Venice
April 1623, 12-20

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Allen B. Hinds (editor)

Year published

1916

Pages

52-63

Annotate

Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Venice: April 1623, 12-20', Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21: 1628-1629 (1916), pp. 52-63. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=89181 Date accessed: 29 July 2014.


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

April 1623

April 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
68. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
With the departure of the king and ministers the long negotiations of the Dutch ambassadors remain in their original state. They have steadily refused to ratify the alliance before peace between France and England is in good train, while the French are determined not to speak of this before the alliance is signed. Such is the present state of an affair upon which depends the universal welfare, though France cares so little for that nowadays that one can only conclude that God has deprived them of reason. It is something, however, that the whole kingdom realises this truth and sighs for the relief. But a single man, the cardinal, out of private passion and the vanity of a title of predominance claimed by Buckingham, is able to prevent the conclusion and stake the welfare of the king and kingdom as well as his own and all Christendom on a single parry. However the cause has benefited by the full discussion of the matter between the ambassadors and the ministers here about as much as the dead from ointments and as mountains are moved by the wind. These two worthy ministers are much mortified, as they may have based great hopes upon success from their own abilities and so just a cause. They now state that the malady of France is incurable, and only Heaven can remedy it by miracles. They have asked permission to return, as they are useless here, or else to have powers to sign the alliance. From the reply, which should arrive soon, we shall see which way the States incline. The delay is very detrimental, as with the spring tide, and with the English fleet, which may sail at any moment, fate will soon decide the question, and whether it will favour the cardinal or Buckingham. When this judgment has been given, it will be easy to prognosticate the rest.
Paris, the 12th April, 1628.
[Italian.]
April 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
69. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The return of the Duchess of Chevreuse and the release of Montagu were already arranged and only waiting for the finishing touches, when an accident has upset everything, so that it is impossible to see the end, and I think it will be like Penelope's web. While Montagu was enjoying greater liberty, as a foretaste of his release, and was allowed intercourse with many, who went to visit him, his keeper grew suspicious, I do not know why, of a certain Madame di Pertuis, (fn. 1) who saw him more than the others. He had her observed, though he pretended not to notice, and the good lady, trusting to this, became more venturesome and less cautious than she should have been, and with more haste than was at all requisite she tried furtively to give Montagu a long letter. The keeper took this from her by force and forthwith took it to Cardinal Berul, who is the totum continens, during this interregnum, and to the little Buglione, as the judge delegated by his Majesty for Montagu's case. I should tire your Excellencies by giving a full account of all that is said on this subject. I need only say you must imagine the romances of the old knights errant. The truth of the matter is that among the princesses here in the Louvre itself there is a party friendly to the English and practically declared for them. They have worked hard for the recall of Madame de Chevreuse and the release of Montagu. Whatever was decided overnight in the cabinet between the king and the queen mother and any of the ministers, Montagu in the Bastille and the Duchess of Chevreuse in Lorraine knew all about it the next morning. Hitherto they had not been able to discover whence this information was derived, but the carelessness of this lady has brought everything to light, so they say, disclosing great persons to be interested and great and powerful factions taking part. The ministers of state propose to suppress all they can, but it disturbs them that these intrigues multiply and ramify on French soil. In the meantime the coming of the duchess is put off and Montagu is more strictly confined than at first, while Madame di Pertuis, who is the wife of one of the valets of the king's chamber, is in a wretched dungeon and threatened with worse.
Paris, the 12th April, 1628.
[Italian.]
April 12.
Senato,
Secreta,
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
70. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
We hear that La Rochelle is parleying. They want to wait for the king and not surrender before they see his Majesty. Everyone speaks of the place as reduced to extremity, and seeing succour from England so remote it can do nothing but surrender.
Turin, the 12th of April, 1628.
[Italian.]
April 12.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Germania.
Venetian
Archives.
71. PIERO VICO, Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
We hear of nothing being done in the matter of the cloth, because the Resident of the Chamber has left for the fair at Linz, and during his absence all affairs of this nature remain in suspense.
Prague, the 12th April, 1628.
[Italian; copy.]
April 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
72. To the Ambassador in England.
In the matter of the seizure of the packets you have acted with vigour and prudence, to our complete satisfaction. We note the ample passport obtained for the free passage of your letters. You obtained a remedy for the future in the confession of the mistake made. For the remainder of the business you will follow our past instructions so as to encourage every useful confidence in present circumstances.
The affairs of Italy, owing to the movements of Spain and Savoy against Monferrat, threaten further agitation. We have exerted ourselves for peace, in order to procure just satisfaction by negotiation, without arms. The emperor continues his victories in Germany, and he is thought to be contemplating action at sea also. The emperor and the Catholic are working together to their manifest advantage. In this state of affairs the parties of the union, the Palatine and Denmark, are depressed, and the Dutch are in danger of attack. England no less than the others must consider the situation of Germany and Holland. The reunion of the two crowns is of the highest importance for the public cause and the allied princes. You will never cease to urge upon every occasion the manifest advantage to both France and England of concord and a good understanding between the two countries, to balance the successes of the other powers and the better to secure the public liberty, while increasing the glory of the two princes. The greater their power, influence and adherents the more all well-disposed persons should urge them to employ their forces for the common good of Christendom.
Ayes, 143.Noes, 0.Neutral, 3.
[Italian.]
April 15.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Costantinopoli.
Venetian
Archives.
73. SEBASTIANO VENIERO, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Five days ago the new ambassador of Great Britain arrived here with two most powerful ships, bringing 10,000 Londons, worth 600,000 ryals, besides tin, pepper, powder, sables and other skins, with some 20,000 packs of Florentine satin. I sent to pay my respects and he responded. I will call upon him at the earliest opportunity and will maintain the good understanding with him that the public interests require.
On the 6th a caravan of Bagdad was expected at Aleppo of 500 loads, including 160 of silk sold by the King of Persia to some of his Zolfolini. (fn. 2) It seems that the bulk of the silk will pass as usual by Aleppo, as there are divers disagreements between the English and Dutch and the King of Persia.
We hear further that the Portuguese are besieging Ormuz. The King of Persia does not consider that the English are supplying help according to their obligations, and he complains bitterly.
The Vigne of Pera, the 15th April, 1628.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
April 16.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
74. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
On the night of the 5th inst. I despatched Giupponi, and had him accompanied as far as Dover by a person of my household, to be punctually informed of all that takes place, as I know this to be but too necessary from what I observe in Wake's last representation. On his return he told me that the courier, after being detained two days at Dover by contrary weather, crossed the Channel on the 8th on board a French boat, having received every facility for his prompt despatch, without any impediment from the mayor or his Majesty's other officials, who, indeed, apologised for the last incident. I therefore hope that the courier will have arrived by now. I subsequently received the ducal missives of the 17th March, with five other despatches in arrear, by way of Holland. They give me full powers about the letters and overwhelm me with honour; but I am in a quandary, because I have represented myself as merely authorised to listen and report. Here also they wished me to assent forthwith, and then adopted the expedient of having the matter referred to Wake at Venice. I therefore fear a repulse or at least an excuse that they must first hear the statement of their own minister, and they might attribute my change of attitude to interested motives. Moreover, in my last I bound myself not to take any further step until I got the replies. On the other hand, I bear in mind that the Dover man has not received that exemplary punishment to which your Excellencies allude, but only in a manner of speaking; so I do not see how Wake's proposal will produce the result he announces. Accordingly, I shall wait until I receive what I expect in a few days.
I am sure I have always written that this incident was an accidental fit of fury, suggested by blind passion, under favour of authority, so it is not surprising if, for concealment's sake, it appears under divers masks and forms. I have always represented it as such, and the Ambassador Wake has not done so, as it was his duty to do. Had he merely apologised for the outrage and expressed regret, even by some official falsehood or other furtive way, to better his cause, as when he says he does not know how his letters were delayed, I would be silent; but to vitiate the essence of the fact in its most important details is too important and affects the soul of my service, which would be ruined utterly were my reports to be suspected of mendacity or partiality, when I profess to serve my country with the utmost good faith. I know that once before, when it was a question of the union of these two crowns, he said that his king would give carte blanche to your Serenity, but supposing this to proceed from good will and for the sake of keeping the negotiation on foot, I left it for confirmation by deeds.
As to the exemplary punishment of the Dover man, I refer to the result and to what Wake will have been compelled to retract or excuse by this time. This single point, at variance with the truth, makes room, in my opinion, for all the others, upon which my chief justification is my mental distress. If the Danish ambassadors return, as I trust they will, I shall show clearly both that my letters went with a passport from the Council, signed by eighteen of its members, and that the passport was violated. Many of them were stung by my remonstrances, which were read to them in English by one of my household, whom I keep, since the suppression of the ordinary post, for the sole purpose of consigning my letters, neither to servants nor at Dover, nor on board a boat, nor by shop-keepers, as Wake states, but into the hands of the ambassadors themselves, when they were at sea on their voyage. I understand Wake making excuses, but I resent his blaming me in doing so.
I believe that I have no need of justification, but I cannot allow the truth to be hidden beneath the ruins of my sincerity. I always spoke out because I considered that the nature of the outrage required it, and I had a very clear echo from your Excellencies. But I did not forget the nature of the Court, which abhors extreme rigour, or the critical position of the parties concerned, which required address to avoid a rupture, or the circumstances, which demand commiseration rather than reproof. Thus I accepted on account the decree ordering the imprisonment of the Dover man, and the marks of honour shown by the king, until the affair was in the hands of the republic.
I have always kept my eyes on the duke, and succeeded in discovering his fruitless attempts to translate the cipher, and the excuses he made at the Council, when he devised the expedient of writing to Venice to gain time. He would have wished me to remain quiet and that this should not have been published, but it seemed cowardice to me to keep silent about a matter of which every one was talking. He was rather piqued, but cannot complain, especially as I was so discreet as never to mention his name. He was equally so, as he never appeared on this stage except in a mask. It was his own flour, and I merely kept to the truth. The suspicions he himself communicated to me on his return from the islands would doubtless have been stifled had not the first roots which came from France found favourable soil in the duke's own passions and remorse for his defeat, and perhaps for the sake of thwarting your Excellencies' views about the peace, approved by the king and all good men.
I will not affirm that the Savoyard ambassador co-operated in this, abusing the trust placed in him by your Serenity's ministers, but I know that the duke told me so, and the facts give it colour, as his master, weary of the injuries done him by the French had long aimed at an adjustment with the Spaniards, hope being kept alive by the events at Mantua. So it may reasonably be supposed that the Duke of Savoy warned Scaglia to keep the fire between these two crowns burning, according to the opinion of sound politicians, thwarting those who might extinguish it in order to set fire subsequently to Monferrat and Italy without fear for his own house. I must add the mortification felt by Scaglia about the visits, though the right to complain was mine, and because I contrived that the Dutch ministers showed your Excellencies all due honour. Thus I maintain my duty and reputation, which are my sole capital.
I have thus briefly resumed what I wrote of fully in several letters; not to embroil the affair, as I see your Excellencies are inclined to adjust it, but that you may have reason to rely on the sincerity and firmness of my proceedings.
London, the 16th April, 1628.
[Italian; deciphered.]
April 16. Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
75. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Having given the reasons which compel me to defer the adjustment of the affair of the letters, nothing remains for me to negotiate about the peace, as the French persist in their usual harshness, so the Ambassador Zorzi advises me. The Dutch ambassadors are also awaiting news of the negotiations of their colleagues in France, from whom little can be hoped, as owing to the alliance, the seizure of ships in the Texel and of others at Nantes, the offices performed by them consist of complaints and excuses more than anything else. Here it is in arguments in favour of neutrality and to benefit navigation, but with little fruit. It seems that in France they are expecting the succour for La Rochelle, which in fact has not yet set sail. But I believe this expedition will be rather an impediment as it renders those who are on the winning side elate, and the best time is when both parties are in suspense, as was the case when the taking of Rés remained doubtful. I may add on good authority that the English trust to see France in great trouble and disrepute either by an attack on her frontiers by the imperial forces, or by her own desertion of the Duke of Mantua. I discover that these hopes have generated in the English a fresh claim not to abandon either La Rochelle or the Duke of Rohan, the king having bound himself to them orally and in writing, because on this last occasion they declared themselves in favour of England. This matter of Rohan is of very great consequence, because it affects the interests of the Prince of Condé, who might not acquiesce even if the Most Christian wished, especially if Rohan's estates are restored to him. Without this the adjustment will be difficult, so the French will see the cost of having brought that prince into the dance, as his maxims are thoroughly Jesuitical and Spanish. The cardinal is supposed to have put him forward purposely in his own interests, and enable him to weather any storm by means of the army.
These well-grounded arguments produce a great effect on their passions here, although they ought to weigh less than those in favour of the public cause, which is manifestly perishing. They anticipate a speedy upheaval throughout France, though I can assert that the disposition of the king and all good men continues to be excellent, although the means for making it effective become more and more difficult. Fresh disturbance will doubtless be caused by the movements of Savoy in Italy, of which the wisest statesmen disapprove, but they give great satisfaction to influential and prejudiced persons, who desire nothing better than to see France humiliated.
Scaglia will doubtless be most carefully on the watch, well knowing that the only way to succour Mantua is by way of a diversion in Savoy, which the French cannot make so long as they are engaged at Rochelle, or against the Huguenots. Scaglia apologises for his master's movements on the ground of necessity, because of the contemptuous maltreatment he received from the French, which has led him, for more than a year, to seek to come to terms with the Spaniards, though he does not deny that he is running a great risk. He says it is better to place the noose of servitude in his own hands than to be throttled violently by enemies. To those who spoke to him about this, Scaglia added that he believed his master would easily change sides, if the French were in earnest and showed the change by deeds, for he would not trust their words any more, and would recognise that they have no greater enemies than the Spaniards, although they now appear in France in the guise of young maidens.
Now that the fire is beginning to kindle seriously in Italy, I will keep my eye on everything. Already the intelligence has given exceeding pleasure to this Court and the whole of the North, because of the hopes of a diversion and consequently of relief, a matter of sound statesmanship. They think here that peace between England and France would be of little avail, unless the latter removes the mask, but she is in such discredit with all parties and known to be so weak in the field and council chamber, and from civil dissension, that no one ventures to place great reliance on her. It would therefore be much if the English forces were to wheel unimpeded towards Denmark, as they would, since the king and people strongly incline that way.
I set forth the views current here and in France, as likely to be of service, and because I am unable to negotiate, and have nothing to do. The Dutch ambassadors made a faint suggestion in conversation that your Serenity might unite with their masters to facilitate something beneficial for both Courts. I replied in general terms, especially as they did not make a formal approach to me. I shall be glad of your commands for my guidance, as for the rest, I maintain excellent relations with them.
I retain the letter for the king about the Despotini affair, with the other particulars in the despatch of the 25th February, in order to carry out your wishes after my public audience.
London, the 16th April, 1628.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
April 16.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
76. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
There is little to add to what I wrote about the trade of Leghorn, which continues to flourish. The hopes of Savoy about Villa Franca are already known to be disappointed, as during the six months and more which have elapsed since the declaration of the franchise, only a very few vessels have gone there, laden with fish or other cargoes of small value. It is possible, supposing Savoy comes to terms with Spain, that it might be more frequented, because of the facility for trading in those countries, although the war in progress with France and the duke's own neediness will make the merchants very cautious, as they have been deceived before, on the plea of necessity.
From what I hear there are no conventions at Leghorn except the free port. There they only pay one dollar per bale whatever it may be, without exception, and they may keep the goods there for a year, either on the ships or in warehouses, and then take them elsewhere, without any further charge. I must add that wealthy merchants of Genoa and Lucca have agents there, who purchase the cargoes and unlade the ships immediately, precisely because of this advantage of having a year for the sale of the goods without cost.
The shortness of the voyage is also an important consideration. The last ships of which your Excellencies wrote made it in only twenty-four days, and, what is more, they trade thence indirectly with the Spanish dominions, and at Marseilles and Genoa, where English goods cannot go, owing to the war, and are consequently worth two-thirds more than usual, to the very great profit of the merchants.
These are the essential points to account for the prosperity of Leghorn. Thus when they tried to compel the merchants to go to Villa Franca, they flatly refused, and the Grand Duke's agent never made any effort but merely assured the merchants that they should enjoy the same privileges as before, these being apparently all they want. On the other hand they dread the voyage to Venice as too long and hazardous, for it takes three times as long as Leghorn; they consider the navigation of the Gulf very intricate, and it does not serve them for Spain, the most essential point, because of the distance. From Venice they might transmit goods to Lombardy or Germany, especially the latter, as Hamburg, Lubeck and the other Baltic ports are unsafe for them, but the import, export and transit duties deter them altogether, so much so that a very eminent London merchant tells me that at this very moment he has some twenty bales ready for Vicenza, and he is sending them to Leghorn, where they pay one dollar for unlading and transit, and eight per bale for land carriage, so that they go the whole way for nine crowns. If they went straight to Venice, besides the long voyage and the higher premium for insurance, on account of the risks, they calculate that the conveyance of each bale would cost from 30 to 40 crowns, according to the nature of the goods, while they have to swear to these at the Custom House, no slight grievance, they consider, and one to which they are not subjected at Leghorn.
This great difference makes me despair of carrying out your Excellencies' wishes, though I will do what I can without committing myself. In the interval you may give the matter the consideration it merits from the importance of trade to nations.
London, the 16th April, 1628.
[Italian.]
April 16.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
77. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Parliament began with prognostics of a bad result. As the session proceeded it was subdued by a consideration of the present state of public affairs and the ruin of the realm. I may now say that it has ended very well and to the satisfaction of everybody. The king made the enclosed proposals, and as this involved a considerable outlay, they said they would take it into consideration with a most ardent desire to give his Majesty satisfaction at least in the most necessary matters. Amongst these they specified help to Denmark and the defence of the coast as the most important for this country. The Commons would have liked to take entire charge of naval affairs, appointing another Admiral, with more experience than the duke, as well as treasurers for the administration of the funds. They abstained from anticipation of defeat and the usual acrimony, so as not to interfere with greater benefits. The duke showed his statecraft by reducing them to such straits that the fear of destruction made them lose sight of every other passion.
They had many other pretensions, both against the Catholics and to rid the realm of soldiers, with other similar measures involving delay. The Catholics are rather less persecuted just now, and the king has refused his consent to any fresh statutes against them. After much discussion, always with great moderation and respect for the king and his wishes and without ever alluding to the duke or entering into particulars about the employment of the money, they agreed to grant five subsidies, amounting to about two million crowns, on condition that the king bound himself by act of parliament never to exact money except through the parliament, or punished those who refused payment, as was the case with the last loan. The king refused to enact such a law to the prejudice of the royal prerogative, but promised it to them on his word. As this did not satisfy them, it was arranged that the king should confirm all their privileges by act of parliament, thus virtually including what they asked, in addition to the promise.
Things were brought thus far on Friday evening. Yesterday, Saturday, a solemn fast was made in this city, and the same will be done all over England on the 1st of May, the king having given his consent at the request of parliament. To-morrow they will pass their bills, unless other obstacles arise, which I do not anticipate. Parliament will then adjourn for the holidays, some say to reassemble after Easter, some not. It is true that many petitions and complaints have been presented, and they want to introduce many good regulations, especially in naval matters, which are in a very sad plight, though more important questions may delay them until another opportunity.
I know for certain that when assenting to the subsidies the whole parliament declared that they should be employed for the support of Denmark, for the Sound, for the carrying out of the offensive and defensive league with the States and similar liabilities against the Austrians, whose great progress, so important to Europe and Great Britain, alone had the force to make parliament overlook affronts and acrimony, without investigating them. For the rest, the two Houses approved, though faintly, the disputes with France, making representations against them by prayers and not by protests. God grant they may take effect, as from the result of this parliament advantage may be anticipated.
The succour for La Rochelle has not yet set sail, because many of the sailors mutinied on embarking, refusing to serve unless they received twenty instalments of pay, barricading themselves in the townhall of Plymouth. They were imprisoned, and troops have been marched in that direction to prevent worse riots. Everything now seems quiet, and nine royal ships with five armed merchantmen and transports are ready to sail with the first fair wind, one of the delegates from Rochelle being at Plymouth to hasten them. I believe, however, that they will await news of the three small Rochelle ships which left here, to know what they may expect about passing the channel. The loss of that fortress is not generally apprehended, and they expect that the Most Christian will not retreat before the arrival of the succour, to avoid showing that he does so on that account, knowing the undertaking to be desperate.
A vigorous edict has again been published against all merchandise coming from France, such as wine, salt, etc., under any flag soever. I do not know if it will be repeated again, but the Dutch ambassadors complain of it because of the loss their countrymen sustain thereby. It was explained to them that as the French did this with English merchandise in France, regardless of Dutch interests, the government here was compelled to follow their example, as the Dutch chose to remain neutral; all for the sake of compelling them to join England, in which they certainly will not succeed. Some one told them that they will connive a little in favour of Dutch vessels, but they decline to run the risk, as they have suffered too many seizures of late and too much molestation.
Carlisle does not leave, and there are various opinions about it. It does not seem proper for him to go to Savoy now that it has become Spanish, unless it be in order to make France suspicious. He says, however, that he will go, and may even proceed to Venice, as he wishes to absent himself, an unpleasant verbal altercation with the duke having again occurred.
Carleton's nephew is on the eve of departure for the Hague, where he is to reside as agent for the king. He told me that the ambassador, although dismissed, will not return at once, foreseeing some rupture, which like a good minister he would fain avert, between the two nations about the Amboyna massacre. The king complains that no demonstration has been made in the Netherlands against the culprits. Here the ambassadors are unable to get back the ships, at the risk of the merchandise on board of them laded two years ago being spoiled. Indeed, they are threatened with confiscation unless they give satisfaction. By reason of these disputes the English, I know not whether from conjecture or from authentic advices, suspect the ships of the Delft Company may be seized if they go with the usual cloth. They tried to get the Dutch ambassadors to promise that this should not happen, but they excused themselves on the plea that they had no instructions and no knowledge of the matter. The suspicion has therefore become greater, and they have forbidden the ships to depart until some remedy is devised either here or in Holland. To see how here and in France they maltreat the States and how incessantly they seek every opportunity to annoy them, when they have so much other business of importance on hand, astounds everybody and induces a belief in some fatality detrimental to the common cause.
Advices have arrived of the league concluded between Denmark and Sweden; of the hopes of a truce with the Poles, despite the obstacles raised by the emperor, who seeks to be a party to it, lest Sweden turn against him; of a rising of the peasants of Holstein, who gained some advantage over the Imperialists, and of the perilous situation of Stadem, Morgan having written that he cannot hold out beyond the end of this month. 6,000l. have been sent him already, and for the present it does not seem that he can expect any more hence. So the place may be expected to fall, though the Council of State and of War have determined, in conformity with the king's proposal in parliament, to keep ten ships and 6,000 foot well paid, clothed and provisioned in the service of Denmark until the close of the war. This will be important, if punctually carried out.
A French gentleman, pensioner of Denmark, has arrived, bringing with him a page in the service of the queen mother, not without suspicion of his being a spy. He brought letters from the ambassadors, with news of their having begun the negotiations, without alluding to Rochelle or the Huguenots, seeing that the French were too excited upon those points. But nothing will ever be gained in England unless they are included either directly or effectually.
The administrator of Magdeburg, who passed through Venice on his way out and home from Transylvania, wished to come here in his own interests and those of Denmark, but Carleton dissuaded him, having received orders in advance to that effect, at least so I am told.
London, the 16th April, 1628.
[Italian; the first part in italics deciphered.]
Enclosure.78. The King's proposals to Parliament.
(1) To man and victual thirty ships to guard the coasts of the kingdom.
(2) To fit out ten other ships for the preservation of the River Elbe, leading to the Baltic.
(3) To fit out ten other ships to assist La Rochelle.
(4) To fit out an army of a thousand horse and ten thousand foot, clothed, victualled and paid for foreign service.
(5) To pay and keep six thousand foot always ready to help the King of Denmark.
(6) To furnish supplies for the Ordnance Office.
(7) To furnish the ordnance magazines.
(8) To build twenty ships yearly to increase the fleet.
(9) To rebuild the fortresses of the kingdom.
(10) To pay the debts of the Ordnance Office.
(11) To pay the debts of the Victualling Office.
(12) To pay the debts of the office of the Treasurer of the ships.
(13) To pay the debts for the hire of ships employed in his Majesty's service.
(14) To provide a magazine for the stores for the navy and army.
[Italian; translated from the English.]
April 19.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Germania.
Venetian
Archives.
79. PIERO VICO, Venetian Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Sig. Bruneo has returned from Flanders, where he spent these last months to arrange about interrupting the navigation of the English and Dutch in the Baltic. I fancy he had commissions to settle the articles somehow or other, although the difficulties will be numerous and important, because the Hanse towns in particular claim to preserve their neutrality in order not to lose the great capital which they have in those states and in the dominions of the King of Denmark. Time will show what hopes of success there may be, as he will begin to treat with General Vuolestain, to whom these matters are of great moment.
Prague, the 19th April, 1628.
[Italian; copy.]
April 20.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
80. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They write to me from Paris that matters are finally adjusted with the Duke of Lorraine, and he is therefore going to that city. That Montagu has been set at liberty and is leaving for England, and that the Duchess of Chevreuse has arrived at Dampier.
Monpinpo, the 20th April, 1628.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

1 Elizabeth des Roches, wife of John de Pertuis.
2 Probably meaning his subjects living on the Persian Gulf.