as can be; and the intensity increases or diminishes as his Majesty appears warlike or tranquil. Everything they do proceeds from fear, and some day utter shame will overwhelm them (que un dia ha de cargar sobre ellos el bochorno). If they saw an opportunity, and could deal secretly with powerful persons, they are capable of attempting any villainy. But they do not trust Turks nor Frenchmen, because they see that your Majesty is informed of everything; and they also distrust the Lutherans, because they are convinced that your Majesty has undertaken this enterprise with the concurrence of some of them (fn. 10) . They (the Seigniory) have therefore decided that the safest course for them is to keep quiet, whilst they show, more by indications than by plain words, their bad dispositions to both sides. I remind his Majesty of the advisability of sending hither some fully authorised person, as I have to leave again for Trent. Captain Corcuera is provided with what is necessary for his journey, coming and going, both for himself and the two men he takes with him. I pray your Majesty to grant me a knighthood for a gentleman related to me who has served your Majesty.”
Venice, 30 July, 1546.
31 July. Vienna. Imp. Arch.300. The Queen Dowager to Van der Delft.
Since writing our letter to you of 22nd ultimo, we have received yours of the 6th and 21st instant; by which we learn the small progress you are making in the settlement of the questions respecting the traffic and intercourse between the respective peoples, about which Councillor Van der Burgh was sent thither. The English ambassador and the special envoy sent hither to deal in the same matter are urging us strongly to bring our negotiations with them to a conclusion; as if they wished to have a solution of the matter on this side before dealing with it in England through, you. For this reason we have given instructions that the conclusion of the business is not to be hurried here; and you will do well to press for a settlement of the points raised by you, since the excuse that the war prevented the Council from dealing with them will no longer hold water. If the English answer you by saying that their commissioners on this side are making but little progress, you may say that it must be recollected that when Councillor Van der Burgh arrived in London they kept you a long time waiting before dealing with the affairs in hand, their excuse being that they were busy with the war; whereas when their special envoy came hither we began negotiating with him at once. It is true that since then the wars in Germany have occurred, and have prevented the negotiations from proceeding so rapidly as before. But they (the English) ought not longer to delay the dispatch of Van der Burgh, who has remained there too long already. If you find it impossible to obtain a prompt decision, you had better send us a precise statement of all your proceedings, and attach to it your opinion upon the principal points. We will then consider what had better be done.
We have not yet been able to discover, from France or elsewhere, the true facts respecting the inclusion of the Scots* The latter still continue constantly to treat as enemies the Emperor's subjects whom they encounter at sea; and we have been consequently obliged to send to Scotland Secretary Strick, in order that he may learn there how matters are considered to stand. But notwithstanding this; as the period during which the Scots were to make their declaration has now expired, you had better ask the Council again to be good enough to let you know clearly what are their present relations with the Scots; if they are at peace with them, and whether these dominions have been included or not in any arrangement that may have been made. For the reasons already stated, it is necessary that we should know this, so that we may act accordingly towards the Scots. You will also ask the Council to inform you of the details of the agreements they have made with the Scots. This can hardly be refused to you, as our quarrel with the Scots is solely on account of the English; and the terms of the treaty of alliance (i.e. between England and the Emperor) provide that the English should communicate such particulars to us, in order to show that the Emperor and his subjects have been included, as they had a right to be. You will also lay before the King and his Council the fact that several gentlemen of Artois, subjects of the Emperor possessing property in the Boulognais, have requested us to direct them as to how they are to proceed to recover the enjoyment of their estates as before the commencement of the war. We have been unable to answer them, as we are ignorant of the capitulations made between the English and French in the recent peace treaty.
Now that the war has ceased it is only reasonable to ask that private citizens should again enjoy the possession of their property; and you will ask them (the English) in our name to be good enough to state to you the conditions of the peace touching this part of the question, in order that these gentlemen may know how to proceed in satisfying their honour and duty. If on this pretext, or any other, you can procure a copy of the treaty between England and France we should be very glad.
As it is possible that the news from Germany may be misrepresented in England, we think advisable to inform you of the true facts, as we have heard them by letters from Augsburg, and we enclose copies of those sent to the imperial ambassador in France with the intelligence. With regard to Secretary Paget's assertion to you that the Admiral of France had affirmed that in the peace made between the Emperor and France, the Scots had been included, although it had not been set forth in the text of the treaty, we may say that the subsequent events have proved that the contrary was the case, and this must carry more conviction than the words of Frenchmen, who always try to disguise facts to please themselves. But in addition to this, we may inform you that it was after the peace was concluded that the Scottish secretary called Alexander (?) Paniter was here endeavouring to see his imperial Majesty, for the purpose of claiming the addition to the treaty of a clause including the Scots, in accordance with advice sent to the latter by the French. The secretary was refused an audience, whereat the French Ambassador was much scandalized, and gave out that the Scots were actually included. The Scottish secretary was shown a copy of the clauses of the treaty which provided for the inclusion of other princes; and seeing that he had been deceived by the French, made a great ado about it to the French ambassador. The latter at first tried to stand out that, although the text of the treaty did not contain the inclusion, the latter had really been agreed upon verbally. This was flatly contradicted by the Viceroy of Naples (Gonzaga) and M. de Granvelle; and then the French ambassador wanted to maintain that the inclusion of the Scots depended upon the provisions of previous treaties that had been confirmed by the treaty of peace. This assertion also was shown to be unfounded; and he then brought forward a third contention, namely that the Emperor was bound by the terms of the treaty to include the Scots on the demand of the King of France. This the (Scottish) Secretary also found to be untrue, and openly declared that the French had led them (the Scots) astray with words. The Admiral of France being afterwards at Bruges endeavoured to take the same ground as the ambassador had done, but M. de Granvelle answered him so plainly that he was obliged to hold his tongue. He was reminded that they (the French) had pressed for the inclusion of the Scots, but had been distinctly told that, even at the risk of breaking off the negotiations, they would not be included, except with the full consent of the King of England. When a good opportunity offers you may confidentially tell Paget of this.
With reference to the complaints made by the Council to you of the ill treatment of English merchants in Antwerp, we can only say that we have heard nothing of it; but on the contrary that the Antwerp authorities have executed one of their burgesses for having committed violence against an Englishman. It is true that several Italian and Spanish soldiers who have returned from the English camp have been misbehaving themselves somewhat in Antwerp, but they have been sent away, and we have had no complaints since.
We have likewise heard no complaints that anything is being said here to the disrespect of the King of England; but if we do hear of anything of the sort we will punish it in such a way as will satisfy the King. You may assure the Lords of the Council of this; but you may say also that what we do hear is that the people on the English frontier are saying every kind of evil thing about the Emperor. They hope, they say, that they will soon be at war with him again: but as we know that this does not proceed from the King we take no notice of it.
The French are spreading the rumour that a German gentleman sent by the Protestants to the King of England told the King of France that the former had agreed to help the Protestants against the Emperor. He (King Henry) was even trying to persuade the merchants, to whom he owed 400,000 crowns, to allow this sum to be lent to the Protestants; and he wished to arrange an interview with the King of France, for the purpose of making plans injurious to the Emperor, but the King of France declined to help the Germans, in order not to violate the treaty with his Majesty. Although we do not believe any of this, but quite the contrary, we have thought well to inform you of it, that you may secretly communicate it to Secretary Paget when you see fitting; letting him know that we have no doubt whatever of the King's goodwill, no matter what the French may say.
Brussels, 31 July, 1546.
31 July. Simancas E. A. 642.301. Extracts from a letter of the Emperor to Prince Philip.
With regard to the injuries inflicted upon our subjects by the English, French and Scots, I have read what you say and the letters written to you by Juan Martinez de Recalde (fn. 11) about the six ships, two of which were sunk; and also the Scotch version of the matter. The Council have also sent us several letters and consultations on these subjects, advising us to arm some zabras (Biscay sloops) to prevent these attacks. Being naturally desirous of finding a remedy for the such outrages, we have taken the steps which have been communicated to you; this being all that could possibly be done short of declaring war or adopting privateering reprisals. With affairs in their present condition, we think it would be unwise to go beyond this. As regards the zabras, you will have the question considered in Spain, and see what can be done, in view of the attitude adopted by the French and English, now that they have made peace. So far as we are concerned here (i.e. in Germany) we can do no more than we have done.
Ratisbon, 31 July, 1546.
31 July. Simancas. E. A. 642.302. The Emperor to Juan de Vega.
This morning the Secretary of Cardinal Trent arrived with the account of the arrangement made with Cardinal Farnese, especially with respect to the 200,000 ducats. (fn. 12) We send you copy of the document he brought, by which you will see how very far it differs from what we had expected from his Holiness, with regard to the resources he was to provide. We had entirely trusted in the Pope's furnishing the amount promised immediately, and we are quite scandalised at this not being done, as the whole affair depends upon it. Trusting in the Pope's undertaking, and believing, at least, that we should receive this money within a month, we had arranged to take all the other funds in various places at long instalments. Besides this, we have already spent large sums on the troops we now have here and those coming from Italy, as well as on the army under Count de Buren: a great expenditure, moreover, has had to be met for artillery and other necessaries for the undertaking, the calculation being that the present month's expenses could be met and partly covered by the Papal subsidy of 200,000 crowns, although it would fall far short of being sufficient for the purpose. Something must be done to find a remedy for this great difficulty by persuading his Holiness to provide the money at once. We have fully stated this to Cardinal Augsburg and the Nuncio who conducted the negotiation with Farnese at Worms; and who have been employed in the whole business; but it is in the highest degree necessary that you should make the Pope understand the position clearly and unequivocally. You will tell him that we can not bring ourselves to believe that he means to imperil both the undertaking and ourselves in this way; and we are extremely astonished that the papal officers with Cardinal Farnese should say as they do, that you had approved of these bills at long usance. We must tell you, also, that you have behaved with great laxity in this matter. In a recent letter you merely mention these bills, without saying anything about the periods for which they were drawn. You should not have been satisfied, unless you knew when they were payable; and if they were drawn at such usance as was undesirable, you ought to have objected strongly until the point was settled to your liking. It was not a matter that could be lightly passed over, or conceded to please the Pope; and we may tell you that so important is it, that we were never in such anxiety as on the present occasion. There is positively no way out of it but to get this money, and get it at once. It will be no easy matter for us to keep afloat until we get the most speedy reply possible. In an affair of such vital concern, in which the success of the whole enterprise is involved, his Holiness should consider deeply, and lay hands on the surest money he possesses, in order that not a moment may be lost in providing us with the cash. In order that no delay should occur, and that no other business should clash with this, we avoid mentioning anything in this letter but the money we need so much; this being the principal thing of all, and to remind you of the dispatch of the Flemish half first fruits. You will also urge his Holiness on this point, telling him that this is the time for him to show his goodwill to the enterprise and to ourselves, bearing, in mind the troubles that would result from failure. I am confident that every other branch of the undertaking is progressing favourably; and that when the Spaniards and Italians arrive, which we expect will be soon, we will, with our forces already here and Buren's army teach our enemies a lesson. You will send your answer flying, for until we hear from you we shall be in the greatest anxiety.
Since writing the above the Nuncio has shown. us a letter from Cardinal Farnese saying that he has communicated to Cardinal Trent the means by which the payment of the first 100,000 crowns may be anticipated, this being the sum payable by the merchants in Trent. (fn. 13) Farnese thinks that the amount may be discounted here (i.e. in Ratisbon) but that is impossible, as there are no merchants here with money or credit to that extent, and we have therefore thought well to send back Cardinal Trent's secretary immediately, to see whether some arrangement cannot be made with the said merchants (i.e. in Trent) and others in order that we may get the monies at once, and the payments to be made in Venice also discounted. (fn. 14) In order to meet instant need in the meanwhile, Cardinal Farnese is to be asked to send hither at once 100,000 crowns, or as much as he can, of the money he brings to pay the Italian troops, the sum to be repaid to him out of the bills. As all this is so uncertain, and we know not what will be done, we are writing to the Cardinal (Farnese) asking him to let you know speedily, so that you may take such steps as may be necessary by virtue of the letter of credence we now send you.
We have heard several times lately that Cardinal Santa Crux (Santa Croce) who is one of the legates in the Council (of Trent) is acting very badly; and has always aimed at breaking up the Council and moving it from Trent. I now hear that he is acting worse than ever; his pretext being that the troops now passing Trent, and the enemies who are approaching our brother's territories, are intimidating the prelates and others in the Council. As this action is so contrary to the authority and dignity of the Pope, and to the success of the enterprise, from which we hope so much, we were obliged to speak to Cardinal Augsburg and the Nuncio about it. We said that we could not believe that it was the Pope's wish to break up the Council or transfer it elsewhere, and that if he did not punish Cardinal Santa Cruz we should have to take the matter in hand ourselves. We have also instructed Cardinal Trent's secretary to give Santa Cruz a plain intimation of this. The Nuncio may write to Rome on the subject, or perhaps Santa Cruz, even, may do so; and for that reason we have mentioned it to you, in in order that you may explain to his Holiness that we are moved to be so angry with Cardinal Santa Cruz mainly by a desire to safeguard his (the Pope's) authority and to silence the scandal that otherwise would arise from this matter. Ratisbon, 31 July, 1546.
July (?) Simancas. E. A. 642.303. Memorandum to be sent to Spain.
One of the clauses in the treaty between the Pope and the Emperor permitted the sale of monastic manors in Spain, to the amount of 500,000 ducats, to be employed in the enterprise against the Protestants; the Emperor guaranteeing to the monasteries an income equal to that produced by the manors alienated. After the treaty was signed, the clause being discussed in Consistory was objected to by some of the Cardinals; and his Majesty was urgently requested to allow these 500,000 ducats to be procured from other sources. In order to please the Pope his Majesty consented to this.
His Holiness thereupon sent by Marquina the Bull providing that a sum of 300,000 ducats might be raised out of the property of the monasteries, the pledging of their rents, their silver, the fabrics of the Castilian cathedrals, and parish churches, etc., 200,000 to be raised out of the monastic property, and 100,000 out of the said church fabrics. The Pope explained that he had no doubt the Emperor would prefer this plan, as he would not be bound to provide an equivalent, as he would be if the manors had been sold, and thus the said 300,000 ducats would be a nett contribution easily and speedily realisable.
The arrangement made in Worms, however, with Farnese, and afterwards with Dandino, always contemplated that the monastic manors were to be sold to an amount which would leave the Emperor a clear 500,000 ducats, after providing for the recompense to be given to the monasteries; and his Majesty has consequently refused to accept the 300,000 ducats offered, or to allow the Bull to be promulgated. He has sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Rome, to urge the Pope to add to the documents authorising the raising of the 300,000, another 200,000 to complete the nett half million ducats promised in the treaty. He is to request that the greater proportion of the additional amount shall be placed rather upon the church fabrics than upon the monasteries, as it is thought that the money will be more easily raised from the former source than the latter.
This having been conveyed to the Pope by Juan de Vega, his Holiness insists that he has fulfilled the letter of the treaty, in what he has done; and if anything further is required of him in this respect, it must be asked as a favour, and not as an obligation. The result of Don Juan de Mendoza's negotiations is awaited.

Footnotes

1 Referring to the Emperor's alliance with the King of England against France.
2 Cardinal Trivulzio (Trivulciis) was the “protector” of French interests at Rome.
3 A very full and interesting account of this fight between Julian Romero and Captain Mora, evidently from the relation of the former, will be found in the Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII. The duel arose out of the desertion from the English to the French service of some of the Spanish mercenaries at Boulogne. The English second mentioned in this letter, Sir Henry Enyvet, who had been sent specially from England for the purpose, appears to have been prevented from arriving at Fontainebleau until the morning of the fight—15 July (see his interesting letter to the King of 17th in State Papers of Henry VIII). He died before his return to England at Corbeuil, and was buried at the church of St. Paul in Paris. (See Holingshead)
4 The eldest son of the Dauphin Henry and Catharine de Medici, afterwards Francis II. He was at this time 3 years old, and became the first husband of Mary Queen of Scots.
5 This letter cannot now be found in the Imperial Archives, but the substance of it will be seen in the letter to the Queen Dowager of Hungary of the same date, 6 July.
6 This refers to the first move of the Protestant forces against the Emperor. A large body of troops raised by the city of Augsburg under Schertel had left that city and was marching rapidly towards the Tyrol for the purpose of intercepting the Papal contingent in the mountain passes and so prevent it from reaching the Emperor. The latter was therefore in a most perilous position in Ratisbon, as he only had with him there about 3,000 Spaniards and 5,000 Germans, neither the Flemish contingent under Buren nor the troops from Italy having yet joined him. Unfortunately for the Protestant cause Schertel was summoned by the Landgrave of Hesse to join the main body of the Protestant army, and to this fatal error was mainly due the final victory of the Emperor.
7 Cardinal Loaysa, Inquisitor General of Spain, who had recently died.
8 Although he was still the Emperor's ambassador accredited to the Seigniory he had been at Trent, since the opening of the Council, watching the interests of his master. Thence he was recalled, as will be seen by this and subsequent letters, for the purpose of extending his diplomatic missions to Venice and Rome.
9 The Italian condottiere in the English service, who had been sent to Venice on this mission and to raise troops if required. When the Venetian ambassador with the Emperor (Capilupo) told de Granvelle of delle Arme's proceedings in Mantua and Monferrat in April Granvelle had laughed and said that delle Arme was a light fellow who could do nothing. He seems, in fact, to have betrayed everybody, and the dramatic story of his turbulent end, his arrest for murder, his flight and return in the belief that his diplomatic character would protect him is told in the Venetian Calendar. The “English” secretary referred to was Balthasar Altieri.
10 The Seigniory had ample reason for their distrust; for during the month Maurice of Saxony had thrown in his lot with the Emperor, being elevated to the position of Imperial Elector, in the place of his senior cousin, John Frederick the Magnanimous, who was in arms against the Catholics. The Duke of Cleves had just been married to the daughter of the King of the Romans, and was thenceforward an impossible ally to the Confederates. John and Albert of Brandenburg stood on the Emperor's side, Protestants though they were; whilst the Elector head of their house, and the Count Palatine himself were, at least for a time, frightened into neutrality.
11 General of the galleys of Biscay. See note page 115.
12 That is to say the main subsidy which it had been understood was to be paid down in cash as soon as the enterprise was entered upon.
13 This was the amount that the Pope's bankers had arranged for the Fuggers to pay at Augsburg, but which the latter subsequently had explained they could not undertake to pay in that place after the expiry of the period during which they had bound themselves to do so. The amount had then been made payable to the Pope's order at Trent, and Juan de Vega had agreed to this change without enquiring into the usance of the bills. Hence the Emperor's quite unwonted anger.
14 The second half of the subsidy of 200,000 crowns