Spain
June 1547, 16-30

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Institute of Historical Research

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Martin A. S. Hume and Royall Tyler (editors)

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1912

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100-116

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'Spain: June 1547, 16-30', Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9: 1547-1549 (1912), pp. 100-116. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88337 Date accessed: 18 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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June 1547, 16–30

June 16. Vienna Imp. Arch.Van der Delft to the Emperor.
Since my last despatches dated 29th ultimo. I have been honoured by your Majesty's letters of the 21st May, and in conformity with the instructions contained in them I have made every possible effort to discover the last dispositions of the late King of England with regard to his daughter the Princess Mary. The King's will, however, and all its provisions are kept so absolutely secret that I firmly believe that no one except the Protector, the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Warwick and Paget has seen it or knows anything of the contents. I have perceived plainly from the Lord Chancellor (Thomas Wriothesley Earl of Southampton) that the Protector did not obtain by the will the elevation in the matter of titles that he desired, and he ascribed this to the influence of the Lord Chancellor. The latter also would not consent to any innovations in the matter of government beyond the provisions of the will; and it was in consequence of this, it may be concluded, that the Protector, who had the other two (i.e., Warwick and Paget) on his side, and had usurped the royal authority, overthrew the Lord Chancellor and by underhand means obtained possession of the will; so that there is no whisper of the purport of any of its clauses, except with regard to the succession in case of the young King's death without leaving heirs of his body. In that case it is provided that the Madam Mary shall succeed him, for which reason many people believed and hoped that she would at once be entitled and recognised as Princess. It appears to me, however, that the care they have of her is decreasing daily, and is principally shown in making her move from one house to another, so that they are ended by sticking her in the north, at a house that formerly belonged to the Duke of Norfolk.
As I passed through the place at which she was staying the other day I sent to her my humble respects and duty, though I thought it better not to do so personally, I said, in order not to be troublesome. She was extremely pleased at this, and when, two days afterwards she moved from this place to another she sent word to me that she had come nearer to me and would stay there for ten or twelve days. (fn. 1) I understood plainly from that, that she wished to be visited, but as the Renegat affair made it undesirable that I should be absent from London just then I was obliged to defer paying my duty to the Princess until a convenient opportunity. The allowance made to her at present is ten or twelve thousand ducats per annum derived from lands in Norfolk and Suffolk, but I have been quite unable to discover what sum will be settled upon her as a dower, and I am informed by those who are entirely in her confidence that she herself is ignorant of it. One of these persons told me, which seems most probable, that the dower they will bestow upon her will depend upon the marriage she may make, so that in the end everything will depend upon the good pleasure and unfettered discretion of the Protector, with whom she was not over pleased from the first. The reason of this was that after the death of her father the Protector did not visit or send to her for several days. Nevertheless she did not wish to quarrel with him, and accordingly is guided entirely by his wishes, although they are of different opinions on the matter of religion; for she remains firm and constant in her good attachment to our ancient faith, and never allows a day to pass without hearing two, three or four masses, and every night has prayers in her chapel.
Therefore, Sire, I see no means of being able to learn with certainty the amount of her dower, unless I broach it under some pretext to the Protector himself. I have not done this in accordance with your Majesty's instructions; but I was at the Council to-day for the purpose of communicating to them the instructions I had received from the Queen (Dowager of Hungary) of which instructions and the reply thereto I am now sending copies to M. d'Arras (i.e., de Granvelle), and I took the opportunity of leading the Protector aside and saying to him that I could not resist informing him, in consideration of the great affection I bore him that it would be advisable for them to please and satisfy your Majesty in all reasonable things, and to have your subjects better treated than heretofore, seeing that your Majesty had always behaved in the best and kindest manner possible towards the late King in order to please him, not only on account of the alliances, friendship and union that existed, but also in consideration of his age, and they (the English) ought now to follow so good an example, since your Majesty had no less desire to see the welfare of this country, that the late King Henry had to see the prosperity of your Majesty. I said that he (the Protector) as head of this Government should set his hand to this and have regard to banish and avoid all cause of resentment, as I had no doubt that he would do.
The Protector, in reply to this, said that he would certainly not act in any other way than that which I had said, as it was to the advantage of this country to maintain the good and longstanding amity, and the existing treaties between your Majesty and them; whilst it also benefited your Majesty's Low Countries. After having delivered himself of some further discourse relative to the homogeneous character of the French King's dominions and the scattered nature of your Majesty's, and saying that the King of France would always have his eye on Italy, he again referred to the advisability of maintaining the existing alliances in which he said he would never fail. So far as he personally was concerned, he said, he was well aware of the obligation under which he was to your Majesty, for the kindness he had received from you. He added that he had served your Majesty for some time and in that service had learnt what little he knew; so that he was in duty bound to remain always your humble servant. Although all the members of the Council, he said, bore great affection to your Majesty none surpassed him in his devotion to you, especially as he knew that any service that he might do to your Majesty would also be done to the King, his master. He was, therefore, ready to do all that your Majesty might command; and as regarded the treatment of your subjects and all other affairs, though he could act by himself if he pleased, according to his own discretion, he thought better to communicate them to the Council. This was meant to convey to me that I ought not so persistently seek audience of the Council, but should discuss my affairs with him personally. I thanked him warmly for his goodwill and assured him that he need not doubt that your Majesty would recognise it with the highest favour whenever it was required.
As we parted he begged me sometimes to come and pass my time in his garden, where we might chat together, and I saw plainly that he was anxious for an opportunity of employing himself in matters agreeable to your Majesty. He seems to me to be quite assured of his Government, and I notice that all the members of the Council treat him with great reverence, and obey him implicitly. They all, as well as the Protector, expressed great joy at your Majesty's success, and told me that you had made a treaty with John Frederick of Saxony, the Protector giving me the terms of the treaty.
The ex-Lord Chancellor (Southampton) was with the Protector the other day for about two hours very early in the morning, but I do not know the purport of their conversation: only that the Lord Chancellor paid him great court and left him in very high good humour.
Several proclamations have been made here of late against spreading news without being able to give the name of the author, against engaging in religious controversy, each person being enjoined to conduct himself in this respect as before the death of King Henry, the penalty for doing otherwise being death, so long as the Council do not order otherwise. It is possible that your Majesty's success may not be the least cause of this.
I hear that they are in some suspicion of the French, who have delayed the payment of a half-year's instalment of the indemnity now due, saying that they will pay it altogether; by which it is easy to conjecture that in this new treaty they have made with them there is some fresh agreement for the shortening of the period and the diminution of the amount to be paid for the restitution of Boulogne. According to the words of the French Ambassador, here “the English profess to be willing to restore Boulogne to us, but they never stop fortifying the place.” It would seem that the restitution was to be made whenever the money was ready for payment. When someone remarked to the French Ambassador that the English were apprehensive of war, he replied: “If they do not cease their hostilities against the Scots they have very good reason to apprehend it.” Great sums of money and all kinds of stores are being sent from here to Boulogne, and some sort of wall is being built there to ensure their harbour against the French fort. (fn. 2)
The Scottish Ambassador is still here, but there is no mention or appearance of an agreement being effected between them, and, as the Protector told me, they (the English) have sent six more great ships well armed against the Scots. He assured me also that he would never make any agreement with them without the consent of your Majesty. Every day there arrive here some of the Scots who favour the English side, and they have such frequent secret conferences with the Protector and the members of the Council that they think they can conceal their comings and goings from the (Scottish) Ambassador.
Nothing is now being said about Ireland, except that some encounter must have taken place to the advantage of the English, but it will not be anything of consequence.
I have been informed from a secret source that a marriage is being arranged between the Queen Dowager (Katharine Parr) and the Lord Admiral (Seymour) brother of the Protector, and also that of the son of the Earl of Derby, the richest noble in England, with the daughter of the Protector.
There is no news about Madam (Anne) of Cleves except that she is shortly coming to London. I have been requested to-day by a herald to attend on Sunday next after dinner at Saint Paul's Church for the obsequies of the late King of France. I hear that orders are being given for the maintenance here of a thousand horse to be always ready for any occasion.
London, 16 June, 1547.
June 16. Vienna Imp. Arch.Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
In accordance with the instructions contained in your Majesty's letter of 2nd instant, I waited upon the Council and laid before them in full detail the two points referred to: first to endeavour to obtain the restoration to the owners of the property belonging to subjects of his Majesty in the Boulognais, upon which point I repeated all the arguments and reasons in support of our claim; and, secondly, to demand satisfaction for all the merchants who have complaints or grievances against them (the English).
I began, Madam, by calling to mind the intolerable outrages and injuries that were being inflicted upon our people generally; but especially referred to that of the Isle of Wight as being the most abominable; the complaint respecting which was being prosecuted here by Lope de Carrion, who had been seriously injured in the matter. (fn. 3) These points I urged with strong remonstrance and very vehement persuasions. They (the Councillors) replied to my speech, that, with regard to the first point, the Protector desired a short time still to consider it, but that a favourable reply should be given to me before long. With respect to the second point, touching the claims made by merchants which had been laid before them (the Councillors) by Councillor Van der Burch and myself and were still pending, they said that, although they thought that they had given the fullest satisfaction and justice by means of their Commissioners, they had nevertheless decided to commission Secretary Paget, who was their spokesman, to confer with me on the matter, and to devise some means for settling amicably all these complaints and grievances in accordance with right and justice. They had decided upon this step, they said, because the Secretary was the best informed on the subject, he having more often than his colleagues heard the representations I had made on behalf of the complainants. They hoped, however, that I would not push these claims unreasonably.
On the first point I answered softly that they were quite aware that they had always held out hopes to me of a favourable solution, and as I had trusted their word I had continued to assure your Majesty in my letters to that effect. Your Majesty, however, I said, finding that all these adjournments produced no effect, was dissatisfied on the matter; and even imputed to me negligence in not urging more forcibly the demand that their final decision should be given without further delay. Now, I said, after all this procrastination, they simply met my demand by another postponement, and I must really beg the Protector to be good enough to give me a final decision to the satisfaction of your Majesty. He (the Protector) broke into my discourse and said: “but this is not a postponement: you will, I can assure you, receive a definite answer within a very few days, and to the satisfaction of the Queen, who I know will be pleased with it.” I could not well press him beyond this at the time, but I will not fail to push the matter on until I get a good solution.
With respect to the merchants' claims, it seemed to me to be a very good thing to have Secretary Paget as a commissioner to arrange them with me, as I hope to be able to deal with him and settle the complaints better than I did with the Great Master of the Household, Lord St. John, in the matter of the Renegat claims; for after we had met and discussed the affair twice and had had the parties before us, we are still in the same position and have done nothing. I then proceeded to lay before the Council once more the history of the wretched acts and robberies of this Renegat, which I said had already been exposed so frequently by me; and yet this pirate was not ashamed to say now that he had not the parcels of gold, and positively produced a certain statement in which he claimed more than twenty thousand ducats compensation from the Emperor.
They made rather a vehement speech in answer to this, assuring me that they had ordered the Great Master of the Household within the next two days to visit and confer with me again, accompanied by another member of the Council; and if we were still unable to come to an agreement that matter also should be taken in hand by Secretary Paget. The latter is obliged to absent himself on a visit to his estates, he having delayed his departure solely in order to attend the Council on this occasion, when he knew I was coming, so that, as he whispered in my ear, all these matters might expedited. I thanked him very much for this, and he appointed next Monday for him to visit my house and discuss business. During this interview, Madam, I took the Protector aside and had some quiet talk with him, the purport of which your Majesty will please to see by the copy enclosed of my letter to the Emperor, which also gives an account of all other happenings here.
There is no talk here about the appointment of a new Lord Chancellor, although they did propose to nominate one by Whitsuntide last. It is reported by some that they are awaiting the return of Dr. Wotton, the English Ambassador in France (fn. 4) so that he may receive the vacant office. It was offered to Secretary Paget, but he refused it, in order to avoid undertaking more work. He is, indeed, continuing to lighten his work as much as he can, and he even thinks of giving up his post as secretary and to accept instead two or three other offices of comparatively light responsibility, but of great emolument, such, for instance, as that of Chancellor of what they call the Duchy (of Lancaster) and the Constableship of the Tower of London.
There has been no sitting of Parliament since the death of King Henry, and there is no talk of calling it together. The churches remain in the same condition as they were before the death of the King. The bishops are residing in the dioceses, and the Protector has forbidden all the Court to eat meat on days when it has not been customary to do so.
London, 15 June, 1547.
June 17. Vienna Imp. Arch.Van der Delft to the Emperor.
After my other letters were ready for despatch I was requested by the Protector to go and see him, and on my visit to the Council this afternoon he took me aside and made a long harangue to me about what had passed between their Ambassador in France and the French Council, of which the Protector had been informed yesterday after I had left him.
The matter related to the two treaties they had made together, of which the French refused to ratify the later one, but were willing to confirm the former, on condition that it was fulfilled by the English, which they (the French) affirm has not been the case; in the first place because the English have not accepted the representation of the Scots in the matter of their inclusion in the treaty; and, secondly, in consequence of their having fortified Boulogne, in addition to which they (the French) allege, the said treaty contained conditions which their King could no longer tolerate.
To this the English Ambassador had replied that, so far as related to the Scots, they had been included, but as the French knew it was without prejudice to the treaties in force between them (the English) and your Majesty, from which on no account in the world would they depart. According to these treaties your Majesty's consent was necessary, and ever since the treaty had been signed they (the Scots) had never ceased to spoliate both your Majesty's subjects and the English, besides which they had assailed the English by land, and had once more given occasion for the English to defend themselves and continue the war against them.
With regard to the alleged fortification of Boulogne, they (the English) knew of no fresh work in that direction, the wall to which reference had been made being merely for the greater commodity of the harbour, and consequently of service both to the English and the French. Notwithstanding all this the arguments of the English Ambassador failed to satisfy the French Council, which repeated the former complaints and instructed the Ambassador to write that their master the King of France could no longer tolerate the present state of affairs.
The Protector told me that at the same time that this information reached him, the French Ambassador here had come to him in order to deliver a similar message to him in the name of the King of France, so far as regarded the matter of the Scots, adding that the latter were offering to restore all that they had unduly seized. The King of France, therefore, continued the Ambassador, desired that the English would come to some honourable understanding with them (the Scots). The Ambassador, however, made no mention whatever of the Boulogne fortifications, which, as the Protector told me, surprised him extremely. He thought, he said, that the French had flourished all this bravery in return for something he (the Protector) had said recently to M. de Vielleville about the small honour and profit the King of France would gain by making war on the young King of England.
The Protector said that he had replied to the French Ambassador in similar terms to those used by the English Ambassador in France: and he also said that he saw no hope of an agreement with the Scots until the latter fulfilled their obligations towards the English, and at the same time gave full satisfaction to your Majesty.
After this long story the Protector said: “I have thought best to communicate all this to you in order that you might, if you will be so good, convey it to his Majesty, so that he may know upon what terms we stand with the French, and in the hope that, whatever happens, his Majesty will not fail us, in accordance with the treaties, and will allow us to provide ourselves by purchase in his dominions with what (munitions, etc.) we may need.” I replied that he might be sure that your Majesty would not fail to do anything to which you were bound.
In the course of the above conversation we declared that the French during the negotiations for the last treaty had persistently tried to induce him to accede to the clause binding him to be “friend of friends and enemy of enemies,” without any exception, promising him in exchange for the restitution of Boulogne” the country of Flanders, which he (the Protector) said, had scandalised him greatly, seeing that this proposal was directed against your Majesty, to whose detriment he had not and never would accept any treaty. The result of this was that in the last treaty with the French there had been introduced a special reservation more in the favour of your Majesty than their own as he had previously told me. I replied that I recollected perfectly well what he had told me before and had duly conveyed the substance of it to your Majesty, who had no doubt whatever of his word. After making a long discourse about the small danger that could come to them from France or Scotland, seeming very little perturbed, he addressed me privately in conversation, assuring me of the great confidence he reposed in me; so that I think that I may be able to bring him round and keep him attached to your Majesty, if it may please you to send me a favourable letter that I can use according to circumstances.
London, 17 June, 1547.
June 17. Vienna Imp. Arch.Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
Your Majesty will please see by the accompanying copy what has passed between the Protector and myself since my last letters were despatched. The Protector told me in addition to what I repeat in the letter that the English Ambassador resident near your Majesty had written to this King (Edward) that during a conversation he had with your Majesty respecting the state of war still existing between the Emperor and the Scots, you had replied to him that you did not understand that you were at war with the Scots in any sense. I made such explanations of this as satisfied the Protector.
I did not fail to press again for a final decision of the affairs of the Emperor's subjects in the Boulognais, and I set forth in a friendly fashion the reason and justice of our demand. (fn. 5) I saw at last what was the real cause of the delay that has taken place; namely, that some French subjects are demanding of the English similar restitution of their property to that which we claim. I told him in reference to this that there was no parity whatever between the two cases, we having been friends in the war and the French enemies. Your Majesty, I said, asked for nothing for the French. If they (the English) made up their minds to restore the estates of French subjects they might just as well restore the town of Boulogne itself to the French King, so as not to treat the sovereign worse than his people. After some more conversation the Protector assured me that your Majesty would very shortly be fully satisfied, but that he wished to know the names of the persons on whose behalf your Majesty was insisting. I made great difficulties about this, but I was unable to get anything further, although I recognise that he has every desire to satisfy your Majesty.
London, 17 June, 1547.
June 20. Vienna Imp. Arch.The Emperor to Van der Delft.
Since writing our last letters, we have received yours of 27 April and 4 May, and we have been pleased to learn in such full detail of the occurrences in England, the more especially that which relates to the conversations you have had with the Protector on the subject of the last treaty they (the English) have concluded with the French. Our Ambassador in France has already been able to send us a copy of the clause contained in your aforesaid letters to us; and, as we have previously informed you, the Bishop of Westminster has also addressed us on the same subject on behalf of the King of England. At present, therefore, there is nothing more to say about it, except to recommend and enjoin you very earnestly to continue to keep your eyes open, and enquire scrupulously as to the progress of affairs there, not forgetting to learn if you can what they have been negotiating with the envoy of the Duke of Ferrara, and especially whether there has been any suggestion on his part of the marriage of the Princess (Mary) our cousin. We have been told that such was the case, the envoy having been sent to England with this mission, and we shall be glad to know what answer was given to him. It will also desirable that we should be informed if there are any French intrigues being carried on there, and all other occurrences that come to your knowledge. Advise us of these as often as you can.
With regard to affairs on our side, we may tell you that since the capture of John Frederick (i.e., the Elector of Saxony) an arrangement has been made with him, by virtue of which he undertakes to surrender his strong places and the rest of his country, and we have invested with the electorate the Duke Maurice of Saxony, the Marquis Albert of Brandenburg being consigned to prison. We have now come hither to Hall. . . . . After the above was written, your letter of 29 May has come to hand, informing us of the rebellion of the Irish savages, and what has happened in the matter of the Lord Chancellor (Wriothesley). We are glad to get your advices, and presume you will have received our last despatches, to which we are anxious to have a prompt reply.
Hall sur Salle, 20 June, 1547.
June 24. Vienna Imp. Arch.Van der Delft to the Queen Dowager.
Since the despatch of my last letter dated 17th instant, the obsequies of the late King of France have been celebrated here with great solemnity, but the Scottish Ambassador was not present, he having excused himself on the ground that his colleague was in France.
Since then Secretary Paget has been to see me, and we have had several talks together, in which he displayed the same affection that he has always held towards the Emperor. When I mentioned to him the pending question of the Boulognais he told me that he expected we should very soon receive a favourable answer. After much discourse on public affairs he declared to me the very small amount of confidence they had in the French, who had carried on all sorts of intrigues to alienate them from their alliance with his Majesty (the Emperor); but, said he, they have laboured in vain.
When we approached the business of the merchants' claims left undecided by the commissioners, he (Paget) said that he would take the matter in hand in two or three days when he had ascertained from their commissioners what was left pending. In answer to this, I urged that he had been deputed by his colleagues to look into all my complaints respecting merchants' claims from subjects of the Emperor, to which he replied, “If you want their affairs to be attended to here, it is only reasonable that our subjects who have claims on your side should be treated in the same way there.” I said yes, that was quite reasonable, but that seeing the perfect justice accorded to English subjects in the Emperor's Flemish dominions, I was not aware that they had any pending complaints of theirs there to be dealt with. “Yes, we have,” he said, “and more still in Spain”; and with these words we went to work in very good fashion on the affair of Lope de Carrion's claim, which is the most important of them. (fn. 6) We shall have to hold another meeting respecting that.
The day following, which was yesterday, I sent to the Protector for the purpose of reminding him that I was still awaiting the reply to the claims in the Boulognais, in order to satisfy your Majesty on the subject. He sent a reply to the effect that he really must have a specification of those who were making the claims, as he had told me the last time he saw me. He asked me to send him these particulars as soon as I received them; but that nevertheless Secretary Paget would come and see me next week to discuss the business further with me. In order that they should not conceive any suspicion of me, I also gave them notice that I purposed going to visit Madam Mary, as she was so near to my house in the village. They said that I should be doing quite right in visiting her. (fn. 7)
There has been no occurrence of importance here since my last, except that these people do not seem so much alarmed as they were of a war with France since the report that the Swiss, lansquenets and other men-at-arms raised for the King of France near Lorraine, have been ordered to muster in Provence. They think that this indicates that the troops are more likely to be employed against Piedmont than Boulogne, the more so as the Duke of Savoy is arming.
London, 24 June, 1547.
June 24. Vienna Imp. Arch.Van der Delft to the Emperor.
Since I last addressed your Majesty on the 17th instant, the obsequies of the late King of France (Francis I) have been performed with all possible solemnity. The Scottish Ambassador was not present, having begged to be excused on the ground that his colleague who had been in France when a similar service had been held there had not been invited to be present.
Two days after this, Secretary Paget came to see me on the matter of the merchants' claims, and I had a very long conversation with him, during which he demonstrated his steadfastness and devotion to your Majesty. He assured me of the small confidence with which they had always regarded the French, who had laboured in vain and utterly failed, thinking that by their intrigues and other means they might separate the English from their alliance with your Majesty. And he called me to witness that he had always asserted that, no matter what appearances they (the English) might put on towards the French, they would never depart from the closest friendship with your Majesty nor contravene the existing treaties with you.
I understand plainly from Paget that the opinion I had already formed of this government is not without foundation; that the councillors had been selected by his means, that the Protector had obtained his pre-eminence as uncle of the King, the laws of England allowing him to usurp the position, and that the title of Protector previously had been declared in England nomen ministerii and not of so much authority as is attributed to the title in Latin. I see that a very close understanding exists between the Protector and Paget, and that one depends upon the other. I will not fail to keep them both in hand to the best of my ability and the Earl of Warwick as well.
I had on a previous occasion privately broached a few words to the Protector on the subject of the abominable and detestable opinions of the encyclopedians and Zwinglians, the evil of which is on the increase here. I again mentioned the subject in my conversation with Paget, laying bare to him the lives led by these apostates, whom I had seen and known for several years during my residence in Switzerland. I pointed out to him also the confusion in which they (the English) would find themselves if they did not restrain their people and reduce them to better order than at present in regard to the Holy Sacrament, and all other points where error has crept in. Paget took my remarks in very good part, and expressed himself in such a way as to banish the suspicion I formerly felt that a book printed in English and published here supporting the doctrines of the Sacramentarians and exalting as a martyr the young lady who was burnt here last year, had been issued by the consent of the present rulers of England (fn. 8) ; but Paget told me that he himself had been very ignominously treated in the same book, and such enquiry had been made about it, that it was now certain that the book had not been printed in England. He concluded by saying that everything would be put in order.
We then went to work on Lope de Carrion's affair, and got on very well together. We are to have another conference about it.
The only occurrence of importance here is that these people (the English) are not apparently so much in fear of war with France since the rumour has prevailed that the Swiss, the lansquenets and other troops raised near Lorraine by the King of France are to muster in Provence, which makes them think that these forces are more likely to be intended to be employed against Piedmont than against Boulogne, especially as it is said that the Duke of Savoy has also assembled some forces.
London, 24 June, 1547.
June 29. Paris K. 1487.St. Mauris to Prince Philip.
Letters received and sent. The Dauphin still continues his preparations for the war in Piedmont, which the King of France (i.e., the deceased King Francis I) had in contemplation. As soon as the Dauphin (Henry II of France) received news of the surrender of the town of Wittemburg and the castle of Gotha, he at once increased the activity of his preparations. He sent to the Rheingrave with all speed to raise lansquenets, and already five or six thousand have been collected and have entered France. They were brought out of Germany very quietly without beat of drum, in little bands, and I have no doubt that the Emperor will take this badly, and as a sign of the evil tendency, that the Dauphin should have raised this force without giving him notice. I have kept his Majesty fully informed and I have no doubt that if these soldiers return home he will punish them. There is a rumour that some of these lansquenets are to go to Bresse and towards Provence to defend Piedmont, whither three or four thousand French adventurers have been sent to garrison the fortresses, as the Italians are not trusted. Many French and Italian captains have also been sent to Piedmont, though it is believed that the Swiss will not supply the Dauphin with troops except for the defence of his own realm if they see it attacked.
The Dauphin still insists that all his preparations are simply for defence, though the Flemings do not trust him. He has consequently reinforced all his strong places on the Flemish borders. The Spaniards who are to arrive in Italy will be very apropos to counterbalance the French in Piedmont, which these people evidently intend to hold. It is now certain that the galleys will not leave the Mediterranean this year. It is said that they are mostly fitted and armed, and these people are constantly sending ships to sea, they say for Brasil, but more likely to plunder the Emperor's subjects from the Indies, if they can catch them defenceless.
There still exists little friendship between the Dauphin and the King of England, for reasons stated in my former letter. It is to be doubted whether the Dauphin will not some night demolish the wall that the English have erected near the port of Boulogne. The English themselves are in expectation of it and stand on their guard to resist if necessary. The English refuse to include the Scots in the peace, whereat the Dauphin is much annoyed. The English Ambassador here has complained that 6,000 Scots have raided a part of Ireland and have raised the natives. They do not deserve, therefore, he contends, to be included in the treaty of peace. He (the Ambassador) was told in reply that the Irish had risen of themselves, and that the Scots had not aided them. In the meanwhile the King of England sent a fleet thither, and it is to be feared that after they had finished with Ireland they may attack Scotland on their way back. These people (the French) have been in so much fear of this that M. d'Etampes has been sent in haste to Brittany to raise 6,000 men to man the galleys and other vessels to go to Scotland if needed. Affairs may, therefore, be regarded as anything but settled between France and England, the English having again reinforced Boulogne.
On the 10th of this month the treaty of future marriage was settled in St. Germain between Horatio [Farnese] and the bastard daughter of the Dauphin, who is nine years old. His Holiness provides a dowry in cash of 200,000 crowns to buy an estate in France for Horatio, to whom he gives also an income of 25,000 crowns, and the ancient patrimony of the Farnese family and the Duchy of Castro. It is even said that he will fortify some of the places for him. I hear that his Holiness is still very hard with the Emperor, and the papal ministers here say that the Pope is much put out at the curt reception of his legate Sfondrato by his Majesty. I have no doubt that the Duke of Piacenza (fn. 9) is in full intelligence with the French through this new alliance, and that he is in fear of the Emperor, since he is blamed for the recent sedition in Genoa.
It is said that the anointing of the Dauphin at Rheims will not take place so soon as was thought, though all is ready there. They are delaying it for the return of the Constable's nephew Dandelot, in the hope that he will bring good news from the Emperor in the matter of amity, which they appear greatly to desire, notwithstanding their busy war preparations, which they insist are really for defence alone.
Poissy, 29 June, 1547.
June. Paris K. 1486.Document Headed, “News sent by the Ambassador in France.”
First to be mentioned is that the Legate Capo di Ferro has entered into communication with the ministers of the Dauphin in fulfilment of his mission on the third instant and, according to common report, his object was to suggest means for establishing a peace between the Dauphin and the Emperor. He was told in reply that the Dauphin would with much pleasure accede to an arrangement on any fair conditions; but that it would be very difficult to carry through this negotiation unless this Legate was conversant with what was being done by the other Legate, who had been sent to the Emperor on a similar errand. The intentions of the Emperor have not yet been made known, but it is publicly asserted by persons of position that this Legate has really come hither to treat of a marriage between Horatio (Farnese) with the bastard daughter of the Dauphin, and not about the peace, which is simply a compliment of the Pope, as he desires rather to maintain discord between Christian princes for his own private advantage than to bring them together in harmony. The Dauphin is willing to treat for the marriage in question, but he demands that the Pope shall give to Horatio the territory of Avignon and the county of Venaissin (fn. 10) which now belong to the Church. He also wishes for Horatio to succeed the Duke of Castro (i.e., Pier Luigi Farnese) as heir of the house of Farnese, and that 150,000 crowns should be employed in buying some pieces of this realm (France) for Horatio. It is said that the Pope inclines much to the union, but he is troubled to know how he can recompense the Church. It is also known from the Venetian Ambassador here that the Legate would be glad to negotiate a defensive league between the Pope and these people; and that if the Seigniory of Venice had liked to consent to join in it, the matter would have been concluded ere this. The King of France began this negotiation and the Seigniory replied to him that to them the league he proposed would be superfluous, as there was no war with anyone, whilst if he was desirous of entering into any war the Seigniory could not join in it as they had no territory conterminous with his. If the King of France desired to open a war with the Emperor or with the King of England the Seigniory would be called upon to pass through the State of Milan to defend it, as they were bound to do by existing treaties. If this defensive league is concluded it appears that the Duke of Piacenza (Pier Luigi Farnese) will join, as he is, it is said, suspicious of the Emperor who accuses him and the Pope having been in secret understanding with Fiesco about the conspiracy in Genoa. It is said that the Duke (of Piacenza) is already making ready a force as large as he can collect, in distrust that Don Fernando (Gonzaga, Governor of Milan) may make an attack upon his State. The said Duke a month ago sent one of his gentlemen to the Dauphin, who conferred with the ministers for four hours, at which conference there was present the Nuncio who was then about to return to Italy. He declared to Don Fernando's man that he had had a very good reception and answer, having succeeded in his mission, besides which they (the French) had given him a present of 500 crowns. With regard to this I have heard from the English Ambassador here, who said that he had it from a good source, that in dealing with this marriage with Horatio these people (the French) wished the Pope to find some means by which the State of Piacenza should descend to Horatio after the death of his father the present Duke and that an equivalent should be given to Ottavio elsewhere, (fn. 11) this being the present position of the negotiations. Still, this looks all very improbable and would be indeed incredible unless the Pope be determined to go astray altogether from reason.
Mesnage has written that the Emperor and the Pope are at great enmity, the Pope complaining bitterly that the Emperor denied audience to his Nuncio, whilst the Emperor complained that his Holiness had abandoned him in the German war, and had refused to concede to him a part of certain relics in Spain. This has set these people here (the French) on the alert, as they conclude that it indicates that the Emperor is in very urgent need of money, since he had come to such extremity as to take the relics. It is also reported here that the Pope is offended with the Emperor, because when he arranged with the Protestants he did not include his Holiness in the negotiations, in accordance with the treaty between them. The Nuncio who was with the confederates took care to make this known. The reply given to this by the Emperor's ministers was that his Majesty was not bound to secure the inclusion of the Pope unless he was treating of religious rights, which was not the case at present, and that the only point with which he was now dealing was that of rebellion. . . . .
Charges are now made against Paulin that the galleys which were under his charge have been found in very bad condition and ill supplied. What is worse still is that he has nothing to answer for the money he has received but his own person, he having lived in so prodigal a fashion.
They are raising enormous sums of money from the confirmation of the offices in France and it is believed that the amount will not fall short of 600,000 crowns. They say that over 80,000 different offices will have to be confirmed, and as the sum is so great the Dauphin at the request of some persons has consented to pay it to his treasurer before giving hope to the Seneschal of Normandy, who will distribute the greater part of it, the object of this being to satisfy people that it is to be used in this way, so that no ground shall lie at any future time for a lawsuit against her for an excessive gift. (fn. 12)
Cardinal Tournon was in this Court about a week ago, but he only came to take leave of the King to withdraw to his home. He was not very favourably received, and they did not give him a lodging in the burgh even, let alone in the castle of St. Germain. It is evident from this that there is much feeling against him, and in good truth the King hates to hear his name mentioned. All the officers of the household of the late King have been left undisturbed in their posts, especially Surdi, only that he does not sleep in the Dauphin's chamber as he did in that of his father. Young St. Andre takes his place there, and at Whitsuntide the Order was given to him, and the Marshal of France was appointed to it at the same time, but the latter is very ill of gout and much depressed. The Admiral retains his office, but he is to have an assistant in consequence of the complaints of the piracies that have taken place at sea during his time. M. d'Enghein, the Marquis de Maine and M. de St. Cadiel received the Order also at Whitsuntide and it is said that Peter Strozzi is also to receive it. . . . .
The King has left St. Germain for Compiégne, whence he will go Coutrai and so to Rheims, where he has determined to be anointed at the end of the present month of June. M. de Rheims has gone thither already to prepare for the solemnity. It is certain that if M. de Laval had not died the Dauphin would have sent him as governor to Piedmont in place of the Prince of Amalfi, who is not much trusted.
The Dauphin has again ordered all the captains to join their commands under penalty of deprivation of their places; saying that they will do much better to do their duty in their garrisons than in dangling after his Court. He refuses to let any of these captains hold offices in his household or chamber in order to give them no excuse for staying away from their commands, and to cause them to fortify their strongholds well. He has ordered them not to return unless they are summoned.
Captain Francois Bernard was despatched by the Dauphin on the 4th instant to inspect certain fortresses in Dauphine which are being strengthened. He will go thence to Provence to see what has been done in the new works there. Francois was recently dismissed, but he knew well how to play his cards, and they have retained him, although he does belong to the family of the Admiral. The Constable was ill of a colic lately and the Dauphin went to visit him once, remaining with him for two hours and showing great sympathy and anxiety for his recovery. They are fortifying in great haste Bourg in the Bresse, Lyons and Bayonne. There is a great plague in the latter place. The fortification made by the King of France near Langres has for the most part fallen down.
The Rheingrave was at this Court a week since and spoke at length with the Dauphin. In public he praised and exalted greatly the power of the Emperor, cursing the Landgrave as a man of little faith for having deserted the Elector of Saxony. He hoped soon to be despatched to Germany to raise some troops. It is reported also that Captain Aqueforte has been sent to Westphalia with the same object, and Captain Felix has undertaken to raise some men. They are all pensioners of the King of France.

Footnotes

1 She had been staying at Havering atte Bower in Essex until early in June, when she removed to Wanstead House. The house of the Duke of Norfolk above referred to was probably Framlingham Castle, but for the next few years Mary lived mostly at New Hall in Essex.
2 This was a fort on the south side of Boulogne harbour, opposite the ancient tower called the Old Man. When Henry VIII. captured the place he was advised by his Spanish mentor Alburquerque to fortify the South bank but refused, and the French had now done so.
3 Particulars of this claim will be found in the last volume of this Calendar.
4 Dr. Nicholas Wotton, Dean of Canterbury and York. It is hardly necessary to say that he did not receive the appointment.
5 It should be mentioned that these claims were made on behalf of certain subjects of the Emperor who previous to the capture of the county and city of Boulogne by the English had owned estates there. As all landed property had been appropriated by the victors, it was contended on the part of the Flemings that they being neutrals in the war, in general sympathy with the English rather than the French ought to have been excepted from the general confiscation.
6 With reference to Lope de Carrion and his claims, in which he represented certain merchants resident in Spain, see Vol. 8 of this Calendar, p. 138.
7 Mary appears to have been living at Wanstead House at this time, and it may be deduced from this letter that Van der Delft had lodgings in the village about half a mile away.
8 This was Anne Askew who had been martyred for her denial of the doctrine of transubstantiation; Gardiner, Bonner and Wriothesley being her principal persecutors. At her trial an attempt was made to connect Seymour and the protestant party with her, but she emphatically denied that she had received support from any members of Henry's Council,
9 Pier Luigi Farnese, the son of Paul III. He was shortly after this murdered by conspirators in the imperial interest.
10 The County of Venaissin the capital of which was Carpentras, in the modern French department of Vaucluse, had been a papal fief, like its neighbour Avignon, for centuries, having passed by gift to the papacy on the death of Clement V. in 1316. It was here in Carpentras that the conclave was convoked to elect Clement's successor, and the place was then sacked and destroyed by the late Pope's nephew Bertrand de Goth.
11 It will be recollected that Ottavio Farnese was the eldest son and had married the Emperor's legitimated daughter Margaret.
12 The Grande Seneschale of Normandy was of course the famous Diane de Poictiers, the mistress of Henry II. The passage is somewhat obscure in its wording, but its general meaning is unmistakable.