Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1904.
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'Spain: December 1546, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 8, 1545-1546, (London, 1904) pp. 529-539. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol8/pp529-539 [accessed 26 April 2024]
December 1546, 16–31
| 16 Dec. Simmons. E. 1318. | 366. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza to the Emperor. |
|---|---|
| I received your Majesty's letter of the 5th instant, approving of the opinion that it would be better to postpone the publication of the article on “Justification,” which, being of so much importance in its treatment, might give rise to many more things being printed than the schismatics (desviados) have already issued. When I discussed the matter with the Legates, however, they had decided to publish it at Advent, and immediately to conclude the Council. Now that things have changed they may alter their minds with regard to the latter point. | |
| As to keeping matters secret that is impossible, for there are many bishops in the assembly more Lutheran than they are Christian, and some of them are entirely Lutheran. | |
| Not another word has been spoken in your Majesty's name, except to find fault with their manner of proceeding, and to advise them to act with due gravity. | |
| With regard to submitting this point (“Justification”) to [the consideration of the Universities, your Majesty says that it has not been approved of for private reasons, and as touching the superiority of the Pope. The ecclesiastics say that the reason is to safeguard the prestige and authority of the Council itself, and those on your Majesty's side and the Pope's friends are at one on this point. When the intention (i.e. to submit the question to the Universities) was made public from Rome, I am informed that they were all dissatisfied with it. There is no doubt that the expedient of spreading the doctrine respecting “Justification” by means of the Generals (of orders) and preachers is nothing but wind. Touching the Bull on the question of prelates' residence, the matter is much discussed between them, and they are agreed that when the Council closes the Bull will either be granted in the terms they (the prelates) desire, or nothing will be conceded. | |
| I have not seen the heads of the demands sent by the Spanish churches, but I understand that there are many things concerning not only these churches but others also, which are necessary, and may be justly granted by Sovereigns, in case they are not conceded by the Pope: and I am informed by learned men that this may be done without the princes being guilty of disobedience. Your Majesty will have seen by my former letter the discussion we held respecting the suspension of the Council; and that no suggestion was made by us that we had any knowledge of your Majesty's wishes on the subject. Having regard to the past and present circumstances and needs, I wish to remind your Majesty that in the Cardinal of Trent's instructions there is a clause, saying that, in the event of the removal of the Council being urged, we are to endeavour at least to obtain a vacation or suspension. Coupling this instruction with the above-mentioned facts, and the evil way they were proceeding with the “Justification” article, it seemed to us that it would be a worse thing for the Council to end badly even than to consent to its removal or dissolution; whilst the least disagreeable alternative would be a suspension. I have informed the Cardinals of Trent and Jaen (fn. 1) of your Majesty's wishes, in order that they may manage affairs accordingly. | |
| Venice, 16 December, 1546. | |
| 17 Dec. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 367. Van der Delft to Loys Scors. |
| I have taken possession of the eleven packets brought by the bearer, (fn. 2) and will deal with them as directed. I am still of opinion, under correction, that on no account is it advisable that the Scots here should receive any fresh information as to a new arrangement (with the Emperor), in order to avoid arousing any distrust of us on the part of the English. It appears as if the Scots intended by dissimulation to lead things to their advantage on both sides; for, notwithstanding the agreement arrived at with them in Antwerp, you will learn how they have treated us. During the last four or five days they have captured an Antwerp ship and full cargo from London; and, to judge by their attitude during the first conference about it, it does not appear very desirable that we should agree with these people here; who, in my opinion, have simply come hither for the purpose of temporising. The King of France, who, as I wrote to the Queen (Dowager), has sent M. d'Oysif to Scotland, also, no doubt, thinks to work his way the better whilst these ambassadors are here. The English (Councillors) are fully of this opinion, as I have learnt since I wrote my letter to the Queen. | |
| The English are secretly making great naval preparations, and those here who are supposed to know inform me that the King of France also is making great preparations to enter into the Emperor's Flanders dominions. My own opinion is that it is the English who will be those to feel it most. I have, however, been unable to ascertain anything further about the intrigue which is being carried on, beyond what I have written to her Majesty. Paulin, with the French ambassador, is still at Oatlands with the King, who is to come to Greenwich for the Christmas holidays. I will seek every opportunity to communicate with Secretary Paget. I can see not the slightest reason for fear or doubt on this side; but still it is well that the Netherlands are well provided, for the French galleys have not been kept together for nothing. It may well happen, however, that the blow may fall entirely on this coast, the chance of attacking us having failed, and the King (of England) resisting all their persuasions to aid their plans. I sent yesterday to the Lord Chancellor for some private business, and he returned a message to me, to the effect that he had forgotten when I was in the Council to speak to me about the case of the Duke of Norfolk and his son. It was, he said, pitiable that persons of such high and noble lineage should have undertaken so shameful a business as to plan the seizure of the government of the King by sinister means. The King, he said, was too old to allow himself to be governed; and in order absolutely to usurp the government, they (the Duke and his son) intended to kill all the Council, whilst they alone obtained complete control over the prince. | |
| London, 17 December, 1546. | |
| 20 Dec. Simancas. E. R. 873. | 368. Juan Hurtado de Mendoza to the Emperor. |
| On the 19th instant Cardinal Farnese sent for me; and although I expected some elucidation of the progress of affairs, I was not prepared to find, as I did, that Cardinals Sfondrato and Ardinguello would be there with Farnese and Santa Flor. In the presence of Maffei they began to expound the reply to my mission. With regard to the Council, they had nothing to say, as affairs had changed since I left. Touching the 500,000 crowns, they said that the Pope and the Consistory had always understood that the grant was to be conditional, and that unless your Majesty gave a recompense the utmost they could do was to concede a Bull for 400,000 on the fabrics and the monasteries, in view of the above-mentioned fact, and also that the Pope had granted other favours charged upon Spanish ecclesiastical possessions. With respect to the 100,000 crowns, his Holiness had not undertaken to furnish the sum. Touching our claim that, since the Pope had not sent the full number of men or amount of wages agreed upon, the proportion lacking to comply with the terms of the treaty should be provided; namely that his Holiness should send and pay 12,000 infantry: they replied that the Pope thought he had fulfilled the undertaking, but if this was disputed the matter might be discussed in a friendly way, as he is anxious that the treaty obligations should be carried out scrupulously. With regard to the prolongation (of the existing treaty) they said, seeing the differences that might arise (judging from the past) on that subject, and considering that in the present circumstances the need was not so pressing as at first, it would suffice for his Holiness, who has hitherto not failed in his duty, to say that he would not fail in the future: doing what he could, having regard to the expenses already incurred, and this they now declared in his Holiness' name. | |
| I replied at length to all these points; expressing dissatisfaction at the decisions, and ended by saying that my instructions were so drafted that I could not depart a hairsbreadth from them, Juan de Vega's instructions being conceived in the same way. I would discuss the matter with Vega, and we would together see the Pope; who, we still hoped, would consent to all that we asked of him, as we thought your Majesty's labours and goodwill deserved. | |
| (The writer then relates that the Cardinals complained of various, stated, points of no present importance). | |
| When the interview was ended I went out in company with Secretary Maffei, who I fancied had something to add. I therefore began to deplore that after so long a delay such an answer should have been given to me, and he comforted me by saying that they would do better than they had promised. What I could gather from him was this: that if the 100,000 ducats lacking to make up the 500,000 were requested to be charged on the ecclesiastical property in the kingdom of Naples it might be granted, but in such case we should have to give way on the question of the supplementary grant. He said this was simply his own advice to me, and he spoke without instructions. I beg your Majesty's orders, and in the meanwhile Vega and I will not cease to gain what ground we may, whilst adhering to my instructions and your Majesty's letter of 5th instant.—Rome, 20 December, 1546. | |
| 20 Dec. Simancas. E. 73. | 369. Prince Philip to the Emperor. |
| (Letter of 24 October received, and later indirect news of Emperor's good health; prays the Emperor relieve their anxiety by sending further intelligence, etc.) | |
| Your Majesty will have learnt that the galleys carried from Spain 200,000 crowns in gold, but no silver, and we doubt not that your Majesty will ere this have had it forwarded from Genoa, where we hope that it arrived some time ago. With regard to the loans, your Majesty will see by the enclosed statement how much we have been able to collect. (fn. 3) With these funds we have completed the payments to Andrea Doria, and two instalments of wages to the jewel-keepers, for which purposes the money that was taken to send to your Majesty in the galleys was intended. | |
| I have learnt from your Majesty's letters that Queen Mary (of Hungary) had sent to arrange with the Scots respecting the ships belonging to your Majesty's subjects which they had captured. Your Majesty's reply on the matter was wise. The Council here has discussed it, and they have agreed again to warn the mariners to sail well protected, so that no damage may be done to them. They have been warned to this effect twice already, but it has not much effect. I have communicated also with the Council of the Indies what your Majesty writes, in order that they may consider and provide what can be done to safeguard the ships coming from the Indies. I will report the result to your Majesty, but as these things cannot be done without money, the same difficulty occurs in this as in all else. | |
| (The rest of the letter (two pages) is occupied with Spanish internal questions of no present interest.)—Madrid, 20 December, 1546. | |
| 24 Dec. Vienna. Imp. Arch | 370. Van der Delft to the Emperor. |
| My last letter to your Majesty was dated 14th instant; and since then I went to see the Councillors, to whom the King had referred me to make my statement of the complaints of your subjects. After I had laid before them several instances of wrong and injury they had suffered, I complained of the small results obtained by your Majesty's commissioner and myself; we having been delayed not only the forty days provided in the agreement of Utrecht, but nearly eight months. I found them (the Councillors) more obstinate than I have ever known them to be, and they finally postponed the whole matter until the return of the King to London. The assembly of Councillors was a large one, as they were occupied in the question of the Duke of Norfolk and his son, who are prisoners, but they made no mention whatever to me of the subject. The next day, however, the Lord Chancellor sent me a message by my man saying that the cause of their arrest was that they had planned by sinister means to obtain the government of the King, who was too old now to allow himself to be governed. Their (i.e. Norfolk and Surrey's) intention was to usurp authority by means of the murder of all the members of the Council, and the control of the prince by them alone. The Earl off Surrey, however, had not been under arrest in his (the Chancellor's) house for this plot, but in consequence of a letter of his, full of threats, written to a gentleman. Two other gentlemen of faith and honour subsequently came forward and charged them with this conspiracy. With regard to the son, though he has always been so generous to his countrymen, there is not one of them, however, devoted to him, but regards him as suspect; and the earl appeared much downcast on his way to the house. The feeling against the father is less severe. The Duke, both in the barge and on entering the Tower, publicly declared that no person had ever been carried thither before who was a more loyal servant of his prince than he was, and always had been. The fate of both of them will soon be known, as the King, who has (now arrived here, is keeping himself very secluded at Court, all persons, but his Councillors and three or four gentlemen of his chamber, being denied entrance; the King, it is said, being deeply engaged, and much perplexed in the consideration of this affair. It is understood that he will be thus occupied during the holidays and some days in addition, the Queen and all the courtiers having gone to Greenwich, though she (i.e. Queen Catherine Parr) has never been known before to leave him on solemn occasions like this. I do not know what to think or suspect. Although the King recently told me, as an excuse for not receiving me when I sought audience, that he had suffered from a sharp attack of fever, which had lasted in its burning stage for thirty hours, but that he was now quite restored, his colour does not bear out the latter statement, and he looks to me greatly fallen away. In order to discover whether, under the pretext of considering the affair of these prisoners, an attempt was being made to conceal any indisposition of the King, I found means to send my man to the Lord Admiral. Whilst he was at Court, where he slept that night, he learnt from a friend that the King was not at all well, though he had seen him dressed on the previous day. But, Sire, I do not think, in any case, that I ought to conceal my opinion from your Majesty of affairs here, which change almost daily. | |
| Four or five months ago great enquiries and prosecutions were carried out against the heretics and sacramentarians, but they have now ceased, since the Earl of Hertford and the Lord Admiral have resided at court. The publicly expressed opinion, therefore, that these two nobles are in favour of the sects may be accepted as true, and also that they have obtained such influence over the King as to lead him according to their fancy. In order to avoid this, some of the principal Councillors to whom I had pointed out the evils and dangers threatened by these sects, unless they were vigorously opposed, requested me some time ago to address the King to a similar effect, as I wrote to your Majesty at the time. I find them (the Councillors) now of a different aspect, and much inclined to please and entertain the Earl and the Admiral; neither of whom has ever been very favourably disposed towards your Majesty's subjects. This being the case, and since those who were well disposed have changed, it may be assumed that these two have entirely obtained the favour and authority of the King. A proof of this is, that nothing is now done at court without their intervention, and the meetings of the Council are mostly held in the Earl of Hertford's house. It is even asserted here that the custody of the prince and the government of the realm will be entrusted to them; and the misfortunes that have befallen the house of Norfolk may well have come from the same quarter. As regards the diversity of religion, the people at large are to a great extent on their (i.e. Seymour and Dudley's) side, the majority being of these perverse sects, and in favour of getting rid of the bishops. They do not, indeed, conceal their wish to see the Bishop of Winchester and other adherents of the ancient faith sent to the Tower to keep company with the Duke of Norfolk. All this makes it probable that in the parliament which begins next month some strange acts and constitutions will be passed. I have always found the King personally strongly in favour of preserving the friendship with your Majesty, and I understand that he will never change in this respect; but it is to be feared that if God take him, which I trust will not be the case for many years, the change will cause trouble, and plunge everything here into confusion. For the reasons stated above, therefore, I am the less surprised, Sire, that the better the news that reaches here of the progress of your Majesty's affairs in Germany, the more difficult do I find the Council in my negotiations with them. Your Majesty will be better able to judge than anyone of the significance and tendency of all this; and I pray for pardon if I have ventured too far in laying before you my suspicions and opinions, which I would far rather prove false than true. | |
| Captain Paulin is still here, awaiting a reply to his demands both as to the prisoners and the galley, and as to the delimitation proceedings in the Boulognais. There is no doubt that he hoped to carry through the intrigue already commenced (of which your Majesty has been informed), under the cloak of settling the old quarrels; but he did not find these people responsive. (fn. 4) I hear from a secret and perfectly trustworthy source that they (i.e. the English Councillors) look upon him as a cunning blade (fin gallant) whose coming is simply for the purpose of deceiving and playing with them, until the Scots are thoroughly well supplied with provisions and munitions of war from France. The French and Scots are very active in this matter, and doubtless the Scottish embassy is directed to the same end, since the ambassadors are tarrying here so long without doing anything. It is said here that the Castle of St. Andrews is well provided with food, and remains firm for the King of England; although those who killed the Cardinal and held the castle have now come hither to the King. | |
| London, 24 December, 1546. | |
| 24 Dec. Vienna, Imp. Arch. | 371. Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager. |
| I am writing to the Emperor to say that the King is so unwell that, considering his age and corpulence, fears are entertained that he will be unable to survive further attacks, such as he recently suffered at Windsor. God preserve him ! for if he should succumb there is but slight hope of the change being for the better. The King is here in London; the Queen being at Greenwich. It is an innovation for them to be thus separated during the festivities. The common rumour is that he is occupied in the matter of the Duke of Norfolk and his son, who are prisoners, and he does not wish to be disturbed. The only persons allowed at Court are his Privy Council and some of his Gentlemen of the Chamber. I requested audience of the Council lately, but they deferred the interview for two or three days, on the pretext that they were very busy, but said that they would send me word when they could see me. I have, however, up to the present, not received any summons from them, and, to judge by appearances, there does not seem much chance of my having a prompt opportunity of questioning them, as they are extremely busy about these prisoners, for reasons which I have stated in my letter to the President (i.e. Scors). | |
| Captain Paulin is also still here, and cannot obtain the despatch of the claims on behalf of private persons, the captured galley, and the delimitation of the Boulognais. There is no doubt that he had the idea of carrying through the intrigue of which your Majesty knows, under cover of negotiations for the settlement of old disputes and claims, but he did not find these people so compliant as he hoped. I learn from a secret, but perfectly trustworthy source, that the English look upon him as a cunning blade (fin gallant) who has only come hither to deceive and entertain them, whilst the Scots are being supplied from France with the stores and munitions necessary for war, in which provision both the French and the Scots will be diligent. The Scottish embassy here is doubtless to serve the same object, seeing that it has remained here so long without doing anything. It is asserted here that the castle of St. Andrews is well supplied with victuals, and remains firm for the King of England; although those who killed the Cardinal and held St. Andrews have come hither to the King. | |
| London, 24 December, 1546. | |
| 24 Dec. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 372. The Queen Dowager to Van der Delft. |
| The ambassador resident here from the King of England handed to us on the 19th instant your letter of the 14th; and afterwards informed us by the King's orders of the arrest of the Duke of Norfolk and his son, the Earl of Surrey; adding that God had been very merciful to the King in having preserved him from the treason of the duke and the earl. They had, he said, so influenced a large number of those surrounding the King as to bring them to their side, and had planned to depose (defaire) the King and seize the government of the young prince and of the realm, perhaps with the intention of subsequently dealing with the prince in the same way as with his father, and taking possession of the kingdom. Although they were at first only suspected of a plan for seizing the control of the prince and the realm, yet the Earl of Surrey, upon being interrogated, had confessed the whole treason. We thanked the ambassador for his communication, saying that we rejoiced that God had preserved the King from such a danger: and we advise you in order that you may know what passed, since you say in your letters that you did not know the reason of the arrest. | |
| The French ambassador here, some time since, expressed to us his master's sincere wish that some means could be found for establishing harmony and friendship between the Emperor, his dominions and subjects, and Scotland and the Scots; adding that, if we wished it, he would be very glad to exert his good offices with this object. He signified that the King (of France) would be much gratified if he were requested to act as an intermediary. Being uncertain of the object they had in so openly expressing this desire, and fearing that perhaps they were aiming at arousing distrust between the King of England and us, we replied to the ambassador, that after the treaty of Creepy the Scottish ambassador had very urgently solicited, through the ministers of the King of France, their inclusion in the said treaty. This was decidedly refused, and the Scottish ambassador was plainly told that no peace negotiations would be entered into with them, except in accord with the King of England. We were subsequently informed, both by the King of France and the King of England, that in their recent peace treaty they had included the Emperor and the Scots; and we consequently sent an envoy to Scotland for the purpose of learning from the Scots whether they considered that this inclusion made them at peace with his Imperial Majesty and his subjects. The Scots replied to our envoy (Strick) that they did not consider themselves at peace with us, but would send an envoy to us to negotiate. Since then they had sent an embassy to England, to discuss the inclusion referred to, and you had intervened in the discussion on behalf of the Emperor. We were, however, as yet ignorant of the result that might be attained by the discussions; but if the Scots chose to send a mission to us we would willingly listen to what they had to say; and if we found them amenable to reason we would readily reciprocate. We did not go beyond this, as we have no intention whatever of negotiating with them, except with the co-operation and consent of the King of England in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of alliance. Subsequent to this the King of France again signified his ardent desire to be useful in the matter, and sent an envoy to Scotland, for the purpose, as he told us, of persuading the Scottish Government, unless it desired to forfeit the friendship of France, to become reconciled to us. The French envoy came hither on his way to Scotland, to ask us if we had anything we desired to send thither, but we let him go without confiding any message to him. The imperial ambassador in France writes that the principal object of the envoy is to inform the Scottish Government that the King of France wishes them to send ambassadors to us, to induce us to include the Scots in the treaty of Crespy, which we have no intention whatever of doing. You may communicate this to the English ministers, so that they may, as soon as possible, settle what terms they can make with the Scottish ambassadors. You may tell the latter, if the English wish you to do so, that we do not intend to enter into any negotiation with them, except conjointly with the King of England; and, if the French try to represent their embassy to Scotland in any other light than that set forth above, you may assure the English ministers that affairs are exactly as we have represented them. | |
| The Count-Elector Palatine is sending some wines to the King of England, which have passed through here. (fn. 5) They are in charge of a young man, a son of M. Antoine de Metz. You may let some of your people address him, on the pretext that you know his father, and show him attention, in order to discover from him—if you cannot do so from the English ministers—whether he has been instructed to carry on any other plot; as he was formerly sent to France on some mission from his master. Let us know what you can learn. We hear that the young man is a pretty good tippler, and when in his cups he blurts out all he knows. | |
| We send you the latest news we have from Germany, not from the Emperor's camp, but by private letters from Spires and Mayence, and you can communicate it to the English ministers. | |
| Please push forward the claims of the Emperor's subjects having estates in the Boulognais, that we may know at once what the King intends to do about it. | |
| Binche, 24 December, 1546. | |
| 27 Dec. Vienna. Imp. Arch. | 373. Van der Delft to Loys Scors. |
| I gave the enclosed packet for the Queen to a sailor who was ready to leave, but he and several others were seized for the King's service, it is said in the revictualling of Boulogne. Councillor Van der Burgh afterwards went to Paget, as he reports to her Majesty in his letter enclosed. I hear that the Councillors have been several times, and indeed go daily, to the Tower to examine the two prisoners. (fn. 6) The King is said to be better, and intends in a day or two to accord an audience to the French ambassador, who has insisted upon seeing him. I will use every effort to discover with what satisfaction Paulin will leave here.—London, 27 December, 1546. | |
| 29 Dec. Simancas. E. 1318. | 374. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza to the Emperor. |
| The Seigniory has appointed Navagero, formerly ambassador to your Majesty, to be ambassador in England. I may remind your Majesty that I have twice reported that they were discussing this, and that it was a joint trick of the English and French to which it was suspected the Pope was a party. I may also remind your Majesty that I said that Cardinal Farnese had told me that the Pope intended to send him to France to negotiate a peace between the King and your Majesty. | |
| It may be concluded that this ambassador (Navagero) is going to negotiate some league between France and England and this Seigniory. I will do my utmost here to learn what is afoot, and your Majesty will instruct your ambassador in England on the subject. (fn. 7) | |
| I think from this that the government (of Venice) is in the hands of persons ill affected towards your Majesty. Most of them are young and with little experience: some very poor and some very rich. The poor wish for novelty, in order to make themselves rich, whilst the rich are afraid and distrustful of your Majesty. So that by different roads they both travel to the same goal, notwithstanding the lack of money. | |
| Your Majesty must know that there are two councils here; one, called the Council of Petitions, where everything is finally settled, and which does not desire war with your Majesty; and the other the Council of Ten, where matters are discussed and prepared for decision. This latter Council is ill disposed towards your Majesty's interests and frequently deceives the other Council. | |
| Venice, 29 December, 1546. | |
| No date. Simancas. E. 1318. | 375. Details of an interview between Diego Hurtado de Mendoza and the Venetian Seigniory. |
| (Whilst professing a desire on the part of the Emperor to be friendly with Venice, Mendoza complained specifically of the unfriendly attitude of the Seigniory. The following are the heads of the complaint. | |
| Their ministers had done their utmost to dissuade the Pope from joining in the league against the Lutherans. | |
| They had advised the Protestants to hold out for four months, after which the Seigniory would help them to a settlement or otherwise. | |
| They were in close communications with the Lutherans. | |
| They were negotiating with the Turk to attack Hungary, and thus impede the war against the Lutherans. | |
| His Majesty was greatly surprised at all this, as he had given no cause for such action. | |
| The Seigniory expressed much surprise at such allegations; which were the invention of enemies, and defended themselves specifically against them.) | |
| “With regard to the third point, they said that a certain Baltasar Altieri, Secretary of the English ambassador, had presented to them some letters from the Protestant German legates, but they contained nothing beyond a recommendation of the person of the bearer. (fn. 8) He had subsequently presented to them other letters from the legates of the Protestants at Ulm praying them not to allow free passage through Venetian territory nor victuals, etc., to the Papal troops being sent to Germany. The Seigniory had paid no attention to these letters, as had been proved by the fact that they had allowed passage and victuals to the said troops. They had had no further communications with these Protestants.” | |
| (They deny emphatically and at length that they had negotiated with the Turk anything to the Emperor's prejudice. (fn. 9) ) | |