Spain: November 1546, 16-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.

'Spain: November 1546, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546, (London, 1904) pp. 503-513. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol8/pp503-513 [accessed 25 April 2024]

November 1546, 16–30



18 Nov. Simancas. E. R. 873.	348. Juan de Vega to the Emperor.
	(Don Juan Hurtado de Mendoza arrived, and after consultation with the writer respecting his mission, (fn. 1) they went together to see the Pope on the 12th instant.)
	After Don Juan had kissed the Pope's foot, and performed the usual ceremonies, etc., he told his Holiness the object of his coming, and referred him to his written instructions. He exhorted his Holiness to accede to the requests contained in it, and consequently my own action was limited to praying the Pope to give a speedy answer; necessary as it was, in the circumstances, and consonant with the dignity of his Holiness and your Majesty that, the greater the difficulty which presented itself, the greater the effort should be made to overcome it. The Pope gave a fair but general reply, and expressed a desire to see the instructions which Don Juan held in his hand, and thereupon gave to his Holiness to read.
	Don Juan afterwards visited various Cardinals, for whom he had letters and messages. He found a general disposition amongst them to await the arrival of Cardinal Farnese, which they were convinced would be the best course. Don Juan told the Pope that his (Don Juan's) coming was for the very purpose of avoiding the loss of time from now until the Cardinal's arrival here. (The rest of the letter concerns the Italian duchies, the projected marriage of Victoria Farnese, the Pope's grandaughter, with the Marquis of Pescara, the transfer of the writer, Juan de Vega, to the Viceroyalty of Sicily, the Pope's desire to bring about a permanent agreement between the Emperor and France, and other points of little or no interest in connection with England or the Protestant Reformation.)
	Rome, 18 November, 1546.
20 Nov. Simancas. E. R. 873.	349. Juan de Vega to the Emperor.
	Since writing the accompanying letter I hear from a trustworthy source that the Legates will return from Trent after having first issued the decree of “justification,” for which purpose the prelates were recently sent to Trent by the Pope. They (the Legates at the Council) say that, even if the Pope orders them to remain at Trent, they will not do so, as their continuance there would obviously imperil their lives. At the same time news arrived here of the defeat of the Saxons by the army of the King of the Romans, and that the Duke of Saxony had begged for a safe conduct to go to your Majesty; the Swiss having also deserted the enemy's camp, some joining your Majesty's forces. It is also reported that the Count Palatine has recalled the troops he had with the Protestants: and in face of all this I think it probable that the decision of the Legates to return may be changed.
	Rome, 20 November, 1546.
20 Nov. Simancas. E. R. 873.	350. Juan de Vega to the Emperor.
	(Efforts of the French party to prevent a prolongation of the alliance between the Pope and the Emperor.)
	It is quite certain that the French are insisting that the Council of Trent should settle certain articles touching religion, such as “justification,” etc.; the object being that, in such case, your Majesty will have more difficulty in subduing the Germans to your wishes. Some people, however, think that the real difficulties arise from the annoyance of his Holiness that the sittings of the Council are not to be removed elsewhere, and from his perturbation at what happened in Trent with regard to the war at the beginning; as well as the dissatisfaction expressed by your Majesty at the failure to fulfil the Treaty. To this must be added the fact that certain things which were expected to happen after the Legate had arrived have not taken place, whereby many persons are hinting to his Holiness that he will not obtain after all what he had looked for in joining your Majesty. (fn. 2) They are saying that it is now desired to deprive the Pope of all the rest of his forces; and finally to declare as enemies all those who oppose the alliance; and they therefore urge that some recompense ought to be given to the Pope for what he does both in the matter of the transfer of the Council, and in other private matters. All this is merely the judgment of people; but it is to be supposed that the Pope understands that it will be to the public interest to carry to a successful issue that which has been commenced with his assistance, and not to desert your Majesty at such a crisis as this. As this truth cannot be overcome, those to whom it is unwelcome, or who have their own ends to serve, dwell much upon the difficulty which would arise if the Holy See should become vacant whilst the Council was in session, and schism were to be the result. They also urge the need for settling on a permanent footing the peace between your Majesty and France, which they say will be easy. But as this matter would evidently occupy more time than the present crisis allows, they take their principal stand on the question of the Council. Some of your Majesty's adherents here, who have opposed the transfer of the sittings, are asking whether your Majesty would be content that arrangements should be made in the Council for the election of a new Pope in case the See should fall vacant, by which means schism would be avoided. They say that it would be well to fix some period during which it might be seen how the war turned out: and if it was seen that no further advantage could be gained by the continuance of the Council, the difficulties which they fear from the latter might be obviated (i.e. by its suspension or transference). They are moved to this opinion by zeal in the cause of God and your Majesty: especially as they know the great anxiety of the Pope to remove the Council; and that his Holiness will not decide the question until Farnese arrives.
	Rome, 20 November, 1546.
22 Nov. Simancas. E. V. 1318.	351. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza to the Emperor.
	(Has pressed Cardinal Farnese about the rest of the 200,000 crowns, and the Cardinal promises faithfully that they shall be paid when he arrives in Rome.) (fn. 3)
	“Cardinal Farnese has instructed me how I should bear myself in Rome with regard to three principal points. First, I must make friends with the Pope and avoid speaking roughly to him. He complained greatly of the rudeness with which the Pope had hitherto been treated by your Majesty's ministers. Secondly, he advised me not to be closely intimate with any of the Cardinals, because the Spaniards were odious to Italians, and vice versa. All of them, he said, gave themselves airs as being employed in your Majesty's affairs; but if anyone could be of any service it was he himself, as he had placed himself under your Majesty's protection, and filled the position he did towards the Pope. Thirdly, he said that Madame (fn. 4) was offended because she was not consulted and employed by your Majesty's ministers. I said I quite agreed with him on all points and would follow your Majesty's orders.
	He, Farnese, also spoke of the desire of the Pope to marry the bastard daughter of the Dauphin to Horatio (Farnese); but that he, Cardinal Farnese, was strongly opposed to it. The King of France, he said, was urging the proclamation of the decree respecting “justification.” He had certain news that the Lutherans had offered to make the King of France emperor on the sole condition that the Swiss Cantons which he influenced should join the Protestants. The King declined the offer; but the Dauphin is strongly in favour of it, and they are negotiating with him.
	The Pope is of opinion that until your Majesty makes friends with the King of France not much will be done in German affairs, and, unless a peace can be arranged, he does not wish to find any more money for the war, nor to keep his troops in the field longer than he is obliged. Farnese received letters from the Pope last night, directing him to hurry to Home, as he wishes to send him to France about the peace. Farnese says, however, that he is tired, and wishes to avoid the mission; but if he cannot do so he will send persons ahead to negotiate whilst he will go only for the conclusion. I used what arguments I could to show him that the Pope ought, in any case, to continue his subventions, etc. to the war, especially as the negotiations with France were a Lutheran device to frighten the Pope to withdraw. I praised his design of avoiding the French mission. He will leave here on Friday, and Cardinal Trent also. I shall accompany the latter until I get outside Venetian territory; where I shall await your Majesty's orders as to my successor here, as it is not desirable for us to abandon Venetian affairs. Farnese says he wishes to bring Peter Strozzi to your Majesty's service. I have approved of this, as the negotiation will be useful to us in any case. Peter Strozzi and Count Mirandola arrived here to-night and the former has seen Farnese, who tells me that Peter is discontented with the French service and wishes to remain either with the Pope or your Majesty.—Venice, 22nd and 27th November, 1546.
28 Nov. Simancas. E. A. 642.	352. The Emperor to Prince Philip.
	(Gives an account of the difficulty encountered in obtaining in due form the Papal Bull for the sale of the monastic manors in Spain in accordance with the treaty, and recapitulates the lengthened discussions which have taken place in Rome, and with Farnese, on the subject. Finding the Bull finally granted by the Pope to be unsatisfactory, the writer had sent Don Juan de Mendoza to try and obtain a better one. Copy of his instruction enclosed, and details of his negotiations. Seeing the vital necessity, in the interests of God, the good of Christianity, etc., that the enterprise against the Protestants should be prosecuted, and the Imperial army kept in the field as long as possible—the enemy being already exhausted, disheartened and short of supplies—it is more urgent now than ever it was that every effort should be employed to that end, especially having regard to the success of the King of the Romans and Duke Maurice in Saxony. Otherwise all that has hitherto been gained would be lost, and the great expenditure wasted, whilst the interests of religion would be imperilled, as well as the writer's prestige and position, especially if another army has to be raised next year. In addition to the impossibility of doing this, owing to the great cost already incurred, and the Imperial resources being exhausted, the opportunity might be taken by the enemies to form new combinations and consolidate their forces, as they are even now attempting to do with the cities, etc. The French also are beginning to show their hand everywhere.) “With the resources we have now in hand, although they are much divided, we can keep our army afoot until the end of December next, a very much larger sum however being needed for us to hold out until the enemy either break up or are forced to risk an engagement in unfavourable conditions for them. All this has caused us to discuss and consider various means by which money may be raised plentifully, without casting the burden upon the poor or asking for further supplies from the Spanish Cortes, our desire truly being to relieve Spain as much as possible. Bearing in mind that the Bull about which Don Juan has gone to Rome (i.e. for the grant of Spanish ecclesiastical funds) will produce quite an insufficient sum for our needs, we have decided that if the Pope declines or delays to grant what is requested of him, or even if he concedes it, he shall be pressed most urgently as follows. Since we have entered upon this undertaking for the reasons of which he is aware, and matters are in the present critical state, it is most undesirable that everything should be endangered by want of money; and for this reason we request that he will not only do his part towards the prosecution of the enterprise, but will consent to our obtaining the funds needful from other sources. We therefore ask that, in addition to the contributions to be furnished by the monasteries, he will immediately issue a Bull authorising us to take from cathedrals, churches, hermitages, monasteries and convents, of all orders even mendicants (except in Castile (fn. 5) ), in every part of our dominions, contributions for the purpose in hand. All these, in addition to the quota they may have to pay (for the previous Bull), must pay a half of all the gold, silver or jewels that they possess, retaining the other half and the ornaments, etc. for divine service. They must all further pay a half of the yearly revenue of the ecclesiastical fabrics. With this mission we have despatched Don Juan de Toledo. He had been instructed to stay at Trent, to assist in the Council, but we have now ordered him to go straight to Florence, and reside there for the present; attending to other affairs of ours there, until he learns how matters are going in Rome, keeping in the meanwhile in close correspondence with Juan de Vega and Don Juan de Mendoza. In case of the Pope's declining or delaying the granting of the amended Bull, or even if he concedes it, Don Juan de Toledo is to proceed at once to Rome, and, jointly with Juan de Vega, make his request of his Holiness; both of them thenceforward using all their dexterity and persuasion to bring the Pope to consent promptly to our requirements, and grant the Bull mentioned above. They are instructed to assure his Holiness that we shall hold such concession in the highest esteem, and, if it be necessary, they are to say that we cannot possibly avoid (i.e. in any case) ordering the steps mentioned to be adopted, having no conscientious scruples in the matter, as we have been assured by our Confessor that the funds to be thus raised being destined for an object so exclusively in the interests of God and the Catholic faith, the mode indicated for obtaining them may be justly adopted. They are to point out, moreover, that the King of France on several occasions, for his own purposes, and not for such an enterprise as this, has raised funds by similar means without any authority from the Pope. The lukewarmness and hesitation of the Pope towards the prosecution of our enterprise has hitherto been evident, but we are confident that, for the reasons set forth above and others, he will make the concession we request without delay or difficulty, and that there will be no need for us to act as we have hinted, as we would very much rather proceed by virtue of his concession than without it. We most earnestly and urgently desire that this may be the case, as we should be most reluctant to touch the ecclesiastical funds without his authority. We have thought well to communicate all this to you, in order that you may secretly convey it to the Council of State, and any other persons you may desire, and discuss with them the best means to carry out our intention; because it is our firm determination, as soon as we hear what the Pope's attitude is, without delay to take possession of a half of all the gold, silver, and jewels in the cathedrals, parish churches and other hermitages, monasteries of friars and nuns, etc., of all our dominions, depending upon the crowns of Castile, Aragon, Valencia and Cataluña, except those which will have to contribute to the first Bull. These will only have to furnish a sum sufficient to bring up their respective contributions to the same as the rest, namely one-half of their treasure. (fn. 6) In addition to this all will have to subscribe one-half of the year's revenue of their fabrics. Similar notice is being sent to Flanders, Naples, Sicily, Milan and the islands. In order to lose no time you will have everything made ready, so that we may get the money with the necessary rapidity.
	28th November, 1546.
29 Nov. Vienna. Imp. Arch.	353. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager. (fn. 7)
	In my last letter of 13th instant, I informed your Majesty of the coming hither of the Scottish ambassadors; and that the Lords of the Council had, by the King's orders, sent to assure me that nothing should be negotiated with them except with my knowledge and in my presence. Seven or eight days afterwards the Ambassadors saw the King at Oatlands. One of them is the Bishop of Ross, (fn. 8) and the other Dr. Whittingham. They stated their mission as follows: According to the Treaty of Peace recently made between the King and the King of France, in which the Scots are included, they desire to enjoy the benefit of such inclusion, which they have accepted, and now accept, in order to be at peace with the King of England. The King heard them, but entered into no discussion with them, simply referring them to his Council. The Councillors met here in London, the number of them being large, and they gave me notice of the day, the day before yesterday, they had fixed for the communication with the Scots' ambassadors, and requested me to be present, which invitation I accepted. When they were all assembled they (the Councillors) spoke to me apart, repeating to me what had passed between the ambassadors and the King, as I have reported it above, and said that they had desired my presence in fulfilment of the conditions of the Treaty of Alliance. They also asked me whether I had full instructions as to all the damage suffered by the subjects of the Emperor at the hands of the Scots. I replied that the amount of injury inflicted was inestimable, and they said the same on their side, besides the great obligations under which the Scots were to the King, they having signed, sealed and confirmed by parliament, conditions with which they did not comply. We then went to dinner, after which the French ambassador came, and the Scots set forth the object of their mission, in the same way that they had done to the King: demanding that their inclusion in the peace treaty should take effect, or that a reason to the contrary should be given to them. The Lord Chancellor told them that a full reply should be given to them in my presence, since we were partners in the war; and with that the Council retired. I remained alone with the French ambassador and the Scotsmen; and the Bishop of Ross asked me whether I admitted the correctness of what the Chancellor had said. He thought (he said) that I had no instructions to say that the Emperor and the English had common cause against them. I replied that I had no instructions to say so, but it was quite true that we were both at war, which was what the Chancellor had said. “ Well,” said he, “ I do not think you are aware of it, but I may tell you that we are in negotiation and understanding with your side; and I do so in order that you may know that we are not at war, as you seem to think; and we have nothing to do with you here, being simply here to treat with the English.” I replied that with regard to a Treaty (of peace with the Emperor) I knew nothing; but if there was one, they had better produce it for my guidance. If they did not, I was unable as yet to treat them otherwise than as enemies. He caught up the last word and asked me very sourly if I was instructed to call them enemies.
	In order not to submit tamely to so rude a question, I replied that I did not know about instructions, but those who were at all times and places despoiling and injuring the subjects of the Emperor, as they (the Scots) were, must of necessity be either enemies or pirates. I then recounted several examples, and cited cases where the French themselves had compelled them to restore the ships and men taken from the Emperor's subjects as they were leaving French havens. With regard to their mission, I said I very well understood from their relation whom they were addressing. To this they replied that it would not be proper for them to produce the Treaty they had with us. As, Madame, I had learnt from the letters and documents that your Majesty sent me whilst Secretary Strick was still in Scotland, that he had found them impervious to reason, and had but little hope of coming to an arrangement; whilst I was also aware of the outrages suffered daily by the subjects of the Emperor at the hands of the Scots, and I had no knowledge of any treaty having been made with them, I can only suppose that the Bishop (of Ross) wished to bandy words with me, and deal with me as he did with Secretary Strick, with the object of breeding distrust between us (i.e. between the English and the Emperor).
	When the Lords of the Council returned, the Scots were told that, with regard to their inclusion in the Treaty of peace, it was understood to be subject to the words employed in the clause, namely:—“Saving the treaties which each of the” contracting princes claimed to have.” This on the part of the English meant their Treaty with the Emperor. The Scots maintained that the words quoted only referred to the Treaties that had been made with them; but they were told that this view of the clause was untenable, because the words originally drafted by the French had run thus: “ Saving the Treaties which each of the contracting princes claimed to have with the Scots “; and this draft had been refused by the English, who struck out the words “ with the Scots “: the King having given orders that the negotiations should be broken off, rather than that the Treaty with the Emperor should be vitiated. The words struck out were therefore omitted from the clause, which stood as at present, the Treaty with the Emperor being thus safe-guarded. The Council then continued that, even without going beyond the first point of the inclusion, it was obvious that the Scots could not claim to benefit by the inclusion clause, because they had since given several fresh occasions for continuing the war. It would be sufficient to instance the evil treatment and great damage inflicted by the Scots on the subjects of the Emperor, the King's good brother and perpetual ally. The Scots had therefore not shown themselves worthy of the friendship of the English; besides which, the former had also given fresh offence to the English themselves, having raided, despoiled and burnt their lands on the borders, and injured and seized English subjects. This alone was more than sufficient to annul the inclusion clause. With regard to the damage inflicted upon the Emperor's subjects, the Scots gave no answer; but with respect to the English claims, they expressed themselves ready to make restitution of all that might be decided to have been unduly taken. The Council, however, continued to dwell upon the violations of English territory; which the Scots maintained had taken place before the proclamation of peace and their inclusion therein. The Council thereupon told them that the amount of good will and honesty on the part of the Scots was demonstrated by their having postponed the declaration of peace until the day after the exploit in question. Even, however, if no fresh offence had been given, the inclusion clause was conditional upon the consent of the Emperor, which consent the King would have used his influence to obtain if the Scots had shown themselves worthy of his good offices.
	The Scots, with the French ambassador, who spoke in favour of their view of the inclusion, then brought forward sundry subtleties with regard to the words “ nova occasione data “ referring to the Treaty made in the year '15; but the Council told them that this was plainly contrary to the context, as the words could only refer to the interpretation of the inclusion clause: “ et encore, ce caso quo.”
	During these disputes the ardent desire of the English to. hold inviolate their Treaty with the Emperor was very plainly apparent. The Council remarked that the King of France, having sought peace, greatly wished to include the Scots (unconditionally), but the King of England had refused, although the Admiral of France had assured the English that the Scots had been already included in the Treaty between the Emperor and France. They (the English Council) at the time believed this to be true; but still they so worded the clause for the inclusion of the Scots in their own treaty as not to prejudice their Treaties with the Emperor. They had since learnt that what the Admiral of France told them was not true; and they called me to witness that I had assured them that this was the case. I thereupon thought it advisable to repeat what your Majesty wrote to me formerly, and assure them that neither verbally, as the French averred, nor in writing, had the Scots been included by the Emperor. I was, I said, also certain that this had been clearly stated to the Bishop (of Ross) when he was in Flanders in 1544, and also to the Admiral of France at Bruges afterwards. At last the matter went so far, Madame, that we told them (the Scots) plainly that they might produce the signatures and seals if they liked, for we had had and still possessed them all, but found none of them genuine. The Scots, seeing that their arguments did not avail them, requested that the reasons against them should be handed them in writing. This was agreed to, and we separated until the next conference. The English consider these two Scottish ambassadors very cunning; and understand that they have come hither to gain time, for reasons which will be obvious. This is the reason why they wish to cajole me about the existence of a treaty, and I quite expect they will reap all the advantage they can from it with the English, so as to breed distrust of us. In order to provide against this, I related to the Lord Chancellor before I left what had passed between the Bishop (of Ross) and myself. The Chancellor said I had answered excellently, and begged me to report everything fully to your Majesty.
	I recently received letters from the Emperor dated the 8th instant, which came with the King's despatches through the enemies' camp, and consequently were not signed. The originals will come through Italy and France by his Majesty's courier. I spoke to Paget about this; and he thinks I had better address a few words to the King on the subject. He has undertaken to let me know when the best opportunity occurs for doing so. I am anxious for such an opportunity, the better to learn what is going on.—London, 29 November, 1546.
29 Nov. Vienna. Imp. Arch.	354. Van der Delft to Loys Scors.
	You will see by my letter to the Queen what passed between me and the Scottish ambassadors.
	The other day one of the King's heralds came here to bring me a disguised letter (lettre deguisee) from the Emperor, which had come into their hands by chance. It came very appropriately to confound those who falsely reported here that a great part of the Emperor's forces had been lost, as in this letter, which is dated the 8th of this month, his Majesty says that nothing had happened but a few unimportant skirmishes since his last letter. (fn. 9) The Emperor also said that out of consideration for this King he had expressly ordered that the embargoes effected in Spain on English property were to be immediately raised, against security, which release has hitherto been refused there. His Majesty also instructs me to thank the King for the information which he had caused to be conveyed to him, respecting the intrigue about which I sent Jehan du Bois thither.
	London, 29 November, 1546.
30 Nov. Vienna. Imp. Arch.	355. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
	After I had handed to this courier the letters herewith, your Majesty's courier arrived here with your letters of 12th instant, on his way to Scotland. Scottish affairs having changed, as your Majesty will see by my said letters, I have judged it advisable to detain your courier, and to refrain from attempting to carry out his mission, whilst concealing his arrival, until your Majesty deigns to send me further orders. The Bishop of Boss, to whom the courier is addressed, is here, as your Majesty will learn, and it appears to me extremely dangerous to confide over much in him, as he is considered here a double-faced person. It may be feared that, if he were to perceive here any signs of a treaty with your Majesty, he would turn them to the advantage of the Scots, and to our prejudice; and I presume that your Majesty does not desire at this juncture to give any reason for offence to the English. I await your Majesty's commands.
	London, 30 November, 1546.
30 Nov. Vienna. Imp. Arch.	356. Van der Delft to Loys Scors.
	Yesterday I handed the enclosed letters for conveyance to a merchants' courier going to Antwerp, with whom I had agreed, in accordance with the note written to you. This courier, however, secretly tarried here in town, to gain another silver-piece from the merchants; and in the interim the Queen's courier on his way to Scotland arrived here. I therefore demanded my letters back from the first man, for the purpose of sending them by some other special courier, and so avoiding any further delay on the part of this man. But as I could find no other who would go for less than 18 ducats, I have been obliged, after all, to let the first man take the letters. You will see, however, that, through his fault, I am able to advise at less cost the receipt of the Queen's letter; and also that I have thought best to detain the Queen's courier and conceal his coming, both from the English and the Scots, until I receive further orders from her Majesty. When the Queen receives my said letters she will learn what has passed here, and that no great dependence can be placed on the inclusion of the Scots in the peace between France and England. If these people (the English), moreover, learn that negotiations are going on between us and the Scots, I am not sure that it will be advantageous to the Emperor's interests.
	London, 30 November, 1546.