Spain: May 1549 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

'Spain: May 1549', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 9, 1547-1549, (London, 1912) pp. 372-383. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol9/pp372-383 [accessed 27 April 2024]

May 1549



May 2. Simancas, E. 78.	The Marques de Cortes (fn. 1) to Juan Vazquez de Molina.
	This messenger (the bearer) brought me a letter from their Highnesses (fn. 2) giving me orders on what is to be done about the English pirates who are here in custody. I am ordered to examine at the next audience (session of the court) the evidence against them, and give sentence according to their guilt; and this shall be duly done. I am commanded also to deal in the same way with as many pirates as I can get into my hands, and to send warnings to all the sea-ports. This shall be done exactly, although as I wrote to your Grace when I arrived here, I sent orders to every sea-port to be on the watch. But I will send (messengers) again at once, and with orders for every place, and will take particular care to send information about what happens. The messenger found me on my way back from La Coruña and the neighbourhood. It seemed to me advisable to send a full report on the condition of this kingdom, (fn. 3) and I will do so, for I am well informed of what is needed for the good of the country and the better service of his Majesty: and the sooner it is done the better. May your Grace meantime continue to honour me with your letters, and let me know if I can serve you in anything.
	Santiago de Compostela, 2 May, 1549.
May 3. Besançon, Ambassades de Renard, I.	The Emperor to Simon Renard.
	We are sending you herewith copies of certain letters written to our cousin, M. de Beures, (fn. 4) by the Scottish ambassador resident in France, and are joining to them the replies sent by M. de Beures, by which you will see that everything is referred to the declarations you are to make to the said ambassador. You will tell him that after we had heard the matter contained in M. de Beures' letters, we replied that, though we had always favourably treated the Scots, giving them no excuse for hostile acts against us or our lands or subjects, they had nonetheless committed so many hostile acts and so long persisted in their inimical attitude that we had been unable to avoid declaring war against them and considering them to be our enemies. This ought to be enough to show the vanity of the Scottish pretences of suggesting a communication on the question of renewing old alliances, for their fault was inexcusable, coupled as it was with the daily robberies which they still practised on our subjects. However, in accordance with our invariable desire to live in peace, if they eared to send over someone to propose suitable conditions, we would go as far as reason permitted to meet them. You will say this in precisely these terms, without going any further or giving copies of this letter; and let the matter pass between you and the said ambassador, and give him the message on behalf of M. de Beures, who has written to the ambassador that it has been entrusted to you.
	Brussels, 3 May, 1549.
May 8. Vienna, Imp. Arch. F. 28.	Simon Renard to the Emperor.
	(Extract from a letter written in cipher.)
	Sire, the dissimulation used with the English by the King of France, who always protested that he had no desire to begin a war or commit a breach of the treaties, has been proved; for under cover of these reassuring words, M. de Chatillon tried to take a fort belonging to the English, by obtaining an understanding with the garrison. The captain was warned by the very men whom Chatillon trusted, and arranged matters in such a way that Chatillon was wounded in the arm by an arquebus, two of his captains fatally wounded, and many soldiers killed and wounded, as the news have come this day. War between France and England seems a certainty. The enemies of Chatillon and the Constable his uncle, are beginning to show their envy of them by repeating everywhere that the two between them would like to govern the kingdom, and yet are doing ill service to the King, as events will prove if war breaks out in the Boulonnais. But this is mere envious talk, and nothing to build upon; for unreasoning partisanship against the Constable is plainly proved by the defamatory leaflets (libels) scattered about the court. . . . Reverting to the attack attempted by the French against the English I have been told that, the better to undo what was done, the King has ordered sixty to eighty cartloads of stakes and other implements, for fortifying the tower of Chåtillon's fort, to be sent to the front. . . .
	Paris, 8 May, 1549.
May 10. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 18.	The Emperor to Van der Delft.
	We have heard the details concerning the Protector's proposals for making the treaty of close alliance still more binding, which you sent your secretary over here to communicate to M. de Granvelle; and we praise your good offices in the matter and the dexterousness you have shown in probing the Protector's intentions, as well as in the form of your reply. Having weighed the Protector's proposals, we desire you to tell him, whenever or in whatsoever manner the opportunity presents itself, that we wish to observe the treaties fully and inviolably, and we intend them to last perpetually as it is said therein. As to the inclusion of conquests made subsequently to the treaties on both sides, we do not see how this could be done without contravention of our treaties with the French, made with the knowledge and approval of the late King of England. Moreover, we have heard that the English and French have negotiated terms, so that the inclusion proposed could not very well take effect. As to the clearing up of certain points of the treaty, if the Protector will indicate which they are, and the sense of the interpretation he would suggest, we will have them examined. With regard to the closer friendship, if they (the English) will propose means and ways, we will meet them in such a way that they will have cause to know the particular affection and goodwill we bear to the King and his kingdom of England. For this very consideration, being anxious to prove our true friendship, we cannot forbear from calling the Protector's attention to the fact that the whole of Christendom is scandalised by the innovations and changes wrought in religion since the death of the late King, and those outlined and now in process of being made; nor has there been any lack of ill-talk against us, for still desiring to remain on the same terms of close friendship with England. The Protector and Council must consider this point; and how important it is to us, because of our duty to God and our reputation in Christendom, and more particularly where a closer alliance is concerned. We are of opinion that it would be a good deed, and conducive to the peace of the King's conscience and the Protector's, and the English people's generally, if matters of religion were put back and maintained in the terms in which they were under the late King, until after the termination of the Council (of Trent): conducive, too, to the satisfaction of Christian people generally, and to the good name, safety, tranquillity and good of the kingdom.
	We make the same remark in answer to the proposed alliances of marriage which have been touched upon, for we fail to see how they could be negotiated unless the innovations cease, and the old religion be observed. We hold for certain that the Infante of Portugal, Don Luis, would not consider the matter at all unless this point were well cleared up first. Before we take any hand in this alliance, it is suitable that the allowance and dowry which they propose to give to the Princess of England our niece should be inquired into, and that we should be informed of it. Both the quality of the said Don Luis, and the position of our cousin, the Lady Mary, who must receive the consideration due to the daughter of a great King, and, besides being a lady of merits and virtue, is also her mother's daughter, and her relationships generally, call for a reasonable and honest foundation for the proposal. If this is the foundation which they propose, we will assist the marriage, doing all in our power; and we charge you to expose all this graciously, without undue forwardness, and without engaging yourself farther in the matter. Be careful to advise us of their answer, and remember that it is pretty certain that the Infante Don Luis will not entertain the idea of the marriage unless it could bring great advantages with it. For instance, the withdrawal of the recent changes in religion, and the assurance that no innovations would be attempted again. Besides the general advantage of an alliance with him, it would be greatly to the advantage of the King of England and his kingdom to sink the rights that our cousin might claim to the throne of England; but nothing must appear of this side of the matter, so as not to give colour to any jealousy or fear on their part for the present, without a counterbalancing hope for us of turning it to profit. But if you see that some advantage may be reaped from it, you may, as of your own accord, hint something to the purpose: and the Protector and other executors of the late King's will may discuss the matter among themselves, (and decide) as they are empowered to do by the terms of the said will. For the question of succession in the event of the King's death is not one that can be (openly) weighed in the decision regarding the proposal of marriage.
	As to Controller Paget's wish to come and see us to expand and elucidate the treaty, it will be better to put off his visit unless it seems to you that some good may come of it. The English may be trying to accomplish something to their advantage against the French: we must beware of this.
	The representations you have made to the Protector in the matter of religion and the conversations you have had with him are adequate, and the same applies to what you said with respect to our cousin. Keep to these terms; and when you see that the opportunity is favourable, bring in what is said above. More particularly, with regard to the answer given you by the Protector when speaking of the innovations and changes made in religion, namely, that he will not inquire into what our cousin may choose to do, it appears to us that this declaration does in no way ensure her safety for the future, for she may be troubled and persecuted whenever they see fit to do so hereafter, with the excuse that she is committing a breach of the law. Put these considerations before the Protector from us, and ask him to give her a written assurance in definite, suitable and permanent form, that notwithstanding all new laws and ordinances made upon religion she may live in the observance of our ancient religion as she has done up to the present; so that neither the King nor Parliament may ever molest her, directly or indirectly by any means whatever. If you see that he makes difficulties about it, and will not agree, make no definite answer but say that you will communicate with us. You may add, as from yourself, that the refusal seems very strange to you, and that you cannot say how we may take it or look upon it.
	As for you, you must continue to have mass said publicly as long as ever you are able to do so without coming to an open breach. You will inform us constantly of the progress of this business; of the way in which you and our cousin are being treated; and what the French ambassador is doing.
	You will inform our cousin that we have received the letters written to us with her own hand; that we have been very much pleased to hear good news of her, and to hear that she remains firm and faithful, as she has written to us and declared to you, and that we shall not fail to favour her. Send someone discreet from among your people to her, to ask her to excuse our writing to her, as our letters might be intercepted, and to take the message I have sent through you for her.
	We recommend you to give your help to the end that the business of private persons may be despatched successfully; and in what concerns your affairs, we request you to be pleased to continue at your post, and we will bear your services in mind and withdraw you from your charge when it is possible to do so conveniently.
	Brussels, 10 May, 1549.
May 22. Vienna, Imp. Arch. F. 28.	Simon Renard to the Emperor. (fn. 5)
	Sire, I informed your Majesty in my last letter but one, of the attempt made by M. de Chatillon to surprise a fort near Boulogne belonging to the English. I could not give your Majesty the name of the fort as my informant did not know it. I have heard since from the English ambassador that it was the fort of Boulemberg; and that M. de Chatillon, two hours after midnight, having put up the ladders and ropes and fastened them, to put his plan into execution, was discovered by the watch, and, as I have heard, by the very men with whom he thought to have an understanding. He was repulsed seven times, and they fought hand to hand. It is said that nearly two hundred of his men were killed, and that he was wounded twice, in the arm and in the leg, from the bursting of a gun. The English believe that four of their guns on the side batteries had been tampered with, for each one of them burst at the first shot. The captain of Boulemberg is pursuing an inquiry. Suspicion arose from the fact that on the night the attack was made, from sixty to eighty soldiers belonging to the garrison were absent from the fort. It is believed that without the women's help, their artillery failing them, they would have had trouble to save the fort. The news have been received here very diversely. Some are in favour of Chatillon; others laugh at him, saying that the ladders were too short, and that one should be careful to take exact measures in a matter of such consequence, and fraught with so much danger, and other speeches such as they are wont to make, speaking ever according to their prejudices. However, the King has spoken favourably of M. de Chatillon in the presence of the princes and other great personages, praising the undertaking and showing that he valued it. In truth, Sire, if it had succeeded, Boulogne would have been of little use to the English owing to the difficulty of revictualling it. At the same time it happened that the English surprised and killed two to three hundred French and Scots who were marauding and burning villages on the Border, took about two hundred prisoners, and succeeded moreover in revictualling Haddington, as the ambassador told me. He, together with a gentleman named d'Eschele (Shelley ?), sent as special envoy from England, complained to the King of M. de Chatillon's attack, which constituted a breach of the treaty and truce agreed between them, and broke the assurance given them in the past and lately repeated that nothing should be undertaken in contravention of the said treaty. He requested the King of France to declare whether the attack was made by his orders, or if he would acknowledge it, and challenged him to say whether he intended to keep the treaties or not. For their part the English intended to observe every point scrupuously, and had done nothing against them, nor given provocation to justify the attack. From what I have gathered from both sides, the King's answer seems to have been that he had given no orders to Chatillon to act against the treaties, which he intended to keep. He ordered Chatillon to make reprisals if the English committed any fresh breach of the treaties, and if the English had been guilty of attempting anything of the kind, Chatillon might well have taken his revenge and carried out the King's orders. He declared that he had been warned of a plan to take Chatillon's fort by surprise; that the English had burned the church of St. Etienne and trespassed on French territory beyond the limits justified by the presence of Chatillon's forces. The English seemed to him to be in the wrong, judging by appearances; but he would give orders that matters should go no further.
	The English, Sire, after burning Belle Isle (fn. 6), towards Normandy (sic), built a fort there and armed it so expeditiously that the French and Scots who expected to land on the said island were compelled to withdraw, and informed the King for their excuse that the fort was built without their knowledge, and that they never expected the English to build a fort in that place. Their excuses profited them little. The King was so incensed against the captains in that quarter that he declared he would have them punished in an exemplary manner. Although this is the condition of affairs between France and England at present, Carneseque affirms that the King, having failed in his designs, wishes to make a three years' truce with the English. The Constable, too, in conversation with the English ambassador, after some high talk about the might and magnificence of the King of France, fell to such devising as that the wisest course was to guard against complete ruin; that the remedy against their troubles lay in the very questions they were debating; that each side ought to admit its own faults; and that your Majesty, who was the real cause of their dissensions and the present war, waxed ever stronger both in arms and in good repute while they were both spending all their strength in strife; and that in the end your Majesty would make war on both of them.
	I believe, Sire, that the Scottish ambassador informed the King and the Constable immediately of all I had said, when I spoke to him on the part of M. de Beures; for nothing is done by Scotland without the advice of the so-called Council of Scotland, formed here, and without the assent of the King. I presume that the Constable told the English ambassador that your Majesty would renew the old alliance with the Scots, and passed on to say that your Majesty would settle outstanding affairs and then make war on France and England; for the ambassador came to see me immediately after his return from St. Germain to ascertain whether I had conversed with the Scottish ambassador. His interrogatory was masked by desultory and inconsequent meanderings, but I gave him no answer to the chief point except when he repeated it, and I said, allowing him to see that I had a shrewd suspicion of what was in his mind, that I had known the present (Scottish) ambassador formerly in the Low Countries when he was merely Secretary, and that at St. Germain I saw him and greeted him, but put off the visit customary between ambassadors to a more suitable occasion. Carneseque assures me that, though they are putting a good face on the matter, the King desires a truce with England, believing that in three years' time he will be better able to decide what can and shall be done with them, and that your Majesty's intentions will be plain to him by then. Last week the King sent eighteen large guns to Picardy with the necessary ammunition. Some say they are destined for the fort near Boulogne, to damage the English fort; others that they are intended for the frontier garrisons.
	The King sent Colonel Melun to reconnoitre the fort built by the English in Belle Isle; he has not yet returned. This is all I have been able to ascertain. . . .
	Sire, on the 19th of this month the christening of the Duke of Orleans was celebrated with the greatest pomp, in the presence of the cardinals, prelates, princes and nobility of France, and furnished the occasion for public feasting and the usual rejoicings. . . .
	Poissy, 22 May, 1549.
May 28. Paris, K. 1488.	The Emperor to Simon Renard.
	(Extract) . . .
	What you heard from Colonel Melun, that the preparations made by the King ostensibly for the assistance of Scotland, were intended to incline the English to peace rather than to foment war, suggests that the aim of the French is to achieve a truce and the cessation of hostilities. The same is probably true of the English, but considering that the difficulty about Boulogne stands between them, and is a constant source of irritation to both, the settlement of the question presents great difficulties and holds still greater ones in reserve. It is idle to look for a reconciliation or agreement in the near future, and we request you to be ever watchful in inquiring and ascertaining as accurately as possible the terms on which the English and French stand with one another, and sending us information on the subject.
	With regard to the suspicion entertained by the French that the Pope may negotiate with us, you will do well to keep yourself well informed of the attitude of the French towards his Holiness, and of the character of their relations with him, as the nuncio resident here touches upon that question from time to time. Find out, especially, whether there is any likelihood of their intending to send people to Rome to work on the general reformation of the Church, as they have sometimes considered doing without ever putting it into effect. Inquire carefully also into the character of the debates over the league with the Switzers; and if you are told that we are opposing it, make the same answer that we sent to President de St. Mauris, your predecessor, to the effect that we have never tried to interfere with the continuance of the former alliances between the Swiss confederations and the King of France, these alliances not being prejudicial to the Holy Empire, the House of Austria or our own patrimony, but that we resent the King of France's recent attempts to accomplish something frankly inimical to us, with strange and unbecoming words and actions unsuited to the amity and good neighbourliness which the French have so often protested they were anxious to observe. . . With regard to what is being said over there that the Pope and the Venetians are joining the league, we have discovered no sign up to the present that this is so. Nor do we see any grounds for their joining it, as the league is being urged on the bases of the former league between the Swiss confederations and the late King, which only concerned him and his kingdom. But the present King is attempting to include the territory (fn. 7) he has since occupied, and may occupy in the future, which cannot be in the interests of his Holiness, the Venetians nor other potentates. For the same reason there is small likelihood that what is being said over there concerning the Duke of Wurttemberg is true. If an alliance is proposed at all it must include all the powers, mentioned above, as principal parties to it, and be framed differently from the King of France's idea. Don Fernando's (Gonzaga) envoy to the Swiss confederations has heard nothing of it. As to the confederation of the Strassburghers with the Switzers, their deputy, who is here, now affirms and certifies that there is no truth in the report; and this indeed seems likely, particularly because he is here for the acceptance of the Interim, while the French boast that they have the principal men of Strassburg won over to their side, even James Sturmius who has always been notoriously adverse to the French. Nevertheless you will do well to inquire and ascertain as much as you are able; and the same applies to the people of Metz, over whom we are ever watchful, to circumvent the designs and plottings of the French. . . . (In a second letter of the same date there are instructions to the ambassador to complain that the French are still breaking the peace and harrying the English territory of the Old Conquest, and that the Scots have again interfered with Flemish shipping.)
	Brussels, 28 May, 1549.
May 28. Vienna Imp. Arch. F. 28.	Simon Renard to the Emperor.
	(Extract from a letter written in cipher. The letter begins with an account of complaints made to the King of France by the ambassador, of French attacks on Spanish, Flemish, and English vessels, with the pretext of helping the Scots, and of the harbouring of Scottish pirates and their plunder in French ports. The King replies that he is now Protector of Scotland by the alliance of the young Queen with the Dauphin, and also that his treaties and ancient friendship with that country oblige him to treat the subjects of the Queen as if they were his own. In his turn the King complains that the Emperor aids the English, does all he can to obstruct the action of the French in Scotland and to prevent a French-Swiss league.)
	I wrote to your Majesty in my last letters that a truce between France and England was being discussed here; and the accuracy of the rumour had been confirmed to me by the English ambassador, who added that Commissioners were to be nominated to examine the quarrel about Boulogne and establish who was to blame for the first breach of the treaties. The Governor's (fn. 8) answer about the inclusion of Scotland and the razing of the English fort at Belle Isle, of which the King makes a condition before anything is done, is expected. The ambassador told me he did not think the truce could be arranged because of these two conditions, and also because the King was making great preparations to attack the said fort, which would be extremely harmful to the French if left in English hands, as it controlled the sea passages to and from Normandy and Brittany. He has sent Peter Strozzi and Bernicole, his lieutenant, with other captains, on the recommendation of Colonel Melun, whom he sent to reconnoitre the fort and make a report. The King has advanced the date of his entry into Paris, so that, the ceremony once over, he may send a strong force to that part, having been warned by Colonel Melun that a two month's delay would make it well-nigh impossible to recover the fort. This morning the King desired to assist at the passing in review of the guilds of Paris, to see what kind of appearance they were going to make at his entry; and he has ordered the arches and triumphal erections to be hurried on as much as possible, being determined to make war on England and recover the said fort if the proposed truce falls through. In the meantime they skirmish continually, and report has it that the English have revictualled Boulogne and beaten the French force that tried to prevent them, killing Captain Bedin of the light horse regiment, near Ardres. They say, Sire, that the English have built three large forts and two small ones on the said island (of Belle Isle), and all are ready in a state of defence. The Admiral and Colonel Melun, who were in the neighbourhood reconnoitring, dared not approach too near as they were shot at. The reports sent by the Colonel show that there are men and victuals in the forts and that they will be difficult to take, as the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, in possession of the English, are not far distant, and assistance will be forthcoming from that quarter. . . . The English have passed certain laws about religion which are said to be scandalous and heretical. I am getting a copy of them to send to your Majesty. . . .
	. . . During the last fortnight certain Lutherans have torn down and smashed the images in a church in Lyons and committed outrages dangerous in themselves, and leading to evil consequences. . . .
	Paris, 26 May, 1549.
May 28. Vienna Imp. Arch. E. 17.	Van der Delft to the Emperor. (fn. 9)
	Sire, in obedience to the letter from your Majesty of the 28th of last month, I went to see the Protector and told him what your Majesty commanded me to say about Sebastian Cabot. The Protector answered that Sebastian had been recommended to them as a good and expert pilot by the Admiral, and having received his discharge from your Majesty's service in a letter written by your Majesty to the Council of the Indies, which they (the English Council) handed over to me, as a subject of this kingdom he now desired to serve his King. But if it would further your Majesty's service that the letter should be delivered in person by the said Sebastian, the Protector would be pleased to allow him to fulfill his mission, for although he has always been the King's servant (i.e. subject) he is entirely and for that very reason at your Majesty's command and disposal. Sebastian has been sent for from Bristol where he is living at present, and on his arrival I will give him your Majesty's letter, received after your letters of the 10th. I carried out your Majesty's instructions contained in these last, and held communication with the Protector on the points named therein.
	With regard to the treaty (with France) he told me he would speak more fully before long. He thanked your Majesty for warning him of the opinion generally held about the English, because of innovations and changes in religion since the death of the late King, adding that he hoped, when the truth came to light, it would not be thought so odious as its outward appearance was now taken to be, for nothing had been changed or introduced except in conformity with Holy Writ, and for the service of God. I could not let this pass unchallenged, but he, persisting in his own opinion, said to me: “You must know that all has been done by common accord with the bishops and learned men of the kingdom; we have conceived and couched our proposals without a single dissenting voice, after due examination and discussion. These were greatly needed to repress and stifle the dissensions bred within the realm, and although his Majesty may be convinced that our right course would have been to leave things as they were in the late King's time until the termination of the Council of Trent, yet if the causes and considerations that moved us to act were known to him, and how soberly we have proceeded in this matter, he would impute less blame to us.” Perceiving that there was hope of gaining something, I remonstrated with him, as your Majesty charged me to do, and tried to obtain the letters of assurance for the Lady Mary. He replied that it was not in his power to act against the laws passed by the Parliament, and that I asked for something dangerous to the kingdom. If the King and his sister, to whom the whole kingdom was attached as heiress to the crown in the event of the King's death, were to differ in matters of religion, dissension would certainly spring up. Such was the character of the nation, he said; and he hoped the Lady Mary would use her wisdom and conform with the King, to avoid such an emergency and keep peace within the realm. He would not inquire into her private conduct if she had not yet come to their way of thinking. I assured him she had not, and repeated again what I had said before to him, that your Majesty would not allow her to embrace the new religion even if she were capable of inconstancy. “Well” said he, “she shall do as she thinks best until the King comes of age, and meanwhile she will find me her good servant as I have always been, and I shall not cease to favour her in everything that is not prejudicial to the King.” I pressed him earnestly to grant her the assurance; but he replied that it was not in his power to grant letters patent in contradiction to an act of Parliament, especially where so much harm might follow. I said that his refusal seemed strange to me and I could not say how your Majesty would take it. Your Majesty had been informed by me of our conversation on the Portuguese match, and you saw no way of approaching the subject while religious innovations were still going on and the old religion was not restored. In your Majesty's opinion the Infante Don Luis would have nothing to say to it until that point was clearly arranged. Moreover, before your Majesty took any part in furthering the alliance it was suitable that the dowry and allowance of the Lady Mary should be inquired into and ascertained, so that you might judge whether the proposal was resting on a reasonable and proper foundation, and whether the quality of the Infante Don Luis and of the Lady Mary was receiving due consideration. “Where religion is concerned,” replied the Protector to me, “I can add nothing to what I have said already. If the Infante Don Luis will not consider the marriage for that reason our maid will have to practise patience.” And upon this he turned to other subjects without adding a word about the dowry or the allowance they would give her. It seems to me, Sire, that he is not very desirous of furthering the match, though it would suit the lady well, who spends her days in great distress, holding fast to her only hope, that your Majesty will never fail her where her welfare is at stake. She is at present in Norfolk, eighty miles from this place, and I have sent secret messengers to give her information on those matters she had repeatedly recommended to me before her departure.
	The Protector told me also that a gentleman named Shelley (?) had been sent by them to the King of France to make complaints of M. de Chatillon's attacks against them in the Boulonnais, and of his attempt to take the fort of Boulemberg by surprise. He returned with fair words in plenty from the King, as if he intended to observe the treaties; “but,” said the Protector, “we shall be on our guard, and not trust overmuch to words.”
	He said to me also, that they were about to fortify an island named Altierre, (fn. 10) lying six miles off the mouth of the Rouen river (Seine), whence some day they could better molest the French. They say that Haddington has been revictualled by land and by sea, and that Boulogne is well provided. The Earl of Warwick is going, presumably to Scotland, as General of the army. He has had a long illness, but came back to court at Greenwich three days ago.
	A rumour has reached us here these last few days that the peasants in the West have risen and taken the parks that certain lords had attempted to enclose unfairly, adding them to their property, and have made common land of them. I have heard to-day that a good five thousand men have risen in arms in the North, but have committed no damages.
	Martin Bucer and Fagius (fn. 11) have come hither from Germany. I hear Bucer is not over-inclined to stay here, though a good salary has been offered to him.
	I shall continue to have mass celebrated publicly, according to your Majesty's commands; the French ambassador is doing the same, and I do not think any rebuke will come.
	I am expecting from hour to hour to be sent for, as the Protector is to declare his intention to me on those points he promised to dwell upon at greater length. I will inform your Majesty diligently of every thing.
	Greenwich, 28 May, 1549.