Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.
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'Spain: October 1546, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546, (London, 1904) pp. 479-492. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol8/pp479-492 [accessed 24 April 2024]
October 1546, 1–15
| 1 Oct. Simancas. E. R. 873. | 329. Juan de Vega to the Emperor. |
|---|---|
| Emperor's letters received 20th, 21st, and 27th September. The writer defends himself with spirit against the Emperor's blame for accepting from the Pope the grant for 300,000 ducats instead of 500,000 from the Spanish monasteries, etc. He has accepted nothing unconditionally. On the day that the Emperor's letter was received the writer sought audience of the Pope, and laid before him his Majesty's complaint. “ His Holiness replied very respectfully with regard to the 500,000 ducats. He was not so longwinded as usual, saying that he had thought he was fulfilling his treaty obligation, taking into consideration the guaranteed income your Majesty would have had to give the monasteries in exchange for the monastic manors. He complained, though mildly, that he should be accused of having failed to fulfil his promises. I replied that the treaty laid down that he was to grant 500,000 out of the manors of the Castilian monasteries, and although these alternative means of raising the money had been discussed it had always been expressed that the treaty as it stood remained in full force until your Majesty received the whole amount stipulated. But still, I continued, I did not desire to wrangle over details; and I was sure that his Holiness, seeing the greatness of the cause at issue, would grant the full amount of 500,000 ducats from the same alternative sources as provided the 300,000. I pressed this as urgently as I could. He replied that it was sometimes advisable to do things in separate halves or quarters, rather than at one time, and what he had already done he thought was sufficient. He did not refuse to do more because he lacked good will, for he desired greatly the success of the enterprise and to please your Majesty. What was not done one day might be done another. “You discuss the matter,” he said, “ with Santa Flor: we will see what the Legate and the Nuncio write, and will set about considering some other means of getting the money.” I replied that your Majesty only complained of the amount, not of the means for getting it; and if his Holiness would grant the 500,000 from the sources already agreed upon it could be done at once. In reply to this he only repeated his remark about consulting Santa Flor. (Here follows an account of a long discussion with the Pope about the Italian princes: their differences, projected marriages, etc., having no connection with English affairs or the Protestant Reformation.) | |
| He did not reply a word to the complaint of his sending the heads of the treaty to the Swiss: but it is certain that he made the clauses public, and attributed the enterprise to religious causes, in order to exculpate himself with the French and Venetians. I believe he did so to the extent of writing to the King of France, even before the treaty was put into operation. He showed no signs that Cardinal Farnese had written anything about the 500,000 ducats; and even expressed some doubt that your Majesty had done so, as I said. I accordingly afterwards showed your Majesty's letter to Santa Flor, omitting a portion of it, however, when it was read over to him. . . . Santa Flor then admitted that the Legate (Farnese) had written in the same sense. I hear also from a trustworthy source that the Pope is angry with Farnese for having written to him so strongly on the matter. The day after I had seen his Holiness, and had shown a part of the letters to Santa Flor, I went to discuss with the latter, as his Holiness had directed, the question of the amount to be paid by the Spanish monasteries. He repeated nearly everything that the Pope had said, and announced that his Holiness would grant the whole 500,000 from the sources already agreed upon, conditionally upon your Majesty recompensing the monasteries for the property they might have to sell in order to pay the amount. I replied that this was no concession at all, because if they did not sell any of their manors the income from any other source which they might alienate would be worth only as much as the recompense your Majesty would have to give for it, so that nothing would be gained by your Majesty. He disputed this, saying that your Majesty might give them warrants at twenty or five and twenty, whilst they sold property up to a million for forty. This, he said, was what the Pope did in the case of certain house property sold by the monasteries. I told him that I did not see how this was to be done in Spain, unless they sold manors. This, in pure truth, is the very thing they wish to avoid, as they fear that it may form a precedent for attacking any church temporalities; and they would rather the Pope gave the 500,000 ducats from the sources suggested than they should be embarrassed in this way. I suggested to his Eminence that he should talk to the Pope again about it, and try to persuade his Holiness simply to increase the grant, as I did not like to send so hesitating and inconclusive an answer to your Majesty. He (Santa Flor) promised to do so, but assured me that the Pope had looked upon his reply as conclusive. He then let slip, but at once withdrew it, that the Pope was upset and worried, and he was glad that I gave him time to think the matter over again. On the same day I met the Pope as he was walking, and I turned back to accompany him. He asked me when I was writing to your Majesty, to which I replied that I had conferred with Cardinal Santa Flor, who would communicate to him the details of our interview. I was, I said, desirous of writing something definite in the interests of his Holiness and your Majesty, and even in the interests of God Himself. He replied that he hoped it would be so. He was returning to Rome on Saturday or Sunday, which seemed almost to mean that I should not write before then. I replied that if for any particular reason his Holiness desired this I would refrain from doing so; but that your Majesty was very anxious to know his decision on the matter. He made no answer to this, except to thank me. I will urge them for an answer and send it to your Majesty with all speed; because this delay is no doubt in order to see how affairs proceed, that they may act accordingly. They are more respectful than they were previous to the receipt of this last news. (fn. 1) | |
| Burgueto, 1 October, 1546. | |
| 5 Oct. Simancas E. R. 873. | 330. Juan de Vega to the Emperor. |
| His Holiness arrived here on the 3rd instant, and the next day, as I was on my way to Mass at the Populo, I was met, as if by chance but in my opinion purposely, by Maffei, the Secretary of Farnese, who is at present conducting business here. After asking me for news about the war and other things, he remarked that his Holiness would do something in the matter of the documents (i.e. for obtaining funds from ecclesiastical sources in Spain) in order to please your Majesty, but that the Pope was still offended that it should have been said that he had failed to carry out his treaty obligations. Maffei wasted some words and time in justification of the Pope on this point; and I replied that I was glad to hear of his Holiness' good intention, but the “something” he mentioned must not fall short of the 500,000 ducats; and I repeated to him the various arguments in support of this. The same afternoon I sent to ask Cardinal Santa Flor to beg for an answer, and to urge him in your Majesty's name to use his best influence with the Pope. The Cardinal told my man (Juan Luis de Aragonia) the same as Maffei had told me; but Juan Luis was prepared for this, and is a sensible, businesslike man, so he replied that we must have the whole 500,000 ducats. He exhorted the Cardinal to this end very eagerly, and repudiated the suggestion that we should give to the monasteries equal compensation for the income they sold, as he said that if the manors were not sold the course suggested would neither benefit your Majesty nor the monasteries themselves. He pointed out that the Pope should bear in mind the present need for carrying out the terms of the treaty. The monasteries, he said, could easily find the 500,000. ducats by the aid of the Pope's authority; and he thus enforced my points, taking his stand firmly upon the 500,000 ducats and repudiating any compromise whatever. | |
| Santa Flor promised to obtain the reply promptly, and to do his best in the matter; as it was only just that your Majesty should be satisfied. He would, he said, repeat to the Pope what I had recently observed, namely that his Holiness should bear in mind how the King of France, by his own authority, had made use of the ecclesiastical funds in his realm for his own ends. On the other hand, your Majesty's modesty and reverence for his Holiness and the apostolic See were always so great that, even when you had in hand so vast and sacred an enterprise, upon which the whole future of religion depended, you refrained from touching anything belonging to the Church without his Holiness' authority and consent. | |
| I have thought well to let your Majesty know exactly what has passed up to the present, although the matter is not yet settled, in order that you may see how the affair is going to end: it being evident that their intention is to increase the amount but still to fall short of the half-million ducats. In accordance with your resolution and the state of affairs, your Majesty will therefore please instruct me how I am to proceed. In the last letters of 17th and 20th September your Majesty orders me not to accept anything less than the half-million, and if his Holiness will not grant that amount I will, pending further orders, refuse to accept anything short of that. | |
| Peter Strozzi, it appears, is to go to the Turk accompanied by a French gentleman called Châtillon, and I am assured by a person of position that the Pope has been informed that they are going mainly at the instance of the Dauphin, who considers that his father's life will not last long; and wishes these men to be in Turkey when the King dies. I am also told for certain that the Pope recently remarked that he was determined to make no change in the Council (of Trent), in order to show the world that he, for his part, gives no cause for dissension one way or the other; but that he will send to point out to your Majesty the inadvisability of allowing things to remain in their present position, and hoped that your Majesty would let him know your pleasure. In any case, he said, he would have done his duty. He talked much in this strain, as if to justify himself and to give the idea that he was not forced to desist from the attempt he made, but did so for good reasons. The Pope himself at first, and subsequently all the courtiers, are casting much blame upon Farnese and Duke Octavio for the bad order amongst their troops. The Pope, they say, always found the money required in good time, and to spare, whilst they (i.e. the brothers Farnese) had scattered and spent it, and find themselves now without the month's wage. (fn. 2) For this reason, they say, many of the troops have returned, and those that remain are not so well disciplined as they would have been if they were paid. By these means they (the courtiers) are exculpating their nation at the expense of the Legate and the Duke. They are all deeply mortified that their troops, from whom they expected such great things, should have made such an exhibition of themselves. A rumour was current here lately, though I know not whence originating, that the reason why the money to pay the Italian troops was lacking was that some of the funds destined for that purpose had been supplied to your Majesty for the purpose of paying the Germans. Now, however, they hear from private sources that, on the contrary, your Majesty provided 16,000 crowns towards the pay of the Italians; so that they are now without any excuse; and his Holiness and the rest of them are much put out. I am assured even that the Legate will be recalled. | |
| Rome, 4 October, 1546. | |
| Since writing the above I decided to hold it back until to-day (5th October at night) whilst I pressed Santa Flor for a reply. After much pro and contra, he sent word that his Holiness would not settle the matter with me until he heard from Cardinal Farnese, who was to discuss it with your Majesty, following the interview between Farnese and the Regent Figueroa at Ingoldstadt. My own belief is that their principal reason for delay is to see what will happen to the enemy, as they have just received advice that your Majesty came into touch with them on the 28th. I will continue to urge his Holiness for a decision. | |
| The King of France has sent a reply about the Council (of Trent) to the effect that he is against its being moved. This has doubtless caused the Pope to be less anxious on this point than he was. | |
| 5 October, 1546. | |
| 7 Oct. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 331. Van der Delft to the Emperor. |
| I have received your Majesty's letters of 17th ultimo from the camp at Dinglestadt (Ingoldstadt), and of 3rd instant. I was at Windsor when they reached me, having gone thither with a letter of credence from the Queen (Dowager of Hungary) to request this King to restore to your Majesty's subjects the property that belonged to them in the Boulognais. I found the King unwilling to grant this, and somewhat irritated by the embargoes, which are still maintained in Spain upon the property belonging to his subjects, the latter being refused possession of their belongings, even on their giving security. The King used the following words in relation to this: “I am being very badly treated in Spain. I have released all their ships here, and you people will do nothing for me.” I mollified him as well as I could with fair words, but I could get no satisfactory reply from him; and I therefore thought best to defer pressing him further, until a better opportunity occurred. As he summoned me to the presence the moment I arrived, it appeared as if he expected some good news from me, or a letter from your Majesty; and when he was disappointed in this, our claims were less welcome to him than ever. He enquired very minutely as to your Majesty's success, saying that I could bear witness that your Majesty would never have undertaken this war by his advice, and he did not know what the end of it would be. I replied that your Majesty was forced to do as you had done in defence of your honour and authority. “Well, God grant that good may come of it,” he said; “but you Flemings are quite sure of your country, whatever happens.” I replied that I trusted God would help your Majesty's just cause, and with regard to the Netherlands, I said, it was not badly off; especially as the alliance and friendship between your Majesty and himself (i.e. Henry) were assured. He welcomed me very graciously, and bade me be seated and covered; and when I took my leave he was similarly polite, placing his court, etc. at my disposal. Hearing the next morning that I was not very well, he repeated his kind messages, and offered me the service of all his physicians. | |
| I afterwards asked for audience, to obtain his reply about the restitution in the Boulognais, and, as the King was passing in his chair, he sent Paget to tell me that it was being arranged to send commissioners from himself and the King of France to examine the various claims made by gentlemen and others to the possession of property in the Boulognais; after which he would do whatever was just to your Majesty's satisfaction. I replied that this would cause a very long delay; but he assured me to the contrary, and promised that, without fail, the matter should be promptly and justly dealt with to our contentment. He (Paget) asked me to write to your Majesty, requesting you to order that the embargoes in Spain should be raised, for the satisfaction of the King, who in full confidence had freely released the Spanish property embargoed here last year. I told him it was all Renegat's fault, and I had ample documents to prove what had happened. He (Paget) still pressed for the release which, he said, should be effected, at least against security, since Renegat had offered to restore everything that was found to be illegally captured. He also impressed upon me the irritation of the King when he heard what was said about the treaty with the Pope; and although I assured him that there was nothing to the prejudice of the King, all being false inventions of the enemy, set afloat for their own ends, I could not change his (Paget's) opinion of the matter, namely, that the Protestants had in their hands a treaty signed by the Pope himself. | |
| Upon my asking him (Paget) what terms they were on with the Scots, who boasted that they were at peace with the English, and were correspondingly insolent to us, he replied that no peace had been settled with them. On the contrary, the King had fitted out a naval force to send against them, and to assure the safety of navigation, both for the English and for the Flemings. I have reported this fully to the Queen (Dowager) but I cannot omit to repeat to your Majesty my opinion, so far as I can ascertain, that they (the English) will never arrange a peace (with the Scots) without your Majesty's knowledge and consent. The Scottish ambassadors, of whom I wrote to your Majesty recently, have not arrived, and I have no news of them. The good news sent to me by your Majesty of the arrival of M. de Buren was the first intimaation of the fact received here, (fn. 3) and greatly rejoiced those who are in the closest confidence of the King, as well as many other goodly personages to whom I communicated it. | |
| Captain Paulin, general of the galleys of France, has been at Windsor, and Secretary Paget told me that the purpose of his visit was to settle the differences about the fortifications, of which the last commenced at the mouth of Boulogne has been demolished by the French themselves. (fn. 4) But he (Paget) frankly told me that the pretext for Paulin's coming was principally to obtain the restitution of St. Blancard's captured galley with the slaves. (See page 465.) On my way from the court yesterday I met the French M. de St. Germain, and later in the day the French ambassador (Odet de Selve). I am returning to court to-morrow, to learn what is going on, for your Majesty's information. | |
| Duke Philip is here in London in ill case, and I cannot see that much favour is being shown to him, beyond the payment of his pension. London, 7 October, 1546. | |
| 7 Oct. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 332. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager. |
| In order to learn the King's decision on the points of the property in the Boulognais, and of Scotland, in accordance with your Majesty's renewed instructions, I went to Windsor to see him. He summoned me to his presence the moment I arrived, without even allowing me time to change my clothes. After I had duly presented my letters of credence, I stated my case for the reintegration of the Emperor's subjects in the enjoyment of their property situated in the Boulognais, hoping to convince the King by the reasons in favour thereof fully set forth in your Majesty's letters. I found him, however, somewhat hard; and he was less inclined to listen to my demand than to complain at great length of the bad treatment suffered by his subjects in Spain, whose property still remained under embargo; release being refused, even against security. He also repeated other past grievances, and, in order to soften him a little, I said that I had no doubt that, with regard to the Spanish question, he would be satisfied in accordance with justice. He suddenly replied: “You give me nothing but words, and you are for ever making demands of me. At your solicitation and intercession I released all the Spanish ships that were under arrest here last' year, and yet my people's property is still retained. This is not in accordance with the understanding. You have also continued to urge on behalf of the Spaniards the restitution of goods legally seized as the property of Frenchmen.” I answered that I should be very sorry to do such a thing, which would be outside of my duty and my instructions, and I believed that he would never find that I had done so. “Yes, you have,” he said, “ and you have urged the claim upon me personally.” As I could not understand to what he was referring, I asked him; and he replied that he referred to the goods captured off the Isle of Wight. I confessed the truth of my having urged this claim. It was, I said, the first commission I had fulfilled towards his Majesty: and the person interested, namely Lope de Carrion, was here, hoping that he would obtain restitution; which I doubted not that he would, if his Majesty had seen the proofs of the justice of his claim: but he (the King) was unfortunately ill-informed on the matter. “ No, I am not,” he replied. “ I know all the allegations on both sides.” Whereupon I told him that I had inspected all the papers and proofs produced by Carrion, and had found them so clear and evident that no doubt whatever could exist as to the justice of his claim, if right was to be done. As if to make light of the papers and proofs, the King asked: “What papers and proofs? “ I replied: “ Such as in accordance with all right and justice should have full credit given to them.” I avoided continuing this subject, and endeavoured to obtain a favourable reply to my first demand, pointing out to him that the gentlemen thus denuded and deprived of their property had not fought against him, and in many cases even had served under him in the conquest of the Boulognais; and I exhorted him in the softest words I could choose to continue to do justice to all, especially as I heard that the King of France had restored the property of the Emperor's subjects in that portion of the Boulognais which he still retained in his possession. The King replied: “ That is not true; what I have won by the sword is mine, and I will hold it with my own people for the period agreed upon in the treaties, without putting it into the hands of those whom I cannot trust.” I observed that he had no just cause for suspicion, nor should he raise any difficulty against the subjects of the Emperor, with whom he was on such good terms, becoming his vassals, as they would serve him as loyally as his own subjects, and even more effectively. But it was all of no avail. He said: “Speak no more to me about it,” and he then began to repeat his former complaints about the treatment of his subjects in Spain. I continued to insist upon a final reply, that I might communicate to your Majesty, and at length he said: “ The Queen will be satisfied in reason.” I did not consider this to be a decided answer, and as I saw that no good fortune would attend my efforts on this occasion, I took my leave of him, saying that I hoped I should receive a more favourable reply some other day. As I was going out he called me back, and asked me what news I had of the Emperor and of the Count de Buren. As I had nothing fresh to say to him on that point, he continued: “ You know well that it was not by my advice that the Emperor undertook this war. I do not know how it is going to finish, for I hear that Count de Buren has had an engagement, in which M. de Braban¸on and several others have fallen; and are you Flemings fully prepared against possible attack ? “. I replied that we were, and especially as we were such good friends and allies of his Majesty (i.e. of the King of England). He then bade me farewell, having throughout the conversation been very condescending to me, causing me to be covered and seated near him. I could think of no other reason for his changed demeanour than that he may have been disappointed in his expectation, thinking, perhaps, that I had come to court with some news or letters from the Emperor, which he greatly desires, as I have been informed by his most confidential councillors. | |
| On my departure I was conducted by Secretary Paget, who, although he was called to the King, asked me how I had got on. I replied that I was greatly astonished that so good a prince as the King had not given me a more favourable answer. That which he gave me, though I had heard it perfectly well, I had now quite forgotten, and he (Paget) might tell the King that I should not write to your Majesty, or indeed to anyone, until I received a better reply. | |
| Paget and I had several discussions on this first point, but he finally promised me to do his best to bring the matter to a favourable issue. With regard to the second point, namely Scotland, he assured me that they were by no means at peace with the Scots, as would soon be evident. He told me in confidence that the King was preparing a naval force to attack the Scots, which would ensure the safety of navigation, both for the English and for us. | |
| As I was very unwell on the following day, the King sent to say that his physicians and everything in his court were at my disposal; as indeed he had done as soon as I left him on the previous day. Three or four days afterwards, feeling myself somewhat better, I asked to see Secretary Paget, with whom I had much conversation. He told me that the moment after he left me he had repeated to the King what I had said. The King told him in reply that he did not know what he had said to displease me: it was not his intention to do so. Finally I expressed my intention to leave for London for a day, and write to your Majesty by the courier, and I desired to know what would be the most convenient opportunity for the King to inform me of his good pleasure and final reply. Paget undertook to convey this to the King. | |
| The next day he came and told me that the King, who was about to start for his hunting, had instructed him (Paget) to say that it was intended to appoint commissioners on behalf of England and France, for the purpose of considering all claims on the part of gentlemen and private persons to the enjoyment of properties in the Boulognais; and when this had been done he would do everything that was reasonable to satisfy your Majesty. Paget then added these words: “ There is nothing the King would not do for the Queen: and I do wish she would not be so chary of pleasing him in these little things, like the gunpowder, the harquebusses, the pikes, etc.” I undertook to write to your Majesty and to the Emperor, as I had done previously about the Spanish question: but, as to the reply brought to the Boulognais claim, I said that the course proposed meant a delay for ever. Paget assured me that this was not so, and that it would all be favourably settled. He afterwards told me how offended the King was at the talk of a treaty between the Pope and the Emperor; and although I assured him that there was nothing to the prejudice of the King, all this talk being merely false inventions of enemies, who spread it for their own ends, I could not shake him in his belief that the Protestants have in their hands a treaty signed with the Pope's own hand. | |
| Touching the Scots, he said that on that same day seven or eight great ships well armed and equipped had sailed against them. I said that that was an alarming thing for us; for the English only knew how to despoil their friends. In the course of the conversation respecting the inclusion of the Scots (in the treaty of peace between England and France) he told me that I did not well understand the clause. There was, he said, no inclusion contrary to the treaty of alliance (i.e. between England and the Emperor), the wording being: “Sine prejudicio tractatuum quos alteruter princeps habere pretendit, etc.” signifying that it was without prejudice to the treaty between the Emperor and the King of England. This, he continued, was his intention when these words were inserted. I said that the words, in any case, were very obscure. | |
| Madame: So far as I can judge, they will not treat with the Scots without the knowledge and consent of your Majesties, nor will they contravene the treaty of alliance. The (Scottish) ambassadors have not yet arrived, nor is there any news of their coming; but I will keep my eye on events. | |
| Captain Paulin, general of the galleys of France, arrived on the same day that I was at court; and Secretary Paget told me that his coming was quite unexpected. His pretext was to moderate the disputes that have arisen about the fortifications; but Paget thought the real object of his visit was to recover the galley with the slaves belonging to St. Blancard. On my way from court yesterday morning I met M. de St. Germain, and in the afternoon the French ambassador. I shall return to-morrow to learn what is going on. | |
| London, 7 October, 1546. | |
| 10 Oct. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 333. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager. |
| I received to-day your Majesty's letters written on the 27th ultimo, respecting the departure of the English Commissioner sent from here to settle the disputes about the Customs dues (tonlieux) and others. As he has withdrawn, your Majesty considers it unnecessary that Councillor Van der Burgh should remain here any longer, unless other affairs should need his continued presence. Whether such be the case or not, your Majesty will be better able to judge by the letters which Van der Burgh and myself have written to your Majesty by the last courier, three days since. For my own part, as Van der Burgh has got matters into such a good train, I think, saving your Majesty's good pleasure, that he could still be usefully employed here in advancing them further, especially as henceforward the more important claims, such as that of Lope de Carrion and the jewels, are to be discussed and settled. Van der Burgh will therefore await here your Majesty's further orders. I am leaving for the court to-day, and will duly report to your Majesty all I can learn. | |
| London, 10 October, 1546. | |
| 10 Oct. Simancas. E. R. 873. | 334. Juan de Vega to the Emperor. |
| Maffei (fn. 5) came to me yesterday with a great deal of talk about how sorry his Holiness was (as I have written previously) that anyone should say he had not fulfilled his treaty obligations. Cardinal Santa Flor, he said, had done his very best to appease his Holiness, but had not succeeded in doing so, as his Holiness said that he would not be asked to do a favour as if it were a debt. I replied that I had expected him to bring me a better message than that, which was quite true, and that his Holiness would have raised the amount to 500,000 ducats, either as an obligation or a favour: whichever he chose to call it. Maffei said that such a favour had never been requested of his Holiness. The latter wished first to prove that he had fulfilled all he was bound to: and subsequently to grant the favour, if it was asked of him. I enquired what other request could be made beyond that which I had already addressed to his Holiness, to which he (Maffei) replied that your Majesty would have to ask the favour and not I. After some discussion on this point I said that I would go myself to his Holiness the next day, in order to settle this business and advise your Majesty. Maffei begged me earnestly not to go until Monday, as they would as sure to have received letters from the Legate on that day, and a decision could then be arrived at; whereas if I went previously my visit would be fruitless. I saw plainly that the object was simply to delay matters until they learnt how things had turned out; but I thought best to wait as they asked, for fear the Pope might take the bit between the teeth and decide flatly in the negative; especially as they go up and down with extraordinary fickleness at any piece of good or bad news. When, for instance, intelligence came that M. de Buren had arrived and that Neuburg had been captured, they were as respectful as can be imagined, and looked upon the enemy's cause as utterly lost, quite contrary to their previous view. Now, however, they have news dated 28th and 29th September, saying that it was impossible for your Majesty's forces to reach the enemy's camp, (fn. 6) and giving an account of I know not what wretched little skirmish where 15 or 20 Italian horse had been lost, to which they add your Majesty had a touch of gout: and they are now no doubt-on the other side. I suspect that they will not give us any decision until they see how affairs are going, but no effort shall be spared to urge them to give a reply, whilst I avoid furnishing them with an opportunity of saying decidedly no. God grant your Majesty prosperity and victory, and frustrate the arts and devices of those who depend upon events for their loyalty. A Cardinal of the Congregation, speaking of the Council (of Trent), says that, in conversation with the Nuncio in France, the King of France said recently that if the Pope did not submit to the Council all that the latter did would be worthless. I expect that the Pope will keep this secret as long as he can. | |
| Rome, 10 October, 1546. | |
| 10 Oct. Simancas. E. 73. | 335. Prince Philip to the Emperor. |
| (Has received no news of the enterprise. Is very anxious, and prays God for victory, etc.) | |
| Since the last courier left rapid steps were taken about the money which was sent from Seville to your Majesty by sea. They write from there that they have already collected 180,000 crowns, and efforts were being made to bring the amount up to 200,000. It will shortly be shipped in two galleys, which Don Bernadino de Mendoza is fitting out for the voyage. He is going to command them in person, as he thinks that the voyage will be expedited, and be safer, by his taking only two galleys instead of the whole fleet, the other vessels being very much damaged by their voyages this summer. The season, moreover, is already advanced, and he writes that as some corsair vessels may be lying in wait for him at Isladeras it will be well for Andrea Doria's galleys, or some of them, to come out to meet him and ensure his safety. This courier is being despatched to advise Prince Doria of this, and to direct him, in case he has laid up his galleys for the winter, to send some of them, as many as he thinks necessary for the purpose, to Isladeras. We are also directing the Ambassador Figueroa to request the Prince to do this, and so to avoid all risk and difficulty. The present courier is also taking the acceptance of the merchants for the 80,000 crowns bill that Figueroa recently drew in Genoa. It has been no small difficulty to get the merchants to give their acceptance to this bill, and to consent to the matter of the loans and to the fresh bill we are sending to your Majesty. You will see all this in full detail in the High Comendador's letter, and I do not repeat it here. He (Cobos) is still seriously ill; but he has been very diligent and careful in these matters. (Sends the official testimony of his oath as Duke of Milan by Alonso Castillo, who is going in the money galleys to Genoa. Defence and provision of the fortresses of Goletta and Bugia and other purely Spanish matters; health of the Infanta Doña Maria, etc.) | |
| Guadalajara, 10 October, 1546. | |
| 12 Oct. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 336. The Emperor to Van der Delft. |
| We have duly received your letters of 13th ultimo, and note the conversations that had taken place between the King of England and some of his councillors; as also your other information and the contents of your letters to M. de Granvelle. Touching the desire of the King and his Council to be informed of the progress of our army, you will have learnt by our last letters of 14th ultimo what had happened up to that date, and we have trusted also to the English ambassador here writing home from time to time, on some occasions indeed his letters being enclosed in our despatches to you. We are now sending you copy of a note written to our sister the Queen Dowager, and to our son the Prince of Spain, giving a perfectly true account of events. If the English ambassador writes otherwise, it must be from information given to him by the French ambassador, as they are nearly always together. You will, however, make no reference to this, as their familiarity is believed to arise rather from the persistence of the French ambassador than from any desire of the other. We write you also a letter of credence for the King, which you give him to assure him of the truth of our account of events; and, if you see a good opportunity, you may tell him that we have written informing you that we hear that attempts were being made to persuade him that we had entered into some agreement with the Pope to his (Henry's) disadvantage. You may assure him on our word of honour that this is quite untrue; and, on the contrary, we have always repulsed any such suggestion. With regard to the assertion that we had made a secret treaty with France you gave a very good answer in saying that the French would not stick at inventing anything that seemed favourable to their designs, good or evil, and that they are not to be believed except on indisputable evidence. It would not be honest or in accordance with our natural bent to use such coin as this, and we do not choose further to discuss this point, though we have often been solicited thereto. It suffices for us that the King of England has always found us his true and faithful friend, who has never done anything to his prejudice with anybody, and we trust that he will not allow himself to be misled by such suggestions, as we ourselves will not. He may judge what honesty can be alleged by those who pretend to divulge things that passed in secrecy, and how far such people can be believed in anything. | |
| With regard to the Scots we have recently written, and are now doing so again to the Queen our sister, to whom we refer you for instructions. | |
| Camp, near Donauwerth. (fn. 7) 12 October, 1546. | |
| 14 Oct. Simancas. E. A. 642. | 337. The Emperor to Prince Philip. |
| (In a letter dealing mainly with the circumstances of the war with the Protestants the following passage occurs.) | |
| Our sister the Queen Dowager of Hungary has informed us of what she is negotiating with the Scots, respecting the Spanish and Flemish ships and merchandise which have been captured by them. We enclose you a copy of her letter (fn. 8); to which we have replied on each point, and have ordered that no treaty is to be concluded with the Scots, except it be a general one in which all our dominions and territories without exception be included. Means must be found for preventing the molestation of Spanish vessels whilst these negotiations are progressing. | |
| Camp (at Dunkelspeil?), 14 October, 1546. | |