Venice
January 1621, 12-20

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Institute of Historical Research

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Allen B. Hinds (editor)

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1910

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522-533

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'Venice: January 1621, 12-20', Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 16: 1619-1621 (1910), pp. 522-533. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=88777 Date accessed: 16 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


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January 1621

Jan. 12.
Senato,
Secreta,
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
682. To the Ambassador in France.
We told you how the Orsini had gone over to Spain. They have sent to induce Don Virginio Orsino to resign the command he holds in our service, even threatening him if he refused. So far he does not seem inclined to yield. We desire you to inform the king and M. de Luynes of all this, representing how this affects France and how Spain has worked against France in Italy in the past. You will refer to the Spanish progress in the Valtelline and to their success in Germany, while in Flanders they have so arranged that the continuation or breach of the truce rests with them. Since the death of Henry the Great the Spaniards have endeavoured to profit by the troubles of France, which have now risen like a new Phœnix. The republic rejoiced to hear of the mission of M. de Bosampier (fn. 1) to the Catholic Court, but it should be followed up by active preparations.
That a copy of the present letters be sent to England, Savoy and the Hague so that they may make representations in conformity to the French ministers.
Ayes, 129. Noes, 4. Neutral, 40.
[Italian.]
Jan. 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
683. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
A gentleman of the chamber of the Most Christian has arrived here post. He says that the king has reached Paris, and that Cadenet has taken to England the whole Court, an incredible number of cavaliers, as many as 800, Condé, Albuf and many nobles. They declare the mission is in order to assure the King of Great Britain that the king means to be obeyed by the Huguenots, not so much in the matter of religion, but because the dignity of the crown is concerned and the government of the realm, and also to open negotiations about the marriage of Madame Henrietta.
The English agent also spoke to me to the same effect; he seemed pleased and said there was every appearance that things would turn out well.
Turin, the 12th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
684. CHRISTOFFORO SURIAN, Venetian Secretary in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
A report was current here that the Queen of Bohemia was dead, but it was afterwards contradicted. The day before yesterday a Scotch knight arrived here bringing letters for Prince Maurice and the English ambassador. He left her at Custria in the country of Maria Castella in the dominions of the Margrave of Brandenburg. (fn. 2) Her councillors thought that she ought not to remain in the margrave's dominions to avoid giving offence to Poland; so it is possible she may withdraw to Wolffenbeutel in the Duchy of Brunswick.
The Hague, the 12th January, 1621.
[Italian.]
Jan. 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
685. To the Ambassador in England.
We have heard with particular satisfaction that the offices have been repeated in Spain for the restitution of the Valtelline, and that our instances to the States have been supported. To thank his Majesty is not only a duty, but may also serve to incite him the more to act for the general welfare. We instruct you to do this, telling him that the interposition of his authority will prove of the greatest assistance if it be advanced in the vigorous and resolute manner becoming to his greatness, the more so because the new emergencies require great and efficacious remedies, and the news from those parts grows constantly worse. These events are linked with the progress of the same Spaniards against the King of Bohemia, in the Palatinate itself. You will add that in order to turn the flood of Spanish success in Germany diversions will prove useful, which may easily arise with the expiry of the truce in Flanders. You will go on to add the particulars contained in the enclosed copy of letters to our representatives in France, which will serve to show our entire confidence in his Majesty.
You will speak to the same effect to the Ambassadors of France and the States with the necessary modifications. In reply to the offices of the Most Christian ambassador and ours with the pope, they have answered that without admitting the Spanish pretext of religion they will do everything to get the affair of the Valtelline peacefully settled.
This is for information if any one asks you, although the only thing evident is the stronger hold the Spaniards are obtaining, shutting off all approach to those parts, and there is no opening on the side of the ecclesiastical state which you tell us the Secretary Gregorio wrote of. This will serve to show you how little foundation there is for the news sent by that minister.
This evening we have received your despatches of the 11th and 18th, which render us fully satisfied with your ability and diligence.
Ayes, 142. Noes, 0. Neutral, 3.
[Italian.]
Jan. 15.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
686. GIROLAMO LANDO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have spoken to the prince and some of the ministers, where I thought fit, upon the tenor of your Serenity's letters of the 11th ult. His Highness is deeply interested in the present events of the world, but more for his sister and religion than for other reasons. Before his father he always aims at suppressing his own feelings. (Sua Altezza molto appassionata si trova nelli affari correnti del Mondo, ma più per la Sorella e per la sua religione che per altro rispetto, e mortificando li proprii affetti sempre mira in faccia al padre.)
The ministers all hear it with undisguised emotion, according to their various opinions and interests. For the most part they favour the general welfare, but the few on the other side have what really matters, a readier access to the king's ear, and are nearest to his Majesty's favour. Thus it appears to a certain extent that what he resolves with great labour one day, is frequently undone, transformed or diminished by them in a few hours. Some one remarked to me, in expressing great pleasure at the prudent reflections made by your Serenity in the interests of Christendom that what the king ought to do, by stirring up the republic, the latter was doing to urge him on. Every one assures me that his Majesty seems more put out about the interests of your Serenity than even those of his son-in-law and children. However, I perceive that they are doubtful about what he really could or would do should the necessity of your Excellencies become urgent, except. to allow you to take men or ships from these realms, or allow the fleet of twenty ships which is now in the Mediterranean, to operate in your favour. All these things could only be done with great difficulty if the king was making the levies for himself, which he professes that he means to send across the sea, without speaking of a diversion.
The king sent the Secretary Calvert to tell me that in fulfilment of his verbal promise he had sent the favourite marquis to the Spanish ambassador to say that his Majesty, hearing of the massing of great forces in Italy, felt anxious as well as others, about what they might be about to attempt to the prejudice of his friends and the most serene republic in particular, warning him that any unreasonable attack upon her would offend him deeply. The ambassador replied substantially thus: He admitted that he believed his king would do what he could against the republic, since she was allied with his rebel subjects and enemies and compelled him to spend large sums of money to maintain the war; so it was only reasonable that the Catholic king on his side should try and make them spend their money.
I thanked his Majesty for the office, and said that really I should never have believed that their forces were collected in Italy for such a purpose, since your Serenity had always shown the utmost respect for the Spanish crown. She was free and independent and could not be justly blamed for making a defensive league merely for her own safety in view of the insidious proceedings now going on; moreover it had taken place through the intermission of his Majesty by the Ambassador Carleton, who had advised and hastened it, and who told me after it was concluded that he considered it very proper. He almost undertook to defend the Spaniards, advancing arguments for them, that the Catholic king had never recognised the States as free, but considers them enemies and rebels and so forth, whereby they will doubtless try to plant some bad root in his Majesty's mind. Accordingly I rejoined that his Majesty and the crown of France at all events keep ambassadors there and receive their embassies with great honour, and they are even admitted to the principal ceremonies, which is not customary with the subjects of any prince, and I had never heard of the Catholic king making war on France or this kingdom because they had joined with the States, or because they afforded them help with men and money in the thick of the conflict at a time when there was no truce. However, I said that on this point I would only speak for myself at the moment, but I felt sure that the remarks he had made to me were simply a part of his own conversation and not spoken by the king's order. He admitted this and I remarked that until I received further orders his Majesty might consider this question and perceive that the universal peril of Christendom of which I had told him, was a reality and required a prompt and efficacious remedy. I said that in order that I might advise your Excellency correctly about what his Majesty had done in your interests I desired to know whether the Marquis had told the ambassador, as his Majesty said he would, that if the dominions of the republic were invaded he was resolved to assist her at the earliest opportunity, and if any other reply had been made to the ambassador by his Majesty's order. He could not give me any answer to this, but promised to mention the subject to the king and let me know. Subsequently he told Zon my secretary that his Majesty had said he thought it best merely to touch on the question in order to elicit from the ambassador the meaning of their preparations and to let me know, adding that he himself would speak to me on the subject when he had time. He had told him all the arguments I had put forward and had no doubt that for his part he admitted them.
In the aforesaid letter of the 11th the King of Bohemia is simply styled the Palatine. This has given me food for reflection, coming after the defeat in Bohemia, as to how I ought to treat the ambassador Dohna. Hitherto, in pursuance of clear instructions given on the 24th and 31st January, I have dealt with him as the ambassador of a crowned head. The consequences of a change in style would be considerable and would occasion a great deal of remark, causing some to rejoice and making others angry. If I do not receive clear instructions to the contrary, I shall continue to treat him as I have done hitherto.
London, the 15th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 15.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
687. GIROLAMO LANDO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Marshal Cadenet entered London with extraordinary pomp, being received with unusual honour, having audience not in the palace of Whitehall as is usual, but in the parliament chamber at Westminster, adorned with the finest and richest tapestries in the world, the whole court being resplendant with jewels and wealth, and the guards being reinforced. He is lodged in the prince's palace of Somerest House, with a large daily assignment for the expenses incurred on his journey to this city, and waited upon by royal ministers. The king entertained him at a banquet, and he has been sumptuously entertained in a thousand ways contrived by his Majesty, his Highness and others. The Earl of Arundel, who met him at Gravesend in the king's name, considered himself slighted when he accompanied him, and so revenged himself at landing, leaving him on the river bank. (fn. 3) He had some dispute with the ordinary ambassador Triliers about the place in the boat.
On the same day as the public audience he had a private and most secret one without the ordinary ambassador. He actually spoke on the subject of the Huguenots, saying that the king his master, as the sincere friend of his Majesty, had sent him not only as a visit upon the occasion of his journey to Calais, but to give an account of the affairs of the kingdom, thus keeping up the perfect understanding that existed in his father's time. As there seemed some danger of the realm dividing up into two sections owing to the action of certain disobedient subjects of la Rochelle and Bearn, he had resolved to act as became an absolute monarch, not to make war on those of the religion, but to bridle the insolence of-the transgressors. As his Majesty was also a monarch and knew how important was the obedience of subjects and how detestable the spirit of revolt, he felt sure that he would not take it ill if he reduced his kingdom to order, since he had never done anything to encourage disturbances among the people of these realms.
His Majesty asked the ambassador with phlegm but in a loud tone if his king was not young. He might think so from his show of understanding the interests of himself and his crown better than his father, Henry the Great, a prince whose like the world had never seen. Then he remarked, At that time the Huguenots were always loyal, nor was any one aware that they did any wrong. Only the other day, when the queen mother absented herself from court with the greater part of the lords of France, those of the religion said they would be none other than the good children and servants of the king, who, he feared, was ill advised and he felt sure that if his Majesty asked advice of his father's old servants, they would doubtless deliver the same opinions. He went on to state that he could not without sorrow hear that those of his own religion were badly treated without having committed any fault. He clearly saw and reflected upon the blows struck against the Palatinate and the Valtelline, and he thought the king meant to recover the latter, as he had declared. He remarked that although the Catholics in his dominions were not permitted by the laws to enjoy such privileges as the Huguenots had in France, owing to their merits, yet he did not make war on them. With these and similar remarks he refrained from giving a more formal reply. This is as much as I have been able to gather so far from the very source, owing to the secrecy with which the whole affair has taken place.
In speaking with the agent of Flanders about the Valtelline this same Cadenet stated most clearly that his king would never allow the Spaniards to retain possession. Viscount Doncaster told me that when conversing with the king on the subject he pointed out to his Majesty that the French and Spaniards united simply aimed at excluding the republic from the pass. The king replied with feeling, In that case I swear to God that I will do as much for her as for my own grandchildren.
We hear that Spinola is causing even those places of the Palatinate which he has not taken to contribute, and the people do so readily, as they both fear and love him greatly, being incensed by the wrongs which they suffered from the Germans, who showed little discretion. The latter, being now abandoned by Prince Henry, consider themselves in great danger, although they display more courage by their firesides this winter than they did in the field last summer. However they do not remain entirely free from incursions and there are whispers that some of them are trying to come to terms with the emperor, as they have also been negotiating for a truce. As I have obtained a copy of the letter sent by the king to the Margrave of Brandenburg by the courier who leaves to-day, I send it to your Serenity with a translation.
His Majesty in discussing with his councillors the question of the recovery of the Palatinate seemed to fear that if once he unsheathed the sword against the Spaniards they would begin to harass him in his own dominions, especially in Ireland, recalling what took place under Queen Elizabeth and in the time of the Earl of Tyrone. Accordingly he seemed inclined to send 20,000 men to that island, as many as to the Palatinate. Many prudent ministers have tried to dissuade his Majesty, saying that such danger does not now exist as existed in those days, since no leaders of condition remain in the country, all being cut off and extirpated; moreover there are over 50,000 English and Scotch, who were not there then, who render the country safe at the very point where there was most danger in those days, having been placed there by his Majesty as colonists in the confiscated lands of the rebels. The numerous woods have been cut down and opened out which rendered those people practically unconquerable, and the bogs which afforded them great security have also been drained, with many other circumstances. However it seems that the king has made up his mind. This is a clear indication that he cherishes very lofty designs, even greater than he shows, or else, one may fear, he cherishes doubts that he will not be able to make war without extreme travail and peril, involving a great profusion of money and a serious loss of men.
As if jealous of his ministers his Majesty has written with his own hand to his son-in-law without imparting the contents to his councillors, consigning it to Villiers, an individual quite unfit to negotiate any business. (fn. 4) They think it contains exhortations to peace and advice to concede much, his inclination that way being very clear. One of the favourites has remarked that he not only suggested that the Palatine should recognise the emperor by some tribute, but should even relinquish the kingdom entirely, in order to recover the Palatinate.
The parliament has been put off a week owing to the engagements of the French Ambassador here. However, as far as one can gather, it will not be prorogued again.
London, the 15th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Enclosed in
the preceding
despatch.
688. Copy of letter of KING JAMES to JOACHIM ERNEST, Margrave of Brandenburg and Anspach.
With much regret we have received confirmation of the disaster in Bohemia, which you imparted to us in your letter of the 24th ult. We have therefore hastened on Sir Henry Wotton to comfort and strengthen the United Princes and assure them of our good intentions. We shall never fail in our duty towards our grandchildren for the preservation of their inheritance. We have decided to summon the estates of our realm chiefly for this purpose, whereby we hope to dissipate the present difficulties. We thank you heartily for the trouble you have taken in the interests of ourselves and our children, and we beg you to persevere, as the greatness of the evil redoubles the necessity. For our part we will do everything possible.
From our palace at Westminster, the 30th December, 1620.
[French.]
Jan. 15.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Candia,
Proveditore,
Venetian
Archives.
689. MARC' ANTONIO VENIER, Proveditore of Candia, to the DOGE and SENATE.
With regard to your Serenity's desire for information why the building of galleys alla Latina has been abandoned, I have to report that there are no longer any persons of capital to bear the cost. Moreover the dangers from pirates are greater, as they do more harm than they used. There is also the advantage of the foreign ships which visit the ports of your Serenity, which prevents the trade being reintroduced. It is a pity, because the money taken away by foreigners would go to your own subjects.
News has arrived that five pirate bertons are towards Sapientia, under the command of Sanson, so we understand, which cruise about inflicting damage. It would be a great advantage if your Serenity could send armed ships to these waters, as you did last year, as it would protect the trading ships which run a great risk.
Candia, the 15th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 16.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Roma.
Venetian
Archives.
690. GIROLAMO SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They speak variously about the affairs of Germany, but all agree that there is great disorder, especially in Hungary and if the Palatine was really assisted by the King of England, he would make himself felt more than ever, while the Duke of Bavaria seemed to repent having gone so far in maintaining the house of Austria.
Rome, the 16th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 17.
Collegio,
Lettere.
Venetian
Archives.
691. To the Proveditore in Terra Ferma.
Send the roll of Capt. Thomas l'Haedam of the English in the charge of Colonel Henry Peyton, who have been paid in advance. The roll must be called over and if any of the men are missing the pay must be restored.
The captain owes 500 ducats, to be deducted from his pay, 100 ducats each month in accordance with the deliberation of the Senate of the 8th inst.
[Italian.]
Jan. 18.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
692. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have been to see the duke to represent to him the present state of affairs. In the course of his reply he said that the real touchstone was in seeing the truce with Holland broken. He greatly feared that Cadenet was in England for its renewal, because he knew that at his marriage Cadenet was won over in Flanders by much gold, but the safety of Italy and the true recognition of the disposition of France depended upon that breach. The Dutch expect nothing beyond the promise and the consent of the two kings, without which the whole thing will pass over in compliments, embassies and so forth.
Turin, the 18th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 18.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
693. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have spoken to the agents of France and England about the affairs of the Grisons, in accordance with my instructions. The Englishman anticipated great difficulties in moving forces in Rætia owing to the needs and confusion of the country. He wished, however, to write to his king for orders to make representations to the Swiss and Grisons, to move things in a useful direction, although little good could be expected without an armed diversion.
Turin, the 18th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 18.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
694. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The Count of Mansfelt has sent to the duke and to the English resident here to inform them of the state of affairs in those parts and of his plans. His Highness told me that he had been in some doubt about the count's offer to enter his service or that of the republic or to make some powerful diversion, but after he had seen from the English resident that the Palatine had no doubt of the count's fidelity, and that the negotiations with the Imperialists had been with the Palatine's full knowledge, he thought the matter worth considering. Your Serenity might decide; the burden was too heavy for his shoulders and the troops were more numerous than his state required.
He told me that he had represented to the English agent that this would be an expense and action worthy of the King of Great Britain, who could not do anything better, if he wished to succour his son-in-law, than induce that captain to occupy the positions which are still held, compel Caesar to remove the Spaniards from the Palatinate, and keep the war going, by taking those troops and places from the enemy. He told me that the resident in his conversation seemed inclined to adopt this suspicion and that the king his master would interest himself in these affairs of Italy and the Valtelline; it might be arranged that the king should bear one half of the cost, and your Serenity with his Highness the remainder, each one a quarter, and the cost would not exceed 25,000 to 30,000 crowns a month. In such case he said it would be necessary to arrange in concert the manner of spending, the carrying out of the undertaking and the assistance. The count had 6000 men and could easily enlist more. He would occupy Alsace, which would provide a good diversion. He asked me if we should tell Lesdiguières and if your Serenity would embrace the proposal.
I replied that the question was serious and I could not answer of myself. I said there was a good deal that required explanation. Moreover the Most Christian had promised not to suffer the action of the Spaniards in the Valtelline. I did not deny that it would be beneficial to interest England in the common cause.
The duke admitted the difficulty about France, but thought it was not advisable to let the count slip. He felt inclined to get the resident to write and tell him what was proposed with England and ask him to wait for two months, when they would tell him their decision.
The English resident spoke to me on the same subject and seemed very anxious to lay the proposal before his king. He would send his secretary to arrive at the beginning of the parliament which is to be held, making the request about sharing the cost in the name of the duke and the marshal. He spoke eagerly about joining the interests of the Palatinate with those of the Valtelline, and that they ought not to treat separately but in conformity with the union of interests. They ought to deliberate and decide together and in this way the remedy will be certain and easy both for the Palatine and for Italy, and they should pay attention to nothing except the public peace, leaving on one side the interests of Bohemia and all business not concerned with the recovery of what had been usurped.
He told me that he would act with energy to induce his king to adopt this plan, as if they desired peace, this would be an inducement; if war was inevitable, it would be necessary and advantageous to employ the sword in every direction and place. The Spaniards were increasing their forces everywhere for the purpose of harming others, and accordingly they should offer opposition. He could not promise anything without his king's consent, but owing to the advantages which might accrue he hoped for a favourable decision from his Majesty.
I praised the friendliness and zeal of this minister, and thought his Majesty would approve of that expedient which would most assist the common service. I told him that our interests had much in common and I would inform your Serenity of the proposal to learn your reply. I referred to the heavy expenses of the republic. He said the expenses would be light, amounting only to a fourth, while the undertaking would certainly produce good results in diverting the Spaniards from their evil designs. He remarked with some feeling that it was a question of relying on the French and losing, or of employing every means to help oneself. He continued with more prudence, that at all events, France had declared herself, and had announced that the question was not one of religion. An arrangement with the Count of Mansfelt could not offend France, as either the Most Christian would draw the sword within two months, or the republic and the others would have to listen to some similar proposition. He added bitterly that he knew they only wanted the war a long way off, and leave the matter to England and Holland, in which case they would make no further endeavour, and simply mock at the oppressed; but if the interests were common the remedy ought to be applied in common.
I replied that your Serenity aimed at general peace. In the Valtelline the interests were common. The interests of England and Holland were our own, while France had well-known interests in the Grisons, and so it was an advantage that she should be engaged. I remarked that your Serenity would be specially anxious to act for the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain. We were interested in the defence of Holland and under obligations, while the power of England had nothing to fear. With this I left the minister with a good impression.
This proposal ought to please his Highness, but I find that he is afraid of offending the Marshal.
The resident told me that Pilzen (fn. 5) cannot possibly hold out, especially as the present states of Bohemia offer to pay the troops of Mansfelt so that they may be dismissed with 300,000 florins, and as his oath is to the States and not to the King Palatine, he is compelled to do so. He told me, however, that Mansfelt is very loyal. If it were otherwise he would carry out the king's orders, publish his treachery, sequestrate his credit with the duke and deprive him of the marquisate (fn. 6) which he holds here. After such praise it would appear that there is nothing to fear, but his Highness remains somewhat uncertain, influenced perhaps by the circumstance that if he has him near at hand he will be bound to pay him about 100,000 crowns.
Turin, the 18th January, 1620 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
695. CHRISTOFFORO SURIAN, Venetian Secretary in the NETHERLANDS, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I recently called upon Bucorst, chief of those who are going as ambassadors to France. Among other things he said that the provinces needed the support of France. Help from England would only prove languid for the defence of their liberty if the other failed.
The ambassadors for England have to-day gone to take leave and to say adieu to the Ambassadors of France and England. (fn. 7) They also honoured this house with a visit, assuring me that they would do everything in their power to serve the most serene republic. I thanked them, wished them a pleasant journey and every success in their affairs. They leave for Zeeland the day after to-morrow, and will take advantage of the first favourable wind so as to reach London as soon as possible. Now that the king seems more resolute than before, they hope to confirm his ardour, so that he may act as a counterpoise to the Spaniard and check Spinola's progress in Germany. From their conversation I gathered that they have instructions to urge the King of Great Britain to make a diversion by throwing 15,000 to 20,000 foot into Flanders. When I said something on the subject to draw them out they remarked, We will do our best; Germany needs this to get rid of Spinola. If more assistance is not given than last year he will make most undesirable progress. God grant that these representations may prove successful.
The Hague, the 19th January, 1621.
[Italian.]
Jan. 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
696. CHRISTOFFORO SURIAN, Venetian Secretary in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Lieutenant-Colonel John Vere, in the pay of your Serenity, recently came to see me. During the conversation he spoke of the possibility of your Serenity needing troops, and how he heard you were in treaty with some Dutch captains. He said he would willingly undertake to serve with any number of men, if they could have better terms, as it was impossible for any one to make a levy at 30 Venetian lire a head. He said your Serenity would do well to observe those now serving you, or you would find much wrong. Although I pretended not to believe him I think it best to report this.
The Hague, the 19th January, 1621.
[Italian.]
Jan. 20.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
697. GIROLAMO PRIULI and ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassadors in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They are waiting for news about the negotiations of Cadenet and upon the opinions of the King of England concerning these movements of the Huguenots. However they believe that that monarch will not pay them much attention, and that he will give no cause of uneasiness in this matter to his Most Christian Majesty, as he is himself most averse to troubles and disturbances.
Paris, the 20th January, 1621.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

1 Francis, Count of Bassompierre, Marshal of France, sent to Madrid in February to negotiate for the status quo ante in the Valtelline. He was chosen for this mission because Luynes was jealous of his favour with the king and wished to get him out of the way. Bazin: Hist. de France sous Louis XIII, ii, pages 65, 66.
2 Cüstrin in the Neumark, Brandenburg.
3 Arundel took offence because at Gravesend Cadenet only received him at the top of the staircase, and only accompanied him to the same spot when he left. On the following day Arundel sent word to Cadenet that his suite filled up the house so as to render him inaccessible, and he would await him at the street door to conduct him to the barge. Arrived at Somerset House and dissatisfied with Cadenet's civility, Arundel took leave of him at the foot of the staircase, saying he would leave his gentlemen to conduct Cadenet to his apartment. Memoires touchant les Ambassadeurs by L.M.P. (Wicquefort) pages 470, 471. There is a full account of the incident in the Mémoires inédits du Comte Leveneur de Tillières, ed. by M. Hippeau, pages 34–36. See also, Finet: Philoxenis, page 68.
4 Sir Edward Villiers.
5 Pilsen in Bohemia, fortified by Mansfelt after the battle of the White Mountain. Khevenhüller: Annales Ferdinandi, ix., 1144.
6 Mansfelt was Marquis of Castelnuovo in Savoy.
7 They were James de Wyngaerdes, Sieur de Wyngaerdes; John Camerling, pensionary of Delft; Albert Sonck, burgomaster of Hoorn; Albert Bruyning, deputy of West Friosland; James Segotte, formerly burgomaster of Middelburg, deputy of Zeeland; Frederick de Perron, deputy of Friesland. Their letters of credence are dated 14 January, 1621. State Papers, Foreign, Holland. Finett gives their names as Senthusen, Carmelin, Sonch, Bruyning, Schot and de Vervow. Philoxenis, page 73.