Venice: June 1628, 26-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

'Venice: June 1628, 26-30', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629, (London, 1916) pp. 149-159. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol21/pp149-159 [accessed 26 April 2024]

June 1628



June 26. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	201. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	No news has come of the Earl of Carlisle except that he stayed three days at Brussels and spent half a day with the Infanta in treating for some accommodation. They do not say much about it here, as they profess not to know the particulars. I have serious misgivings that they have some preconcerted arrangement, as otherwise I should expect their criticisms of his visit to that court to continue, whereas they have ceased altogether.
	The Hauge, the 26th June, 1628.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 26. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Zante. Venetian Archives.	202. PIERO MALIPIERO, Venetian Proveditore of Zante, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	We learn from an English ship which arrived on the 9th from Smyrna for Venice, hired by Sig. Nicolo Urlandi, that 16 Turkish galleys have made an incursion into the Black Sea, and Abdi Pasha is at Scios with only one galley. As the Englishman brought in a French ship captured off Cerigo, I made him leave at once. Letters subsequently arrived from the Rector of that place saying that the capture had happened under the fortress and that I ought to detain it. This I could not do, as it had already left.
	Zante, the 16th June, 1628, old style.
	[Italian.]
June 26. Collegio, Secreta. Esposizioni, Principi. Venetian Archives.	203. The French ambassador came into the Collegio and among other things he remarked:
	I have spoken before of English ships lying in wait to plunder French ones in the republic's ports and seas, and asked for a remedy. I now have fresh letters from Zante that there are four English ships in that port with a captured tartana for that purpose, which have attacked a saetta. I therefore again ask for a relief from these prejudices. He then presented a memorial.
	The doge promised a remedy and caused the Senate's decision of the 23rd inst. to be read to the ambassador as well as what the English ambassador said and the offices performed at that Court. The ambassador expressed his thanks and withdrew to take a note of the deliberation.
	The Memorial.
	Some time ago Antonio Bottiglier, a Frenchman, master of the saetta or tartana, San Giovanni Battista, left here for Zante. He had on board Francisco Fabre, on his way from Marseilles to Zante, about a theft, bearing letters from your Serenity. In letters of the 4th from Zante, I am assured that when this Antonio arrived there on the 29th May he was attacked by a tartana which had been French, but was captured by the English, with 30 or 90 of them on board, who tried to capture him. He took refuge in the port of Zante, by a miracle, where there were four English ships with this tartana which were simply lurking about to capture French ships; treating them worse than if they were in Barbary, making a thousand extortions of their goods and persons. Your Serenity must consider the necessity of remedying this, and if the English wish to go privateering let them do it somewhere else than in the sea and jurisdiction of your Serenity. You must not allow them to lurk in your ports to the hurt of the French. If this reached his Majesty's ears it could not fail to impress him very badly; but I feel sure that your Serenity will speedily provide for the security of navigation and the punishment of offenders of whatever kind they may be.
	[Italian.]
June 29. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	204. To the Ambassador in England.
	We have your letters of the 29th May and five of your despatches have reached us since; our Ambassador Soranzo writing that he sent them at the first opportunity. Scaglia's ideas about Mantua will serve to enlighten us. The republic has served the common cause in trying to reconcile Savoy and France, and it will not desist. This for information. We enclose particulars about Monferrat. You will use them to point out the necessity for every prince to prevent such a great blow to the cause from falling. The negotiations which Carlisle may carry on at Brussels are not adapted to this, and may help to incline the States to a truce, to the irreparable loss of the Palatine. You will try and find out what commissions and particulars that minister takes and send us full information.
	We learn that Colonel Morgan has arrived there. We have written about him to the Hague to know upon what terms he would bring levies here. You will also try to find out the same.
	Ayes, 143.	Noes, 4.	Neutral, 2.
	[Italian.]
June 29. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	205. To the Ambassador at the Hague.
	There could be no better opportunity of exciting the Palatine to resist the proposals for a truce than the unexpected departure of Carlisle for Brussels, as suspect to that prince and everyone else. Your representations to the Palatine and his wife cannot fail to produce good fruit. We shall be curious to know if Carlisle negotiates by express orders of his king and what answers he receives. He abstained from communicating anything at the Hague, foreseeing difficulties. It will be very desirable, in order to obtain information, to have some correspondent at Brussels, and we feel sure you will arrange this.
	Ayes, 143.	Noes, 4.	Neutral, 2.
	[Italian.]
June 30. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	206. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	On receiving your Serenity's commands about the despatches, I immediately acquainted the commissioners and my confidential friends, apologising for the delay on the plea of my letters being detained while Wake's had arrived. Two days after the Secretary Conway came here to the embassy in the king's name, congratulating himself on the adjustment, thanking me for my good offices which had helped to terminate it in a satisfactory manner, and repeating some apologies and compliments. He proposed that I should appoint a day for the public audience, so that his Majesty's affection might be shown by this unusual mark of honour.
	I made a suitable reply, but said that I did not think it proper for me to name a day, but that I should always be ready to receive the favour at his Majesty's convenience. The chamberlain fixed the time two days later, and the Earl of Exeter fetched me in the royal coaches. I did not think fit to ask for the guards, as it is not customary at public audiences; they were not ordered by the king in the case of Blainville or drawn up in line, but as it fell to their captain to reconduct him to the Court, he had himself accompanied by a few of them for his own personal honour and as a mark of respect for himself.
	The king received me with great honour in the presence chamber, which was full of nobility and courtiers. I told him that I had come as invited to hear his royal pleasure, without adding more. He answered that he had heard the republic's opinion and mine about the letters and he wished to declare to the whole world that it occurred contrary to his will. He greatly regretted it and it should never occur again. He had never resented my proceedings in the least. He wished always to render more manifest his real cordiality and his trust in your Excellencies, which was no less than it had been with his predecessors, to the mutual advantage of both parties. He was sorry to hear that you had been much incensed, but he inferred from the result that I had always contributed good offices and he hoped I would continue to do so. He thanked your Excellencies for being convinced of his good will in the matter; it would be the same in everything else. He told me to represent this and concluded with every expression of honour.
	I thanked his Majesty for this testimony, which was due to the sincerity of the republic. I hinted that the incident was due to malignants who wished to throw suspicion on the very ancient and sincere friendship professed by your Excellencies. I felt the blow deeply on that account, fearing that his Majesty had deemed me incapable of exercising this charge, in which honour was due to me. However, I had always represented the matter in such a way as to mitigate heat, and I felt sure that Wake would testify to this. Everything would now be forgotten, and your Excellencies desired to preserve this friendship intact. I had abstained from presenting myself at Court from fear of offending his Majesty himself, as he would disdain to be served except by persons of unblemished credit. I asked him to appoint a private audience for some commissions I had on the affairs of Christendom. The king again said I might have it whenever I pleased, and spoke very graciously. I was conducted back to the embassy by the earl and his retinue.
	The incident and reparation have been published on this extraordinary occasion, to the conspicuous advantage of the state, and with marked approval, unless I am mistaken. I thought it advisable to give the queen a concise account of what had taken place, two days after, before she went into the country, where she will remain some weeks, as she has had a slight attack of fever. She was already well informed and expressed her regret, wishing me every satisfaction. She was very kind, convincing me that she was glad of the mark of esteem and of the adjustment which I communicated to her. In my visits I communicate to the ministers and ambassadors what has taken place, attesting the republic's satisfaction and my own at such worthy demonstrations on the part of his Majesty. To the envoy of Savoy I had the particulars communicated by my secretary, while I sent an account to the foreign Courts. I must conclude by thanking your Excellencies for your support. I never had any private passion, where the honour of the republic is concerned, and for it I would cheerfully sacrifice my days.
	London, the 30th June, 1628.
	[Italian.]
June 30. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	207. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Two days after the public audience I had a private one, at which I executed my commissions, the last being of the 19th May. In the first place I asked the king to release the prisoner, as the last phrase of the affair of the packets. His Majesty seemed very pleased. I then presented your Serenity's replies about Despotini. I also repeated the request for an order to the English ambassador at Constantinople to make proclamation in that city and other ports of the Levant, that the English are forbidden to molest or fight your Serenity's subjects under pretence of attacking the enemies of this crown, as happened some months ago in sight of Zante. The king expressed his regret, assuring me that it happened without his order, which I do not doubt, and promising me every satisfaction. He referred me to the Secretary Conway, to whom I presented a brief memorial, and I will endeavour to obtain the grant of my demand as soon as parliamentary business gives way to other matters.
	I availed myself of this office as an introduction to more important negotiations, representing that I was only on the watch to bar the road to disasters at their beginnings. This introduced the very serious affairs of Italy, kindled by the flames of the war with France, as there did not seem to be any other pretext for expelling Nevers, the legitimate heir of Mantua and Monferrat, except the opportunity afforded by present events. Although that prince was accused of want of respect to the house of Austria, a war has never been waged on account of compliments and politeness. Under this well worn cloak they slaked their thirst for universal empire, the more willingly because under this same pretext of deposit they also enjoyed the Palatinate. I thought this a useful comparison to irritate without affection. I dropped a hint about the wise course pursued by Nevers, who thus combined the qualities of a good captain and statesman, rendering his subjects very unanimous, which was the sole pole star for all good results. I expressed the hope that his Majesty would also soon feel the effects, through the good conduct of parliament, on which I congratulated and encouraged him. He acknowledged this by suitable words and gestures. I spoke of your Serenity's preparations for self defence, and your offices for the common liberty, showing the republic's ancient policy, which was the more necessary at the present moment, as so many powers had most surprisingly lost the use of it. The king understood me to refer to the Duke of Savoy, and he remarked that the injuries received from the French much more than his own claims had influenced the duke. I replied at once that many entertained the same opinion, but I thought that Nevers had offered to give him satisfaction for his claims, according to the agreement made between the two families in 1625, which was not carried out because of Mantua's objections. No one had a better opinion of the duke than your Excellencies, who had experience of him, and hoped that as he had so often been deluded by the Spaniards, he would always show himself a good Italian, since he stood to lose as much as any other power. As his Majesty was so much in the duke's confidence I made sure that he would remain on the right side, and would not leave it. I thought it advisable to touch the chords lightly, so that the sound being heard elsewhere may keep that side well disposed, and not to exasperate it by complaints, especially at the outset, while matters are still doubtful, and I think I hit the mark, as the king added that he would always answer for the right views of Savoy, provided that the French do not make him change them by violence and outrages. Your Excellencies will remark the harmony of this conversation, which also gives rise to confidential relations. From this I took occasion to observe that the more the princes on the right side go to ruin by dissensions among themselves, the more the Austrians profit by ties of blood, interest and joint policy, progressing alike by war, artifice and bribery towards universal monarchy. If the remedy is delayed too long the body may find itself so enfeebled as no longer to stand it. I expatiated on the progress made by Germany, on the peace with Hungary, the war between Poland and Sweden, the danger of the States and Denmark, the misgivings of Switzerland and the Free Towns, the invasion of Italy, the change of Electors in order to render the empire hereditary, and similar things, frequently repeated and notorious, but as yet without any remedy, and so far no one seeks to apply one. From this circuit I brought myself to the point that all this progress and even more was based on the war between these two crowns, as the principal wheels of the clock, which upset everything when they turn in contrary directions. His Majesty was called upon by all right minded men and by his own prudence and interest to turn his attention to this without delay, and not derogate from the lustre of his predecessors, who have always kept the balance between the great powers in Europe, at one time joining the French and at another the Austrians, so that neither might greatly predominate. All right minded men and especially your Excellencies urged this true policy upon him, as they knew that it was for the public good as well as for his personal advantage. By facilitating the diversion in Italy he would relieve all the friendly powers here in the north, and diminish the assistance and expenditure to which he is bound for their support. The French now apologise for not aiding Nevers on the plea of the war with his Majesty, and he was asked to deprive them of this pretext. Although I recognised that La Rochelle was the sole hindrance to this, and I had no right to dissuade or recommend its relief, yet he might consider the expense and the risks, which might induce the Spaniards to form some design against his Majesty himself, such as they possibly have in their eye.
	The king answered at intervals that he commended the extreme zeal of your Excellencies for the common weal and his own welfare. All the mischief undoubtedly proceeded from the dispute, but the French alone were to blame, as by repeatedly violating faith and promises they had destroyed all reliance in negotiations with them. The French government was corrupt and utterly Spanish. They proved this by preferring to molest their own subjects, contrary to treaties and edicts, rather than to help Nevers, forgetting their friends and claims in Italy. The hopes of deriving any good for the common cause diminished daily, as the fear of breaking with the Spaniards had more weight with them than the national honour. If they refused to give the mere name, without money or help, to a Frenchman, they were not likely to do much for anyone else. The excuse of the present war with England was invalid, as France was very powerful and might wage both, but the abandonment of Nevers proved that all her projects were against the Huguenots, impeding the union instead of facilitating it. He consistently maintained the same views, namely, that if the French will give peace to their own subjects and help to Denmark, as they have so often promised, he will forget all injuries, however deep, and never bring them forward. For the rest he was quite determined to make a second attempt for La Rochelle, and in such a way that he will succeed or the whole world will know that it was impossible. Great undertakings mean great risks and great resolution, of which his forces betrayed a sad lack at the last attempt.
	I thought fit to rejoin that through the peace both the conditions desired by his Majesty would be obtained, but by more gentle means, suited to the need, not roughly, as many recommended, possibly for the sake of a complete rupture. When peace is made the French will doubtless help Nevers, and by so doing they will gradually involve themselves in the war with Spain, with as much benefit to Denmark through the diversion as by any other more direct means, or by the promised assistance. I said the Huguenots would treat for peace whenever his Majesty covertly allowed them to do so. They did not do it at present from fear of losing his Majesty's protection. This course will be the easiest and safest, as the Most Christian will scarcely treat about his own subjects with foreign powers. The example might some day prove injurious to his Majesty himself. The continuance of this mutual distrust, the trade with Dunkirk, the visits paid to the Infanta and Savoy's offer to bring about an adjustment with Spain gave great heart to the enemy and conferred great honour on them, rendering the friendly powers suspicious, and in doubt whether they ought to attend more to the common liberty or to making terms for servitude.
	The king replied with great alacrity that the Dunkirk trade took place without his order or knowledge, and when subjects chose to risk the loss of everything it was difficult to prevent them. At the suit of the Dutch ambassadors he had ordered the punishment of some, and had commanded the issue of a rigorous proclamation against the others, so that it was all stopped for the future. Carlisle had seen the Infanta, against his wishes and contrary to instructions, without letters of credence or anything else, but in his despatches he apologises for the fault on the ground that a refusal of the invitation might have subjected him to some affront. It was true that Savoy had offered his mediation, if he wished to come to terms with the Catholic. He had thanked the duke, but told Baroccio that the consent and advantage of his friends and allies must be combined in this, as it was for their sake that he waged the war. I noted especially that he added he was at war with France and Spain, but if either or both together offered him terms advantageous for the common cause and for his friends, he would accept gladly, but he inclined more to France, on account of their relationship, their nearness and similar interests. It seemed a great thing to me that he should declare that with regard to Spain he had no other interest than that of his friends, as he has never spoken thus before. Evidently evil spirits (foleti) are blowing on the coals. Although a project probably exists for the sake of arousing jealousy, a system in which this Court deals largely, yet when this is coupled with a report that Spinola is bringing proposals for a truce with the Dutch, I am bound to send word at once of the least shadow of such a thing, as if Rochelle is not relieved they will certainly do anything to spite the French.
	They by no means object to the war in Italy, as it will either involve France or cause civil strife there, the nation being ardent and piqued to help Nevers, especially Monsieur, as it would doubtless serve greatly to relieve Germany, and because they have great satisfaction in seeing the pope and your Serenity harassed, as but for this you would have remained quiet in the midst of the general turmoil. This benefit is attributed to the movements of the Duke of Savoy, to palliate their impropriety.
	The objects of the negotiations with Spain are and will be the same as I have always stated, and so long as Buckingham rules, fomented by Savoy and swayed by his own passions, anything may happen. However, I am sure that the fruit is not quite ripe. I will keep on the watch and raise every possible obstacle.
	The only impediment to peace with France is La Rochelle, which prevents anyone from bringing it forward. One can only desire its relief, as they are determined to send it, as however the attempt may end, the aspect of the business will change, and as the Rochellese are certainly provisioned for two or three months longer and determined to hold out to the last, I foresee that the whole summer will pass without help for Italy, since her emergencies cause their pretensions here to augment.
	I send every particular of this interview, which lasted a very long while. I endeavoured to return to the ranks and see new land after many months' absence from Court, as it would have been unseasonable to press matters, for reasons given already. I have sent word of everything to Zorzi, and add that the service of the state will profit by my having frequent opportunities for seeing the king, as I observe that all men give him information according to the objects which they have in view, without regard for anything else.
	London, the 30th June, 1628.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 30. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	208. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The king's second reply to the memorial satisfied parliament, especially as his Majesty gave them to understand that he wished it to be printed, registered in the provinces and preserved in the Tower of London among the treasures of the Crown, as a lasting record of his love for the liberty of the people. Accordingly they passed the subsidy bill immediately in the Lower House. It will soon come to the king, as it is already in the Upper House, where it is never customary to oppose such a vote, so it will serve for the full completion of this first period, about which I have never had any doubt. Nevertheless yesterday the Commons, apart from the Lords, presented a remonstrance to the king about the disorders of the government and about religion, containing many charges and laying the blame for everything on the immoderate favour of the Duke of Buckingham. It is presented as a remonstrance and memorial and not as a petition or protest, in order to obtain satisfaction immediately. The document was very long and the king listened to it very patiently, but answered briefly and brusquely, saying he understood more about such matters than they did. He always supposed that they knew little about them, but he now realises that they knew nothing at all. However, he would take the matter into consideration, as its nature deserved. The duke, who was present, knelt before the king, some say to speak, others to thank him; but the king would not let him speak, gave him his hand and made him get up. To say the truth, a general reply was expected and not so sharp a one, so it has provoked the Commons, though they will scarcely be in time to stop the money grant, which the king will levy, dismiss the parliament and reassemble them when all is spent. It was not really the intention of parliament to impede this first course. They thought they had made great progress with the four points of the memorial; but for the sake of keeping alive the complaints against the duke, with which to end the session and resume them at the next meeting, or when allowed to go on. Although the king's favour, which is seen to be firmly rooted, will save the duke from any storm, the benefit of time will be of advantage to him, and in the interval he ought to devote himself to diminish the king's need of money as much as possible, chiefly by peace abroad.
	Meanwhile it is reported that a Jesuit has undertaken to compose an apology for the duke, in confutation of the remonstrances of parliament. That body lately condemned a preacher (fn. 1) for having maintained the royal prerogative in the pulpit, to the disparagement of the people. They made him recant and had his sermon burned, which had already been printed, inflicting other penalties. An enquiry has been set on foot to find out who advised the king to lay taxes on the people, to raise levies in Germany for the purpose of converting them, introducing foreign commanders into the council of war, acquainting them with the country's most vital resources for its defence and other things in violation of the national rights, If the king, having got the money, does not pause for the present, he may easily annihilate some of them.
	The Londoners having raised a riot without cause, murdered a certain Dr. Lamb, supposed by the ignorant to be in the duke's service as necromancer, to obtain favour for him with the king. They dragged him out of the house in which he had taken refuge, threatening the owners to pull it down unless they gave him up. He who could strike the victim was a lucky man, the mob shouting that if his master was there they would treat him in the same way, with similar tumultuous yells. This enraged the king greatly, as the example is very perilous, but it will be difficult to discover the real culprits in the midst of such a multitude.
	The succour for La Rochelle is being got ready. In the Thames there are twenty small ships, built for the purpose of acting against the Dunkirkers. They will form part of it, and the fleet will be twice as strong as the last, especially in artificial fireworks. The king will go in person to see it before it starts. That will not be for a month at least. They say that Soubise will be on board and that the duke will command; but there is no reason why he should risk his repute in a very difficult expedition, of doubtful success. Meanwhile it is said that a captain has died in a few hours, with suspicion of poison, who maintained that for the national honour and by reason of the facility of the undertaking, some attempt ought to be made to relieve La Rochelle; and on seeing his opinion rejected, he demanded a written document to show the king on his return. (fn. 2) Two gentlemen arrived lately from La Rochelle, (fn. 3) after traversing the French camp. They report that the besieged are firm and the place provisioned for two months. This means twice as long or more, according to the regular custom of men in a siege. The king received them well and made them a present.
	Since the Dutch began to impede the trade with Dunkirk, the English also have taken two ships bound thither. The king ordered the punishment of their captains and the confiscation of their cargoes, but as they had a passport signed by two or three of the Lords of the Council, who ought to have been six at least, as they are interested parties, they will easily put things right. A proclamation forbidding that trade for the future has also been ordered, but not yet published, and many things cannot be considered certain until they have taken place.
	Although the king and the whole Court declare that the visits paid by Carlisle at Brussels were contrary to his instructions, letters from merchants at Antwerp and from the French ambassador resident there state that he himself made several requests for admission, and this was granted much to the advantage of Spanish affairs, at least apparently. As the Danish and Dutch ministers here express much suspicion about it, I have been able to learn all about it on good authority, so that I can assure your Serenity of the following facts. The Earl of Carlisle, before he left, urged in the Council the necessity for taking this route, and paying the visits, as if they caused umbrage to friends they would produce the same effect on the French also, and that might bring them to terms. The king disapproved and rejected the idea entirely, but Carlisle chose to act contrary to his instructions. Some believe that he did so in order to oblige the duke, who is in favour of Spain, but it rather seems to me that he sought to give him a blow by this escapade. However, he did not treat about peace; indeed, he rather crushed any hopes that had been conceived about it. But, as this may have caused some apprehension to the French, they will let it pass without saying anything more. I have reported this so that your Excellencies may know the truth among many conflicting advices, especially as Carlisle may sell the same wares at Turin, and the duke himself, being conversant with these cabals, may lend a hand, so that he may make a good figure.
	The Danish ambassadors, who have arrived and seen the king, insist on help for their master. They hope that the session of parliament may not prove useless for them. The king let them understand that he would give as many as 2,000 foot for the defence of Lucstat and Crempen; but they ask for 6,000, paid. This means 100,000 florins a month, which is one third of the obligation, according to the last league. They also think of ten or fifteen ships, but they may consider themselves fortunate, if they get the infantry under the command of Colonel Morgan, who is already appointed general of all the King of Denmark's infantry, and is at liberty to serve against the emperor, even before the expiry of six months, provided he comes to England as he has, according to the terms of his capitulation. He is a very fine soldier and will certainly render good service. They say little about the peace with France and certainly do not bring any negotiation. The king spoke to them about closing the channel of La Rochelle, representing it as easier than they themselves could have told him or given him to understand that it was. We must await the results of this general crisis, regretting the delay, because it is not possible to alter their decisions, and it might not be expedient to speak about them, except in general terms, to avoid suspicion of partiality.
	Colonel Chempussen, (fn. 4) late in Mansfelt's service, has come here. The duke sent for him and does him great honour, but he is unpopular as a foreigner. Some of the king's ships brought into these ports twelve Hamburg ships, bound for Spain with naval stores, and other prohibited things. The Secretary Coke, who is at the seaside for the outfit of the succour, had them all released. It has been said that he did so because the Hamburgers also promise not to accommodate the Imperialists in any way provided they are allowed to trade with Spain. It is a delicate matter, as by permitting this they put arms in the hands of the Spaniards for an attack on this kingdom. naval stores being the only thing they require, and these are exported from Hamburg in the greatest quantity. I will try and learn more about this.
	By way of Amsterdam I have some scattered letters of the despatch dated the 2nd June. It must have been broken open in Germany. I have not found any letter from the state; this in case a duplicate is required.
	London, the 30th June, 1628.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 30. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Svizzeri. Venetian Archives.	209. GIROLAMO CAVAZZA, Venetian Secretary with the Swiss, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Earl of Carlisle entered Nancy on the 17th. Rotta writes me from Basel that the earl is daily expected in that city. Some say he will go on straight to Savoy, others that he will come here and proceed to Berne and Chambery. His short stay in Flanders shows clearly that he did not broach matters of consequence to the Infanta, as was feared.
	Zurich, the 30th June, 1628.
	[Italian.]