Spain: May 1555, 21-25 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 13, 1554-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1954.

'Spain: May 1555, 21-25', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 13, 1554-1558, (London, 1954) pp. 175-193. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp175-193 [accessed 24 April 2024]

May 1555, 21–25



	193. Ruy Gómez Silva to Eraso
Hampton Court, 22 May	I would have written to you as you asked me to do about the Queen's giving birth if I had seen in her any sign of heaviness. These last days she has been walking all about the garden on foot, and she steps so well that it seems to me that there is no hope at all for this month. I asked Dr. Calagila what he thought about her Highness's condition, and when she would be delivered. He said it might happen any day now, for she had entered the month. But according to her count it would not be strange if her delivery were to be delayed until the 6th of June.
	Holograph. Spanish.
	Simancas, E.808.
	194. The Peace Commissioners to the Emperor
Gravelines, 23 May	Sire: Following what we wrote to your Majesty last Monday, Lord Paget was sent by his colleagues of the British delegation to Ardres, and agreed with the French the proceedings to take place on the first day, as he had settled with us the day before. The English deputation informed us of this by one of the Chancellor's gentlemen. Paget then sent a note to me (Bishop of Arras), asking me to send him one of my people. This I did immediately, and he sent us word about what he had done with the French, as above. Also, that the Cardinal of Lorraine, at whose quarters he also found the Constable, had strongly insisted that the grievances should be stated by each party in presence of the other and of the mediators. Paget reminded them that the English had thought that as the questions had not been at all thrashed out yet, it would be preferable for the mediators to begin by ascertaining what each side demanded. The Cardinal replied that your Majesty's person was not one about whom offensive remarks would be made, and that they knew the commissioners whom you were employing for these negotiations would be so moderate that they would not wish to speak of the King, his master, in an unsuitable tone. However, Paget stuck to what his colleagues had already said, merely agreeing to report to them what the Cardinal now proposed.
	Paget sent us word that he had seen Ardres, which place did not seem to him to deserve its reputation, and indeed that he had never seen anything worse. The French would be uncomfortable there. The tents that had been put up would not suffice to shelter so many people, and food supplies would be running out, although the English would do their best to revictual the place on this occasion. The French had already sent away the soldiers who had accompanied them, and certainly those who remained were very few in number, not amounting to more than the ordinary garrisons. Their German troops were now near St. Quentin. They had sent sixteen ensigns of foot, good French troops, four companies of gendarmes and ten of light horse towards Champagne in the direction of Marienbourg. At Ardres itself there were not more than 500 men of the ordinary garrison. Consequently, he had not wished to insist much on a truce on the French side. He had mentioned it in passing, however, whereupon the Cardinal and Constable had exchanged a glance and had given him the impression that they did not like the idea. But nothing further had happened about it.
	Yesterday, after dinner, the Legate sent the Abbot of San Saluto to tell each one of us personally how glad the Legate was that the remonstrances of the Queen of England and his own had moved your Majesty to send your representatives. He hoped for success. Aside, he said to me (Bishop of Arras) that the Legate thought that as he was an ecclesiastic, like the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Chancellor of England and myself, it might not be inopportune for an ecclesiastical beginning to be made, we four churchmen meeting together early in the morning at a solemn mass, after which the English would entertain the whole company at dinner, to be followed by a session.
	I replied that as he knew the place was a good two leagues and a half away, and the time was short. Before everything was ready there would be openings for ruses. Such a large company of people, who had been enemies up to the present, could not meet together at a banquet without incidents taking place; as he knew, I was afraid that the dinner might give rise to confusion. We had agreed to meet on so good a day, hoping that, before setting out for the conference, each side would pray God in its own quarters for the success of this holy undertaking, which I trusted would be followed by the prayers of the whole of Christendom. At this, the Abbot said that when the Legate made the suggestion to the English delegation, they and especially Paget had said the same thing, and had dwelt on the drawbacks that might attend a dinner given at such an early stage to so large a company, and the public scandal that might result without any compensating advantage. The Cardinal had acquiesced, though he had thought it well to put forward the suggestion.
	When I, the Duke of Medinaceli, was informed that a session was going to take place to-day, I set out yesterday evening for Dunkerque where I am remaining to-day so as to be ready to attend the first meeting. Although my household had not yet arrived, I set aside all consideration of my own convenience and was guided only by my concern for your Majesty's service.
	Early this morning we attended a solemn mass, with an invocation of the Holy Ghost to lend grace to our labours. Meantime, we sent word to the mediators that our company would carry pistols, given the circumstances, but that in order to avoid disorder and to make outer appearances harmonise with peaceful intentions, if the French could be persuaded not to carry arms, our people would also leave theirs aside. The French in fact willingly agreed thus to do, and we did the same.
	Immediately after dinner we set out for the place of meeting (i.e. Marcq), in order to arrive between one and two o'clock. We sent some people ahead to find out what following the French had with them, and found that it was as had been agreed. A quarter of a league from this town, where English territory begins, we were met by the Deputy of Calais accompanied by several gentlemen, among them the Warden of the port and the Treasurer of Calais, who led us to the place where negotiations were to begin. On arrival, we found waiting for us in our quarters the Bishop of Winchester, Chancellor, the Earl of Arundel and Lord Paget. After welcoming us they returned to their own tent, whereupon we went as previously arranged to pay our respects to the Legate. He advanced to meet us at the entry into the tent, and after having conducted us to his room and received our thanks for the trouble he had taken to bring about peace in Christendom, he made us a long speech emphasising the joy he felt at our coming and his hope that this negotiation would bear good fruit. God had been pleased to grant success to one of the two undertakings with which he had been entrusted, namely to make peace between the people of England, God and His Church. The other was to reconcile your Majesty and the King of France. God had begun by the most important task, and the Legate hoped that He would also complete the other, with the assistance of the Queen, through whom He had operated in a miraculous manner. The Legate added that his hope in this connexion was strengthened by the fact that he had had a good and comfortable Channel crossing, unlike those that he had usually experienced. We answered that our hopes were also founded on the grounds he had mentioned, and that your Majesty's will was everything that could be desired. We had come to this place minded to act as good ministers in so worthy a cause.
	Then, in order not to waste time and to allow the French to carry out the same ceremonies, we left the Legate and retired to our tent, while the French waited on the Legate.
	Soon afterwards, the Bishop of Winchester came to conduct us to the conference hall, telling us that the Earl of Arundel was doing the same for the French and that the Legate was already awaiting us. He informed us that on this first occasion the proceedings would be confined to ceremony, although the French would have liked to have a discussion in the presence of both parties. The English had been against this, because at that rate we would soon have been at loggerheads. They did not presume to seek information, take cognisance of the issues or act as judges between two such great princes, but merely to be mediators in the hope of being able to find some means of reaching an agreement. He thought that after we had entered the hall and greeted the Legate, we and the French should greet each other with every sign of friendliness, as we had come to this place to bring it about. We answered that we would follow the road he pointed out, and execute your Majesty's intentions. As for the French, we would be guided by their own behaviour, and would not allow ourselves to be outdone in courtesy and politeness. We then entered the hall, where the French had already arrived. After having bowed to the Legate, we paused until the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Constable and their suite stepped forward to embrace us, according to their wont, which gesture we responded to with the same countenance. The Legate sat down at the head of the table, with the English deputation next to him. He caused us to be seated at his right, down the long side of the table, as had been agreed. The Constable then said, with a very cheerful expression, that we might sit wherever the Legate pleased to put us, and he would take any place we left for him. To that, we made no answer, as he had spoken to the Legate; we pretended not to have heard the remark and sat down where we were told to.
	When we were all seated, the Legate began precisely the same speech we had already heard from him, over again, adding that when Our Lord left this world He had recommended peace to His apostles, telling them that wherever they might go peace was to be their greeting. A very great opportunity now offered, for as the persons who had met here were what he knew them to be, he felt sure that if peace was reached here at once, peace the world over would result. He dwelt again on the joy he felt because your Majesty and the King of France had sent your commissioners here, and his hope of a happy issue, exhorting us all to do our duty. Then, we replied on your Majesty's behalf that we felt sure it was unnecessary for us to make a long speech about your Majesty's devotion to the cause of peace, for the whole of your life bore witness to it. Although you were a prince who understood the art of war, you had always tried to avoid recourse to arms in Christendom, so as to be able to resist the enemies of our holy religion. Every time the Legate had spoken with your Majesty, he had seen how greatly you desired to achieve peace, provided it were good, stable and reasonable. At the request of the Queen of England and of the Legate, your Majesty had made up your mind to send us to this meeting with adequate powers, which we would exhibit when desired. We had been instructed to use our best efforts to achieve peace, provided it were to be as we had defined it. There were among us men of the short and of the long robe, but those whose calling was to bear arms would never use them except with this object of peace in view. And those who wore the long robe would bear themselves in a manner suitable to their profession. We concluded by asserting our desire to do our best, realising as we did that the whole of Christendom was watching this conference with great hopes. If only proposals permitting progress to be made were put forward, we would contribute to the best of our ability to a cause that was greatly in the interest of all Christendom. It was unnecessary to expatiate on the great need of peace, for past happenings and future apprehensions made it sufficiently evident.
	The Cardinal of Lorraine followed by bearing similar witness to the desire for peace felt by the King of France, himself, the Constable and his other colleagues. He referred to the efforts made by the late Pope Julius and his sending of legates, and the zeal for peace which they had observed in the King. He alluded to the Legate's remarks about the form of greeting which Our Lord had recommended to His disciples, and said that we should all bear in mind what followed in that same passage of the Gospels: namely that the disciples were to shake the dust from their shoes to the confusion of any who might not accept the pacific salutation. He added that the Constable had performed great feats of arms, to his deathless fame, but had always been devoted to peace, as he himself (the Cardinal of Lorraine) was bound by his profession to be.
	The Constable then said he had little to add, except to remind the Legate that he had had occasion to observe how strongly inclined to peace were the wills of the King, of the Cardinal and himself, for they had often been instructed to discuss together with the Legate on affairs concerning peace by the King, their master. Your Majesty, the late M. de Granvelle and other lovers of peace had known him, and he would always gladly work for so great a blessing, which he desired above all things to achieve. He and his colleagues had sufficient powers, which might be examined at once, together with ours, as they formed the basis of our negotiations. Both sides then handed their powers to the Legate, who passed ours to the French, and theirs to us. When we had read them, the Constable observed that this matter of powers was a mere ceremony, and he was certain that we had been supplied by your Majesty with what was required. He and his colleagues had the same from their King, who had come to Paris on purpose to sign. We assented to these remarks.
	After the Legate and his colleagues had conferred in English, the Bishop of Winchester rose and said that judging from what had been said on both sides, the desire to make peace could not be greater. All that remained was to negotiate. He therefore asked what more they could do in order to make sure that so much good will did not fail to produce a result. He added that it seemed to them that it would not be advantageous to bring out grievances on one side and the other; for to proceed thus might do more harm than good. They did not wish to set themselves up as judges, but only to act as mediators. The Constable interrupted him, remarking that he had taken part in several negotiations of this sort, recalling those held at Fiton sheds and the meeting subsequently held at Nice, in presence of the Pope. He had always seen questions argued by both sides, without any bitterness being caused, remarks being limited to that which might serve the cause of peace, to the exclusion of anything that might give offence. Your Majesty being so gentle a Prince, and he (the Constable) being so sure of our moderation, he had no doubt that we would show the respect due to the King his master and to his deserts.
	He emphasised that to proceed thus would be a saving of time, which we all wished not to waste; and he desired us to make known our views on this point. After the English had argued in the contrary sense, the Constable insisted further on hearing our opinion. We replied that although it seemed to us that things were still in a somewhat crude state for negotiations to be begun as he suggested, he might remember that on the two occasions to which he had referred a beginning had been made by intermediaries who had ascertained the views of each side, we nevertheless would submit to what the English mediators might consider best. As we had come here at their request, we would follow whatever road they pointed out to us and your Majesty's instructions authorised, wherefore we would leave it to them to decide whether negotiations were to be direct or through intermediaries.
	The English pronounced in favour of indirect consultation, and said that they desired the delegations to decide whether they would send someone to them, or the English should send one of their delegates to the other two. The Constable immediately proposed that each delegation should come to this place, for he felt certain that there would be no one in either delegation who would be willing to accept so much responsibility alone, wherefore it would be preferable that the whole delegation should be present. He believed that we would share his scruples on this point, and added that however old he might be he would regret no trouble he might take in so good a cause, for he had often taken as much in the past for matters of much less concern, and God be thanked he was sufficiently strong to undertake it. In truth, Sire, we found him looking remarkably well. I, the Bishop of Arras, thought he seemed younger and stronger than when your Majesty saw him on your journey through France. (fn. 1) On his offering to come back the next day so that the English might hear each delegation present its case, the English accepted this offer and we also gave our consent, in order that we might the sooner discover what line the French intended to take. This done, the meeting rose, and some English gentlemen came in with wine and refreshments. Some Frenchmen also entered, as did some of those who had accompanied us. They all showed great desire to see an agreement reached, and spoke very civilly to us. We then took leave of the English and French delegations and returned to Gravelines, whence we intend to set out again tomorrow to hold another meeting.
	Signed: the Duke of Medinaceli, the Bishop of Arras, de Lalaing, P. de Lalaing, Vigtius de Zwichem, F. de Eraso. French.
	Vienna, F.21.
	195. Don Juan Manrique de Lara to the Emperor
Rome, 24 May	Yesterday, Ascension day, the Cardinal of Naples (fn. 2) was made Pope. The French were the first to adore him. The day before yesterday, at twenty hours, they and some of the Imperial votes, as I will write in fuller detail by Portillo, led him to the Chapel. The Chamberlain, together with 17 or 18 votes including the Cardinals of Mantua, Trent, Pacheco, (fn. 3) La Cueva (fn. 4) and Burgos, (fn. 5) as well as other Italians who owe your Majesty nothing, opposed as long as they could, because they knew what was desired by the King (Philip) and your Majesty. So this man is Pope. He will have to understand that he must be a good father to all; otherwise he will find he has bad sons. He is very old and his relatives are poor and in great need of serving your Majesty. As he and the Apostolic See are poor, he cannot do much. Nothing remains but that your Majesty and the King should not reward or show gratitude to those whose names I shall write to you, who have suffered the last degree of martyrdom for our sake, and that you should reward the others, whose names I will also give you, and who have made this man Pope. I beg your Majesty to remove me from this place. It is not fair to make me stay here for another papal vacancy. Let my charge go to Carpi and Santiago (words underlined in cipher). Their ambition makes them take sides against your Majesty's subjects as soon as any difficulty occurs and behave in a manner that appals everybody. I will write again by Portillo, for though they may have made me lose this day, they will not make me forego the liberty of speaking the truth to your Majesty. I protest before God and your Majesty that you will never have a Pope who is an honest man and devoted to you unless you reward those who have come out for you and maltreat a little those who flout your will. I must freely tell you that the line followed during the vacancy after Pope Julius Ill's death was a great mistake. Your Majesties must do as your interest demands and not be withheld by false considerations which discourage the good and give heart to the bad. Otherwise, the good become lukewarm and the others do not improve. I beg your Majesty to show some liberality to Firmin, who has rendered and is rendering good service.
	P.S. I beg your Majesty to leave it to God to be merciful and not punish anyone, to God who rains on the just and unjust alike. You had better imitate the King of France, who sees to it that he is feared, and that those who deserve it love him.
	Signed. The P. S. holograph. Spanish.
	Simancas, E.882.
	196. The Cardinal of Santiago (fn. 6) to the Emperor
Rome, 25 May	Desiring that your Majesty should know what happened in the recent papal election, and not having great confidence in the objectivity and freedom from passion of those who will be writing to you about it, I wish to send your Majesty a full account of the proceedings. I humbly beg you to read my letter and to believe everything I write, for I assure your Majesty that I will not depart one jot or tittle from the truth but will tell you sincerely, as I am speaking to my King and Lord, precisely what occurred. But first, I wish to kiss your Majesty's feet and hands for the favour you showed me by mentioning me among the cardinals to be supported for the papacy. Although this would have been very big for me and beyond my strength to assume, I greatly prize the remembrance your Majesty had of me.
	Immediately after Pope Marcellus's death, Don Juan Manrique, then in bed, summoned the Spanish cardinals present in Rome, and made known to us your Majesty's will concerning the election of a new Pontiff. He told us that your Majesty had named (fn. 7) the Cardinal of England, Cardinal Carpi, myself and Cardinal Morone, in this order, and desired that if the first could not be elected, our votes should go to the second, and so on. He also said that your Majesty wished Cardinal Santa Fiora to conduct the affair, with the advice of Cardinals Mantua and Trent. He was answered that Mantua was not at all suitable, because he had shown ill-will when Pope Marcellus was elected, and was dissatisfied with your Majesty for having taken the Milan appointment away from his brother, Don Fernando (Gonzaga). He had permitted himself to say in public that he had come to elect a Pope who would be the right man for himself and his family rather than for your Majesty, of whom he complained on the ground that he had been shabbily treated.
	Don Juan answered that he agreed, and would proceed in consequence. Afterwards, however, he did not do so. It was also said to him that it would be necessary to tell Cardinal Pacheco plainly, as soon as he arrived to take part in the Conclave, that he was not to do anything but give his vote in conformity with your Majesty's instructions. This was told to Don Juan because when Pope Julius III was elected we saw Cardinal Pacheco trying to do many things that did not help and indeed caused disturbance: for instance, he attempted to promote the election of Cardinal Trani (fn. 8) who besides being openly against your Majesty was not a person possessing the qualities needed in a Pope, or even other more modest qualities which I need not mention here. Don Juan replied that he would take this advice. We then went into Conclave and, in the most peaceful manner in the world, set about our business of electing a Pope, in which I assure your Majesty that Don Juan's instructions given to us on your behalf were always observed. I gave my vote to one of the three cardinals whom he had named, and especially to Cardinal Carpi. So we proceeded in peace and quiet taking votes, until Cardinal Pacheco (fn. 9) arrived and upset everything. He straightway began negotiating regardless of the instructions we had received. Up to that time, we had been working in favour of Cardinal Morone rather than for Cardinal Carpi or myself, although we had been named before Morone, because Don Juan would have it so, either on account of his friendship for Cardinal Morone or because of some personal passion of his. Now, when Don Juan saw that Cardinal Morone could not be elected without an attempt first being made in favour of those of us whom your Majesty had named, he sent word to Cardinal Pacheco to employ himself for Cardinal Puteo (fn. 10) and to let it be known that your Majesty supported him. Thus the Imperialists began to work for him. When I became aware of this, and saw how far your Majesty's instructions were being departed from, knowing also what a great difference there was between the Cardinal of Naples and Cardinal Puteo, who though a good man cannot be compared with the Cardinal of Naples, of whose Christian virtues, zeal and learning your Majesty may be sure, for the whole world has witnessed his qualities for the last fifty years without ever finding any fault in him, it seemed to me that in all conscience I could not fail to give him my vote and prefer him to Cardinal Puteo, who although he is a good man, as I already said, lacks many carats to equal the Cardinal of Naples. It may also be said that as the Cardinal of Naples is a very old man and Dean of our College, it would have been a notorious injustice to elect over his head a mere boy who has only been a cardinal for three years. In doing thus, it seemed to me I was fulfilling my duty towards God and your Majesty. But first of all I took all the assurances it was humanly possible to obtain from the Cardinal of Naples, to the effect that he would always behave as a true friend of your Majesty. He promised me with sufficient oaths that not only would he be a good friend to your Majesty, but that if any member of his family were to render your Majesty ill service or intrigue in the kingdom of Naples, he would proceed against him and indeed would be the knife with which your Majesty might behead the offender. Thus I voted for the Cardinal of Naples, and Cardinals Morone and Carpi did the same, even at a moment when our votes could not avail. We felt that we were in duty bound to do this. May your Majesty consider that he is indeed a person of great merit. Thus, gradually, other votes from the Imperial side came to his support, and finally all did so; and he was canonically elected: a result with which your Majesty should be well content. God has provided His Church with a good Shepherd, who is badly needed. Moreover, your Majesty may be sure that no other man could have been better, and that the new Pope will strive with all his might to bring about peace in Christendom and to reform the Church. Besides, he is too old to attempt anything else, being over 78, and the Church being far too poor today to permit of any other course. All the more is this the case that the new Pope is by nature a lover of peace and quiet, in which he has always lived up to the present; and it may be believed that he will so continue for the short time he still has to live. About Don Juan Manrique, I must tell your Majesty that although he is a good gentleman and full of desire to serve you, he has scanty experience of affairs in this Court, and takes little trouble to understand them; he acts like someone who is shortly going away. He was not as successful in these negotiations as he might have been. If he had followed your Majesty's instructions and, as the English cardinal could not be elected because of his absence, had supported Cardinal Carpi or myself, he might have secured the election of one of us. I do not say this for my own sake, or because I regret not having been elected, for I know what a great burden the papacy is, and I have quite as much as I need for the rest of my life, thanks to your Majesty's liberalities, but merely in order that you may know what happened here and realise how badly Don Juan treated us, worse indeed than I can express. Indeed, it reached such a point that the Cardinal of Fano said publicly, and has today sent me a message to the same effect, that if he had suffered in Conclave wrongs such as those done to us, he would rather have given his vote to any Turk who was willing to be Pope rather than to the candidates whom we were asked to vote for. These things and others which are being discovered make me believe that Don Juan was not animated by any firm will to do as your Majesty had told him. What astonishes me most and makes me doubt his prudence is that after having told us in great secrecy before we went into Conclave that your Majesty did not wish to have the Cardinal of Naples elected, now that the same cardinal has been elected Don Juan goes about publicly saying in and out of season that your Majesty was against him, without considering that to do so can only create ill will where none existed previously. However, I hope that neither this nor anything else will suffice to make the Pope cease to be a good friend to your Majesty and to do your Majesty's pleasure. I will always labour to hold him to the obligations he owes to your service.
	In brief, this is what happened; and I have added or omitted nothing. From my account, your Majesty may understand what took place here, and how greatly we desired to carry out your Majesty's orders. If there was any failing, it was the fault of those who conducted the affair. Still, I trust in Our Lord that the upshot will be satisfactory, that your Majesty will be entirely pleased, and that it will redound to your glory and the exaltation of the Church.
	Holograph. Spanish.
	Simancas, E.882.
	197. Don Juan Manrique de Lara to the Emperor
Rome, 25 May	In my last letter I wrote to your Majesty that I would send a fuller letter by Portillo. Since then, the Chamberlain and I have agreed to send a person (fn. 11) to report to your Majesty viva voce on everything that happened in the Conclave. As another Conclave may soon take place, it may be useful to explain all the harm that has been done at this one, and how best to avoid its recurrence. Pope Paul IV is 80 years old and little able to stand fatigue, so he may not last long. I will now tell you briefly what occurred.
	On 15 May, the Cardinals went into Conclave. Your Majesty had twenty-five votes firmly in your favour, and Baldovino (fn. 12) had five prepared to do as your Majesties' partisans did. Among the remaining twenty, there were many who were ready to follow your Majesty's subjects: Frenesis (fn. 13) and his brother, and another one or two who followed them. Ferrara, (fn. 14) thinking that he would receive an order he had asked the King of France to send him against England (i.e. Pole), took his queue from Frenesis to the effect that during the first eight days no one was to be voted for who could possibly be elected. Thus, in the first week nothing of moment occurred.
	Our partisans were working for Pole, Carpi, Santiago and Morone. Carpi said he had votes in excess of the thirty required for election, but never made it clear who they were, nor was he willing to have any effort made in his favour. Santiago also thought he was already Pope and said he had more votes than he needed. They were asked to give their votes in season to Pole and Morone, and that if they wished to vote once for the Dean (i.e. Carafa) in order to gain his good will, they should do it in such a way that the whole company should know about it. It was never possible to get them to do this. When they were pressed they said that they could not reconcile such conduct with their consciences, because they regarded them (i.e. Pole and Morone) as heretics; that is, not exactly heretics but as having something of that flavour. When they (i.e. Carpi and Santiago) thought that, with the help of your Majesty's votes and their own, they might be elected, they regarded Morone as the best man in the world, but as soon as they lost hope for themselves, Morone became a heretic. The truth is that these two most reverend gentlemen were preparing the escapade which in fact they pulled off. Pole missed it by two votes, and so did Morone. Frenesis was only waiting for his reinsurance to come out into the open, which he and his brother did, sinking our side. Ferrara never slept but worked all the time to gain a vote or two. Our people then thought of Puteo, a creature of Pope Julius, and many others agreed, among them Frenesis. But Ferrara had instructions from the King (of France) naming Torno (Tournon (fn. 15) ) and Pole, or failing them, Naples. Now Ferrara hated Naples worse than the devil, but faced by the danger of having a pope elected against him, seeing that he could not get Tournon elected and not wanting Pole, he collected some of his votes and started shouting in the Conclave: “The Dean! the Dean!”. Off they go to fetch Naples from his room, bring him into the Chapel and wish to adore him Pope. Your Majesty's votes were already half beaten, and when they saw two such important votes as Carpi and Santiago falling away, some of them followed suit: i.e. Savelli (fn. 16) and Medici. (fn. 17) Then the wave swept Doria along, and he was prevailed upon to give his vote. Then came Nobili, (fn. 18) the boy being persuaded that such was your Majesty's will, as Santiago and Carpi were going that way. So he also gave his vote. Saraceni, (fn. 19) being a relative (of Carafa) is not so much to blame as the others. He told me before that he would (vote for Carafa). In order not to give away any secret, and not to lose him and the other man, I gave my consent on condition that he would afterwards vote for our candidates. Morone was carried along by main force, partly in order not to show where the difference lay, partly out of fatigue. After he had conducted a delaying action as long as possible, seeing that so many others were wavering, he also gave in. There remained standing aside those whom I have mentioned: the Chamberlain, Trent, Mantua, Pacheco, Burgos, La Cueva, San Clemente, Perugia, Marseilles, Montepulciano, Cornaro, (fn. 20) Palermo, Messina, (fn. 21) Puteo, Poggio and Fano Augusta. The last named also joined the majority just in time, leaving the others in opposition. Those who still stood out were just enough to prevent the election, there being a constant danger that if one fell away fifteen cardinals, among whom were several very poor ones, would be exposed to the new Pope's animosity. The struggle lasted from twenty hours on the evening of Wednesday, eve of Ascension day, until sixteen hours on Ascension day itself, with Naples remaining all the time in chapel. When the Chamberlain and the rest of our people saw there was no other way out, and that if one of them deserted, the others would be lost, they also adored Naples as Pope, acting as they did not for their own sakes or because of Trent, Mantua or the Spaniards, and taking care to preserve appearances as much as possible.
	Your Majesty will be informed viva voce of all the details. I will only repeat that if you want a good Pope and one devoted to you, you must do something for those whom I recommend to you, and show that you are displeased with those whose names will be mentioned to you orally. I say this, because even if your Majesty cares nothing for your own interests, you should have a thought for the common good of mankind and be willing to pay a heavy price in order to secure a good governor for the Church, which needs one badly.
	I would not complain so much of Santiago had I not told him that the King (Philip) was against Naples. He always wants to improve on your Majesty's choices and never regards as a good Christian anyone who is capable of being elected Pope, especially if at the same time he is devoted to your Majesty. I had better say nothing about Carpi, as I dislike him and have good reason to do so, and now more than ever. These two did all the harm by giving the example and beginning to break up our ranks. Otherwise, your Majesty may be sure that we would have had a good Pope elected. Your Majesty should not regard these affairs as of little importance; they are of great moment, as I said, in the common interest. If your Majesty cares at all about the Church and does not wish to see your son, the King of Naples, in great trouble, you had better not forget the fidelity of the poor men who remained faithful to you unto death. Forgive me if I make a brief mention of those who should be rewarded:
	The Chamberlain: He will be satisfied if the thousand ducats are given to his brother, the clerk of the Chamber, and he receives an affectionate letter. He did all a gentleman could.
	Mantua: He deserves the fullest gratitude, for he exposed himself and his family to all the misfortunes that may result from the anger of a Pope.
	Trent: No more need be said about him, for never did any man come out so strongly and work so indefatigably in your Majesty's interest.
	La Cueva: Did the same. He asks for Aparaces and will give up San Isidro, which will serve for someone else.
	Burgos: He behaved like a gentleman. Certainly he deserves gratitude.
	Pacheco: He did his duty, and more than his duty. He only wants to serve your Majesty. His request might be granted after October.
	Perugia (fn. 22) : Although his brother was interested in a certain matter, and your Majesty was unwilling to give him the Abbey he desired or any other reward, he stood firm himself, and kept others of Pope Julius's men steady.
	San Clemente: In spite of the fact that your Majesty had never done anything for him, he behaved well. Your Majesty will give him two Abbeys worth seven hundred ducats each, or something else of equivalent value, and grant him the favour of transferring his brother to Naples, sending Bandinello Sauli's galleys to Naples. There is no point in hesitating because of the quarrel with Antonio Doria, for they will be happy to be in Naples. Let your Majesty do this, for it ill give the Cardinal pleasure, and it does not matter to you or the King . . . . (paper torn, about a dozen words missing).
	Fano (fn. 23) : Stood firm to the last and is most devoted to your Majesty. Is dying of hunger.
	Messina: He also behaved like a good vassal; and he is paying pensions and other charges. He has not as much as 600 ducats a year. The late Pope supported him, but this one will no longer do so, especially as he knows that Messina worked against his election. Juan de Vega condemned a brother of his because of a certain place which they say he sold. It would be just and reasonable to have this man forgiven.
	Poggio (fn. 24) : Behaved like a paladin. He is not rich.
	Montepulciano: The same applies to him. Without ever having received anything from your Majesty, he has done good service. It would be right to reward him.
	Marseilles (fn. 25) : Although he has his bishopric in France, he made up his mind to follow the Imperial cause, and did so. Certainly, much more gratitude is owing to him than to those who abandoned us, in spite of the fact that they hold benefices in your Majesty's dominions.
	Palermo: He behaved like an honourable man. They very nearly kept him prisoner, but he got away and left them.
	Cornaro: I would never finish describing the passion with which he served your Majesty and the King, and I greatly hope that you will write to him appreciatively, unless you can give him something substantial. He had no obligation to us, and his deserts are all the greater for that.
	The above may serve your Majesty as an outline. The details will be filled in by the person who will report to you viva voce. He was in both Conclaves, where he behaved with tact and intelligence. I beg you to show him some satisfaction, and if the distribution of pensions and benefices has not yet been completed, to hold it in suspense until he arrives, so that something may be granted to him. Your Majesty will remember that the Pope is 78 or 80 years old. The astrologers who foretold the death of Pope Marcellus, at 54, may with even greater certainty foresee that a man of 80 will die when the leaves fall.
	Marcellus did not die of poison. What killed him was that he was very delicate and had an everlasting cold, and that they bled him excessively, so that he had no strength to throw off the cold. Besides, the heavy labour of the first days after his election weakened him, and it was a strain to change his manner of dress and way of life. He is very well where he is, and this new one would not do badly there either. He does not promise much, and I know nobody who has a good word to say for him except Santiago, who says we do not understand him, and that he is not understood in your Majesty's Court, for he is a great imperialist, which must be true as Santiago says it.
	For the rest, I will refer your Majesty to the man the Chamberlain and I are sending. Please give him a hearing, show the Chamberlain some affection, and send the man on to England. Help your son to gain some friends. It is necessary that the good should be rewarded, and that the bad should be made to realise that they are not in favour.
	Don Juan de Mendoza sent me from Florence a copy of his instructions. As for doing obeisance to the Pope, I will keep it secret that it was not rendered to Pope Marcellus on your Majesty's behalf. It will be a good thing to render it to the present Pope, who is extremely vain, and also to win over some of his poor relatives of whom he is fond. He wishes to take Don Carlo (fn. 26) into his service, and at first sight it seems to me he is right, so that one who has been dishonoured already should not sink to infamy.
	Count Montorio (fn. 27) is a good man. He is writing to your Majesty. Please show him some favour. He is very popular with the people, and in him your Majesty has a deserving servant.
	The great sufferer by this election is the Church. With all this talk of goodness, the man is half dead, will never be able to negotiate. He is changeable, proud and violent. He is not particularly brave. Although he is timorous, he is not prudent, wherefore he often has to put up with insults.
	The Chamberlain and I may have some more recommendations to make to your Majesty, so I beg you to wait for the man we are sending.
	In your instructions to Don Juan de Mendoza, your Majesty tells me to take up 4,000 ducats for my expenses, and to distribute the balance between the Duke of Alva and Don Francisco de Toledo. I will refund myself for what I have spent, and will distribute as above what remains when I have paid myself my arrears of salary. I very well know that I will never receive anything from Naples. I am sending this person who is going on behalf of the Chamberlain and myself at my expense, as it would not be fair to ask the Chamberlain to contribute.
	I beg your Majesty to remember to do something for Abbot Brizeño, who has been very useful to me ever since he arrived, in matters outside the Conclave.
	Please also remember Don Garcia de Haro, whom I used inside the Conclave, which he entered with the Cardinal of Sigüenza.
	Don Juan de Acuñas rendered good service both in peace and war. May your Majesty not forget him in this present distribution of benefices, for if you did forget him, it would be as much as to say that the fact of having been with me was against him.
	Please give something to Firmin, who has done good service.
	Signed. Spanish.
	Simancas, E.882.
	198. Instructions from the Cardinal Chamberlain and Don Juan Manrique de Lara to Giovan Francesco Lottini
25 May (?) (fn. 28)	You will go to his Imperial Majesty and the King of England and give them a minute account of the recent Conclave, about which it is unnecessary to enter into details here, as you yourself were present at it. As for making a friend of the new Pope, you may say that their Majesties can do it by favouring his relatives and interceding with the Pope himself to favour them. If the Pope can exalt his family by means of their Majesties, and his relatives benefit hereby, the Carafas will not intrigue outside, especially as they cannot expect his Holiness to live long.
	The Cardinals who stood firm for their Majesties will wish to receive recognition as soon as possible, because the Pope's life cannot be a long one. It will be well not to delay in doing what is to be done for them, in order that there may be no appearance of buying them when the moment (i.e. the next Conclave) comes.
	If their Majesties showed irritation with those who did not stand firm, the result might be altogether to lose those who were weak on that occasion. It should suffice not to show them particular favour, writing to each one of them a good letter somewhat on these lines: their Majesties are pleased with what has happened, and the Pope is as they desired him to be; but they are not pleased with the way it happened. However, they are willing to excuse the offenders, for the sake of the good man who has been elected. Similar behaviour next time would indispose their Majesties and would cause them to believe that they are ill-requited for their affection.
	Those who behaved well, besides the Spaniards, Mantua and Trent, were creatures of Pope Julius like Marseilles and Perugia. And this, in spite of the fact that Perugia's brother is a prisoner in the hands of the French, and that Marseilles was being threatened with being deprived of his bishopric. Also, Puteo, Messina, Montepulciano, Fano, Poggio, Cicada (fn. 29) and Cornaro did well. Puteo and Perosa ought to be rewarded with abbeys in Flanders, as has already been said.
	San Clemente might be given effective possession of the abbeys in Sicily, together with some pension, as those abbeys are not worth as much as what others have received, and the Sicilian abbeys are encumbered. His brother, the captain, should be transferred with his galleys to Naples. Letters might be written to Cardinals Cicada and Puteo, who are good and learned doctors, so that when the Chamberlain and the ambassador need them they may be willing to help.
	Their Majesties may be sure that Cardinal La Cueva has been faithful to them. It is a shame that he should not have a church, as he is a very good man and manages his household well and in a Christian spirit, like a true Spanish prelate. He deserves favour and will make good use of it, for he is highly conscientious. You will emphasise the importance of German affairs, for a worthy and friendly Pope may render great service, and to have an enemy on this throne would mean the ruin of the Imperial cause in Italy. (Here follows an instruction from Don Juan Manrique de Lara alone, recommending that in future the Cardinal Chamberlain should be closely associated with the ambassador in the conduct of Imperial affairs in Rome, and that the post of Knight of the Senate of Milan, left vacant by the death of Count Agostino di Landi, should be given to Count Sforza Morone, brother of Cardinal Morone, or in case that post had already been filled, that the Count should be appointed to the next suitable one that falls vacant.)
	P.S. From the Chamberlain alone:
	The Chamberlain believes that, as it has not been possible to keep Don Juan Manrique de Lara in Italy, it would be in their Majesties' interest to attach him to the King of England and entrust him with Italian affairs, for he is well known to the Italian potentates as a discreet person, and one in whom they have confidence, having acquired experience of Italian affairs during the two years he has spent in the country and understanding very well what had better be done and what left undone. The Chamberlain considers that their Majesties ought not to allow him to return to Spain, and that if he wishes to marry, that they should provide him with a wife and see to it that she also should remain at court and serve the Queen of England.
	Italian. Copy.
	Simancas, E.882.
	199. The Peace Commissioners to the Emperor
Gravelines, 25 May	Your Majesty will have learnt from our last letters, written the day before yesterday, what had happened up to that time. We returned to the meeting place yesterday, at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and the French arrived there a little earlier; this seemed to us a good thing, so that the mediators should have time to ascertain from them what they demanded, and whether they had any suggestions to make upon which we might negotiate. On arrival we found that the French were in the Legate's tent with the English delegation. They stayed there a long time. Meanwhile, we were in our tent talking over together what line we had better take when we heard from the Legate what had happened between the English and the French. We wished to be ready, in case the French insisted on hearing a statement from us as to your Majesty's intentions. When the French left the Legate's tent, the Chancellor of England came to offer his excuses for the long time we had been kept waiting: As the French had arrived first, he had thought it would save time to give them a hearing at once. Their conference had lasted rather a long time, but if we now wished to go to the Legate, he would take us there, and we should hear what had happened with the Frenchmen. After having made a civil reply to his excuses, we offered to go immediately to wait on the Legate, and this we did. The Chancellor, in the Legate's presence, then informed us that the French had begun by talking about the way that they had been dragged into this war against their will. They dwelt on the small regard your Majesty showed for the friendship of the King their master, and Vogelberg's execution. According to them, the executioner, holding his sword in his hand, stated that the same treatment would be meeted out to all those who served the King of France. They mentioned the difficulties caused by your Majesty's ministers in Switzerland, and said that your forces had invaded La Mirandola, which was under the King of France's protection, and had joined the Pope against Duke Ottavio. Thus they repeated some of the points mentioned to our ambassador in France on 10 September 1551, when the King informed him that those were the reasons for which he was dismissing him. Finally, they ended up by saying that in order to be cured it was necessary to open the wound, which was that they were deprived of the state of Milan, which they claimed belonged to them, wherefore they had rehearsed all the reasons that might serve their purpose. If we wished to have a sincere peace with them, they must be satisfied on that score, after which all the rest would be cleared up easily. There they stopped, without saying what they would be prepared to do or making any further suggestion.
	The Legate and his colleagues had replied that the French might suppose that if they justified themselves for having broken the peace, we would do the same. To put forward so abrupt a demand for Milan would be to wish to obtain by negotiation what they had been unable to gain by arms, and that we on our side would wish to rebut their claims to Milan. They must think of restoring his possessions to the Duke of Savoy, who had been so unjustly despoiled, of giving back to the Empire what had been occupied, and find some means for appeasing the present quarrel. The French replied that when they claimed Milan they were only demanding that which belonged to them and had been given to them by the last Treaty of Crépy. When they occupied the Duke of Savoy's lands they had been in their right, for the Duke owed money to the King which had proved impossible to recover. When they occupied Empire territory they had done so with the Empire's consent. Then they again repeated that if they were given satisfaction about Milan, means would be found to settle everything else. They were told that a long time had passed since they had been in possession of Milan. Their reasons for occupying the Duke of Savoy's territories were rebutted. The Chancellor of England was the better able to do this because he had been in France at the time, and knew that they had really had no reason founded on money claims so inhumanely to despoil a great prince and a near relative of their late King. When they asserted that they had the Empire's consent to their occupation of Empire territory they would have to prove their assertion. However, he had been unable to get them to say anything but that they must have Milan. The Chancellor had taken the Constable aside to tell him that this was no way to achieve peace and that he ought to devise some means, but the Constable had only replied that we also ought to be heard, for perhaps we would have some suggestion to make that would enable Milan to be given back to them to the satisfaction of both sides. So the upshot of it was that the French wished to hear what we had to say.
	We replied on your Majesty's behalf that at that rate we were far from being able to conclude peace. Your Majesty had been invaded by the French and claimed reparation from them instead of offering it. They were asking for what did not belong to them. As we had heard the justification they offered for having made war, we were constrained to deal with that point, although we had not thought it would be necessary to do so with the Legate and his colleagues, who knew very well how these things had happened and the French had started the war. Still, we must rebut their arguments and demonstrate that they had no legitimate cause to break the treaties, but on the other hand had given your Majesty ample occasion to do so, had you not had too much regard for the common welfare and been prepared to put up with more than you ought.
	We recalled the memorandum by which the French had justified their attack, the dismissal of our ambassador without any mention of the claim they were now putting forward to Milan. We read the memorandum over, proving at great length the contrary of what was stated in it, and mentioned a few among many causes which your Majesty might have had to make war: the plots in which the French had engaged to make the Turk attack us, the letters we had intercepted, the fact that he (the King of France) had timed his attack on Piedmont to coincide with the Turk's invasion. The French also complained that your Majesty's ministers said they had brought in the Turk, which showed clearly enough that they had in fact done so. The Chancellor signified his agreement. We also alluded to the French intrigues before the Diet of Augsburg, at the time of the Diet and afterwards, to stir up the German Princes against your Majesty, the result of which was seen in the year 1552; also, what Carlowitz had undertaken the day before your Majesty arrived at Augsburg, he still being alive and able to bear witness; further, the intrigues conducted by Marillac, who was now a member of the French delegation, both with private individuals in Germany and with Italian potentates. Then there was the seizure of Apremont, which had then been under sequestre and a trial going on there by your Majesty's orders, before the Tréves election took place. There were also the attempts made on the Bailiff of Clermont, a place belonging to the Empire, before your Majesty went to Germany, from which the French refused to desist although remonstrances had been made to them. Then there were the acts of violence they had daily committed on our frontiers, and the fact that they had summoned some of your Majesty's subjects to appear in Paris, contrary to the French renouncement of the sovereignty of Flanders and Artois, which was a manifest breach of the Treaties. These and an infinity of other cases had given your Majesty only too just cause for resentment. We then came to the way they had begun the present war, entering into details about the seizure of our ships on the Ocean and of a messenger carrying rings belonging to the King of Bohemia on the shore at Barcelona, and also the invasion and occupation of Quier (Cuers?). All these acts of violence had been committed by the French before the declaration of war, and in this they had acted in a manner unusual between princes, who were wont, before resorting to war, to state their grievances and to see whether there might not be some way of settling them. And after all this they had asserted through their ambassadors to your Majesty, the Queen and our ambassador then in France that they had no war-like intentions but on the contrary were determined to live in peace and amity with your Majesty. We begged the Englishmen to remember all this, by way of rebutting anything more the French might say on these points.
	Reverting to the French demand for Milan, on the pretext that it belonged to them, we remarked that it would suffice, to ruin all their arguments, for us to recall that Milan is an Imperial fief in the male line. As for the investitures, there would be much to say, but in any case the French had not complied with the conditions. About the Treaty of Crépy, they might remember that what was done then was by way of liberality on your Majesty's part and because of your desire to bring about a marriage with the Duke of Orleans. It gave them no more right to Milan than it did to the Low Countries.
	At this point the Chancellor interrupted us, saying that it was not necessary to enter into details, for the English did not set themselves up as judges. Moreover, they had argued against the French themselves as best their duty as mediators might permit them to do; but they had taken this matter to heart and felt that something must be done to achieve so good an object as peace. We then said that as they (the English delegation) had answered about the Duke of Savoy, we would say nothing further about him. But as for the French statement that they had occupied Imperial territory with the consent of the Empire, they were flatly contradicted by your Majesty, who was head of that Empire. They could not claim any rights on the ground of sinister intrigues that they might have conducted with certain rebels within the Empire.
	The French wished us to be heard, in order to ascertain whether we had anything to propose. As to this, we would stand by what the late Pope Julius had instructed the Cardinal of Imola to say. The Cardinal had shown us his instructions which, as Cardinal Pole knew, stated that what was expected of your Majesty was that in spite of the wrong done you, you would allow peace proposals to be made to you. It was recognised that you had only too great cause for resentment; therefore the Pope did not ask you to make proposals, but did press the King of France, by means of Cardinal Capo di Ferro, to put forward some suggestion which might meet your Majesty. As for us, we had no instructions to make proposals. Our position was that for the reasons they had heard, namely that your Majesty had been attacked, the French must offer to pay war damages and interest, and give up everything they had occupied belonging to your Majesty, to the Empire and to your Allies, making full reparation and putting things back as they were before the war began. When all this had been done, if the French wished to create bonds of amity, we on our side would lend an ear. If the French already wished to make proposals in that sense, your Majesty would be prepared to examine them, if they were reasonable, and to forget and forgive, as you had often stated, many wrongs done to you for the sake of the public good. When the Legate and his English colleagues had listened to our discourse, the Chancellor urged us to put forward some proposal. He knew very well from what he had heard from both sides who had been responsible for starting this war, but that the English were not here to judge, but to mediate, and the French would never recognise that they had been in the wrong. However justified your Majesty might feel, it was necessary in order to achieve the benefits of peace that you should be willing to make some sacrifice. You ought to have pity for the weakness of the Frenchmen, imitating what St. Paul said of the compassion which a man should have for the frailty of woman. In this case, your Majesty was the man. The French had this wound of Milan in their hearts, and they had thought that the matter was settled by the Treaty of Crépy.
	We replied that if we were to be guided by consideration for what he (the Chancellor) called the French infirmity of Milan, the next thing would be their unrest about Italy, and they would be asking for Naples and everything else. If the King of France insisted on having Milan, we were a long way out, as our remarks had made it clear. It would be more reasonable that the French should give up the Duchy of Burgundy to your Majesty, as it was your ancient and veritable patrimony. The Chancellor replied that we must not raise points that had already been settled by treaties. He knew that we would not give up Milan to the King of France; and he himself had told the French not to try to gain by negotiation what they had been unable to win by the sword. However, there was a way and we ought to propose it. Or perhaps someone else would do so.
	At this, we said that we agreed not to bring up questions that had been settled by treaties, and your Majesty had instructed us to take up this position, but we wished to observe that if they believed that your Majesty had renounced your right to the Duchy of Burgundy they were mistaken. When the Chancellor said that you had done so by the Treaty of Crépy, we told him that it had been subject to the conclusion of the alternative marriage plans with the Duke of Orleans, and did not hold otherwise; so as this condition had not been fulfilled, because of the Duke of Orleans's death, you had never abandoned your rights. We added that we saw no means by which the French claim could be met. True it was that they, as mediators, might suitably make some proposal, but we begged them to remember that justice was on your Majesty's side, that Milan belonged to the King of England, our Prince, who had received its investiture and possession from your Majesty. He (the Chancellor) had been in close touch with the French, and if any proposal he might put forward were not acceptable on our side, a great deal of harm might be done, so we hoped they would remember that Milan would go to any posterity which it might please God to grant to the Queen of England, and refrain from making any proposal to us which might damage their prospects.
	We expatiated on your Majesty's grievance against the French, in order to incline the Englishmen to make an effort as mediators and to avoid their putting up to us any proposal which your Majesty could not entertain. As we have already reported, we had spoken to Lord Paget to this effect, in this very place.
	The Chancellor answered that they looked at the matter just as we did, and knew very well that if they harmed us they would also be harming themselves, wherefore they would refrain from proposing anything without having first ascertained whether we approved. They saw that the French insisted on this matter of Milan. They agreed that it could not be given to the King of France, for the reason mentioned above, but they thought some expedient could be devised to safeguard the reputation of both princes. They then asked us whether we thought it impossible to settle the matter by means of a marriage: i.e. between the Infante Don Carlos and the daughter of France, who would not be provided with a dowry, Milan being intended for the children who might be born of this marriage.
	Before making any other answer, we asked the Chancellor whether the French had put this forward. He assured us explicitely that the French had not mentioned it, either directly or indirectly, but had stuck to the general terms we had heard. This was an idea which the English were putting forward themselves, in order to find out whether we could consider it. He also said that he did not think the French would be persuaded to agree to it unless Milan were reserved for the second son of the marriage. We observed that, as for a marriage between the Infante Don Carlos and the daughter of France, the idea did not seem to us a bad one, and that we thought your Majesty would not object to it if agreement could be reached on the conditions. As for Milan, your Majesty would be unable to imagine that the French could be so unreasonable as to demand it, when they ought to be giving up places to us. We had no instructions to discuss this point. But if the English thought fit to propose it, and it were to the taste of the French, it being understood that by these means all the other questions would easily be settled, we would gladly refer the matter to your Majesty and the King, our Prince, without whose assent nothing could be done, because Milan belonged to him and the Infante Don Carlos, his son. We went as far as we did, because this corresponds approximately to the instructions we had from your Majesty on Milan. We doubt whether the French will agree to it, or will consider giving up the places they occupy before the marriage in question is consummated, and such a delay would be highly undesirable. At last, we said to the English that as they were speaking to us in confidence, we hoped they would allow us to say how we thought they had better behave in this affair: i.e. it would be preferable not to be in a hurry to make this proposal, but that first they should try to find out as much as they could from the French, and that as they had told us what the French wanted, they should also let the French know what we insisted upon, and to make it clear to them that we considered them to blame for having started the war. The Englishmen agreed to do this. As it was late by then, they wished to know when we could come back to resume negotiations. We offered to do this whenever they pleased, suggesting that it might be a good thing to leave them a day to talk with the French and that we should come on the following day at the same hour. They approved of this suggestion. At that we took our leave. No sooner had we started than they spoke again to the French. The Chancellor, the Earl of Arundel and Paget then came to inform us that they had been to the French, who had gone on trying to justify themselves and maintaining that they were under no obligation to give up anything they had occupied, for they had done it in the course of war, in which the right had been on their side. However, they had asked whether we were coming back, and when; and on learning that we had agreed to come back on Sunday at the same time, the French showed great satisfaction. On leaving, the Constable said to the Chancellor that he hoped the Chancellor would think it over as he would also do, and that he clearly saw that if they two did not take the matter in hand nothing would be done. Lord Paget said to us, aside, not having time to go into more details, that his impression was that if we wanted a peace lasting two or three years, during which the King of France would be able to gather strength again and afterwards do even worse things than before, we would succeed in obtaining it, but that if we were out for a good and lasting peace, as we said, we would not achieve anything.
	We beg your Majesty to forgive us for the prolixity of our letters; our object is to supply your Majesty with full information so that you may consider the position and signify your pleasure to us.
	Signed: The Duke of Medinaceli, the Bishop of Arras, Ch. de Lalaing, P. de Lalaing, Viglius de Zwichem French.
	Vienna, F.31.