Venice
January 1629, 26-29

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Institute of Historical Research

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Allen B. Hinds (editor)

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1916

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499-511

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'Venice: January 1629, 26-29', Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21: 1628-1629 (1916), pp. 499-511. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=89213 Date accessed: 17 September 2014.


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January 1629

Jan. 26.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
703. To the Ambassador CONTARINI in England.
We have little to tell you because the ordinary of this week was robbed in the archducal country and from you we only have a letter of the 29th December and a copy of yours to Zorzi. As the way of Antwerp is open, we will send your letters that way for the future. Our Ambassador Soranzo informs us of what Carlisle said to him. We feel sure that before the earl arrives you will impress everyone with our sincerity and the good will with which we devote ourselves to everything that concerns the satisfaction of that Crown.
From the enclosed advices you will see that the affairs of Italy and that Casale is still closely besieged. In the expectation of speedy and powerful assistance from the Most Christian we are busily increasing the number of our forces, and propose to send them nearer to the frontier. We learn with singular satisfaction of the promotion of Lord Carleton to the office of first Secretary of State, from our personal regard for him since his embassy here. We desire you to congratulate him warmly, assuring him how pleased we are to see his merits recognised by such honours, and that from his zeal for the public cause and his affection for us we expect the greatest advantages for the public cause. We also desire you to perform a suitable office with Conway, made President of the Council and the Archbishop of Canterbury, expressing our pleasure at his satisfaction and at the re-opening of the opportunities for him to exercise his goodness and abilities in the service of so great a kingdom, to the advantage of the public and the increase of his own fame.
Ayes, 131.Noes, 0.Neutral, 5.
[Italian.]
Jan. 26.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
704. To the Ambassador at the Hague.
You made a very proper reply to the Earl of Carlisle and one calculated to make him revise the opinions he expressed, which respond so poorly to the sincerity we have shown in honouring his sovereign in his person. But although he has been imbrued with evil sentiments, as you indicate, we think he will find it hard to hold his own at the Court. We commend your communication of divers of those particulars to the Prince of Orange, so that he decided to inform the Dutch ambassador in England, in order to thwart him by his offices. You also did well to inform Contarini, so that before the earl's arrival, he could prepare their minds and prove our constant observance towards that sovereign, which remains unchangeable and our desire to satisfy both crowns, as shown especially by our ambassadors on the peace negotiations. The contrary argument adduced by Carlisle from some demonstration made by the Ambassador Cornaro about the surrender of La Rochelle does not affect this in the least. That was a place belonging to France, and nothing like it was done on the retreat of Buckingham from the Isle of Ré, because that immediately concerned the reputation of England, although in Savoy they broke out into rejoicings. As Wake spoke to Cornaro about a song of Ferrari on this subject, we send you a copy of what we wrote to Turin and England about it, for information if any one refers to the matter.
Ayes, 131.Noes, 0.Neutral, 5.
[Italian.]
Jan. 26.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
705. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The letters of the 17th November bring me no common testimony of the kindness of the State. I feel I am not undeserving of the favour, but the decision that I am to serve at the Most Christian Court leaves me in anxious perplexity. I am more afflicted than consoled by this singular favour. I am sorry, after five years of constant labour, to have this fresh charge, which promises to be more thorny than the last. My only desire is to render myself a better servant. I will give my life and fortune to the service of the State.
London, the 26th January, 1629.
[Italian.]
Jan. 26.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
706. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Recommends to the charity and munificence of the Senate his secretary Girolamo Agostini, than whom, no one could be more diligent, faithful, conscientious or useful. He does the clerical work marvellously. Everything passes under his pen seven times. He is wonderfully skilled in affairs, discovering the interests of Court and managing correspondence, and he makes himself agreeable to all. He would wish to have him, above everything, in the new appointment. During his long service he has never received any emoluments, or the customary gratuities.
London, the 26th January, 1628 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 26.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
707. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
With the letters of the 17th November, I received five dispatches from Italy, down to the 15th December, after having been two months without any at all. I return thanks for your appreciation of my efforts and also for the information, which is of vital importance for these affairs. From my last to France you will see that little or nothing remains to be done for the peace, as the treaty drawn up by the cardinal has been returned without alteration. The concessions made will, I hope, induce France to profit by them. I find them here more and more in favour of the common cause. I have always said that here they do not stir, or fly beyond the mark. Everything depends on France for adjustment both abroad and at home. In the latter, England will not interfere, to remove all suspicion, though she deems it necessary for the honour of the Crown and of the common cause, as I do also. I would not on any account that such a good opportunity should be lost, as what we do not consider an antidote might easily prove poison, and France's disposition towards peace be converted by their friends into a plausible pretext for palliating the necessity for an adjustment with the Spaniards, and it would have been better to have let things take their course, without urging them violently, rather than break when a settlement has nearly been reached, and incur the risks habitual with a relapse. Your Excellencies will see that the king's harshness here has been removed, and his disposition towards the common cause progresses, from the notices I sent to Zorzi three days ago.
I know that the rich presents bestowed by Savoy on Carlisle and Wake are not devoid of mystery, and that both transmit poisonous ideas the one through letters, the other orally, to gratify Savoy. But I have two hopes, one that Carlisle, when he changes clime will change his opinions also, especially where he is known; the other that, come what may and do what he can, the business is so settled and established that he cannot disturb it. However many reasons he may adduce I hope he will find an equal number to answer him. He is of a most ardent temperament by nature, and consequently more apt to break than conclude, as has been the case in all his embassies. In spite of this he is very easily dazzled by insinuations about glory and splendour attaching themselves to his name. Men argue according to their wishes, and I hope that facts not exorcisms will prevail. It is quite certain that the king's determination to come to an adjustment has been announced in Savoy and Denmark, and to the Duke of Rohan. Accordingly his Majesty is so pledged, that if the French do not fail, the peace will certainly take place, for I have much more fear of them than of Carlisle, Savoy or any other witlings on that side, who have lost all credit. If your Excellencies should have some compliment paid to Rohan through his wife, who is understood to be in Italy, without displeasing the French, it might be well. Soranzo has warned me about Carlisle's ideas, and thus deserves well of the state while increasing my obligations, so that when Carlisle arrives the good impressions may prevail over the bad ones.
I hope that your Excellencies will not have been disturbed about Ferrari's ballad. I have not spoke about it, as you bound me to silence, and perhaps nothing will be said to me about it. I fancy that Wake is making trouble on weak grounds, and you can point out that ministers should divert disagreements rather than foment them. I enclose a narration which is abusive of the Venetians in no doubtful terms. Yet I have made no great stir, complaining as of my own accord, without introducing your Excellencies. I made a mild objection merely to prevent these trifles disturbing matters of greater importance, as they certainly do not proceed from ill will on the part of the rulers. Otherwise I should expect correction for not making more noise, although your decorum was maintained without disturbance. I hope that Wake also has demonstrated on his own responsibility, and has been pacified by the reply, although his affection for Savoy, of whom he has always been the avowed pensioner, the favour denied him for the Brescian Provaglia, and perhaps the loss of profit to be derived from it, cannot but cause suspicion. I also understand that these same ministers complain of the bonfires made at Turin by the Ambassador Cornaro. This also is a far fetched grievance, as it was necessary to follow the example of the other minister. The Duke of Savoy is said to be sending an ambassador extraordinary to France with congratulations about La Rochelle, and even if he does not, it is known what he did about the rout of the English at the Isle of Rhé, a great demonstration against the interest of that nation, and not against rebels, as on the present occasion. I have sent all these particulars to Cornaro, but your Excellencies can repeat this, as I observe that whatever passes from France to Savoy runs great risk of seizure
I have already sent the order for Digby's return, and I believe you will have had it delivered to him before now. I see that his cruising off Zante and Cephalonia causes suspicion. I learn that the Lazzaretto of Zante is a great way from the fortress and insecure, so that it might easily be attacked when full of goods. I write this because I have been warned.
London, the 26th January, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Jan. 26.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci.
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
708. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Parliament will begin again in four days. Opinions differ as to what may ensue. A ship richly laden arrived lately from the Levant. The parties concerned rushed tumultuously on board and removed their goods without paying the duties. The customers resisted this and some of the culprits are in prison. Some ill will is expected to arise out of this. The king is willing to acknowledge these duties from the parliament, as his predecessors always did, parliament consenting to grant them, but on condition that they may not be increased. The king resists this as unusual. The people contend that if they have power to grant, they can also limit and meanwhile they add this condition, although unusual, inasmuch as there was never any talk of increasing them until now by royal authority and power.
The king would also like to have punishment inflicted on certain captains who were cowardly and disobedient at the last attempt at the relief of La Rochelle, but as this cannot be done in the ordinary way, owing to the statutes of the realm he would refer the sentence to martial law, but as that is very odious to the people he may refrain from doing so. General Lindsey is accused of not having used enough severity, but he shows that if he had done so, the whole force would have mutined. Punishment would be necessary as an example for others, because without it the king will never be served nor obeyed. To enforce it is perilous, because of the impending meeting of parliament. If it does not agree with the king, England may be considered as no longer existing in the world, for she will be impotent for good or harm, and will have to attend to domestic affairs, and the means for raising money, of which there is so great a scarcity that they could only give one months' pay to the soldiers and sailors. This caused much complaint, and all salaries are suspended, to the great inconvenience of the Court. They must have recourse to devices for the most necessary expenses of the king and queen. This is my own case also, and if your excellencies do not help me I shall have to employ many more.
It is, nevertheless, observed that the king hopes for the best from parliament, and is holding it with the idea of coming to terms. Long consultations are held daily to this end. They intend to act firmly without vacillation, and not as they have done hitherto. A proclamation has been published renewing the orders about the religion issued in 1563, and confirmed by subsequent parliaments, besides prohibiting some new sect who had printed books, all introduced with a view well to prepare this most important point so that parliament may not take it in hand, and if it should do, that there may be the means of answer. (fn. 1)
Porter has come to Court and with him is one Don Gioseffo Ortado, captain of a ship, whose ordinary residence is at Coruna. He has not been at Court for more than a year, but he received orders to accompany Porter here. He is a man of the sword rather than a diplomatist. He is only staying until the king provides him with another ship. Meanwhile he lodges in Porter's house. I do not hear that there is any other person of quality with him. In fine the journey does not seem to have produced much, not that the Spaniards have relaxed their usual stiffness, though it is true that when he departed the news of the defeat of the fleet had not reached Madrid. After that even the commissions I reported were sent to Brussels, with hints of overtures towards negotiations. I keep my eyes fixed on this business, because of the very important consequences, and the interest the Spaniards have to carry it through. Taking this with the declarations previously made by the emperor, we must not feel quite confident. I cannot yet be certain about the coming of Father Hyacinth or any other Capuchin.
The suspicion of peace between Denmark and the emperor has compelled me to seek the good offices of this side, and to speak to the ambassador in the manner required by such important circumstances, as neither he nor anyone else can deny the unseasonableness of this peace. The ambassador, who is certainly very well intentioned, told me that he had written again and again, not only to his master but to the commissioners at Lubeck, about the near hopes of a reconciliation between England and France, the importance of the diversion of Italy, the commotion of all the princes of Europe at the Spaniards' acts of violence, the hopes that this year may witness some favourable change in the balance of affairs, and in short what-ever I thought might best serve to thwart that business. It cannot indeed succeed without ruining Denmark herself, and all Germany, as the ambassador confesses. On the one hand there are insuperable difficulties from the disadvantage of treating with an enemy who is victorious and armed, but on the other hand, the fluctuations of the Netherlands on religious matters deserve consideration. If parliament here does not make terms with the king, the ambassador expects nothing, although they promise him ships and money for the spring. God grant that my feeble efforts may meet the need, and that I may have sufficient strength to bear the fatigue, so that the gain of time, war or negotiation may establish the security of Italy. Now that the passages between France and England are quite free, and the Dutch bring goods either by connivance or secret order, the disagreements which had revived about navigation have in great measure ceased. I have mentioned the cause of the proclamation, the seizure and the result, with the result, with the order given to the ports no longer to molest them. Now a few passports are conceded from one kingdom to the other, a thing never done during the war.
It is very doubtful what will happen about the Amboyna affair and the East India trade when the commissioners arrive who are expected daily, because of the rivalry between these two nations for the supremacy of the sea, besides the bellows which never fail to fan their quarrels. I do everything to assuage them, both with the king's ministers and the Dutch ambassadors. I have communicated to the latter very confidentially the present negotiation with France, within the limits required by necessity and the public service.
I hear nothing said here about what is passing at the Hague touching the visits between the Palatine and the French ambassador although a gentleman came here from the Countess Palatine to bring word of her delivery. Consequently I do not open my lips, but if it is necessary I am sufficiently informed by his Excellency Soranzo. For the rest I will obey instructions with regard to what passes between the French and English ministers. I am certain that when they know the wishes of their masters they will conform to necessity and alter their corrupted passions.
London, the 26th January, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Enclosure.709. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to ZORZI ZORZI, his Colleague in France.
The day before yesterday I despatched Christofforo with an account of my negotiations. The queen's letter to her mother stated that in a few days she would send some one to visit her, meeting what her mother wrote that in such case she would communicate many things to him which she did not think it advisable to put on paper. Her Majesty is sending M. de Vanteles, a Frenchman, her servant, under the pretence of a visit, to which the king gives his consent very willingly, as I feel sure he always will in any matters affecting the queen's tastes. This person is incapable of turbulent designs and is rather worthy than otherwise. He minds his own business and lets things take their course, contenting himself with the enjoyment of what he and his wife possess in the queen's Court, which yields them profit, favour and hope. I feel sure that he will not perform evil offices, but I though it advisable to talk with him and ask him to present matters dispassionately, though in conformity with the truth; that is to say that the queen's influence with the king, augments daily, she is waited on with the utmost decorum, and to her satisfaction, without discontent or constraint, either with regard to her conscience or amusements, and no daughter of France will fare better, if they give her the means. I hope he will report accordingly. He has promised to go to you, and I hope he will, that you may avert any rigour that might be prescribed by the queen mother. I fancy she would like her daughter to be less partial to the English although it is to her own advantage to be so. I should be sorry for her to put anything into her daughter's head to displease the king or render him suspicious, as it is quite certain that both from nature and education the queen here will never do more or less than what is dictated to her by her mother.
The wind has begun to change and this makes us expect Carlisle any day. The Ambassador Soranzo warns me of the poisonous ideas which that minister proposes to bring here to frustrate our negotiations, at the suggestion of Savoy. As the Duke tried to gain him by very costly presents, it may be strongly suspected that in his heart he cherishes projects very contrary to our and to the public service. From what I can discover the plan has been to leave Wake at Turin, where he will try to break the web by letters and inventions. Mean while Carlisle will see what can be done here, and that the Duke of Savoy is at least warned how he must comport himself. I anticipated these ideas of Carlisle long ago. I am now in hopes that he will arrive late, as the king is so deeply pledged to me that he neither can nor will be turned aside, provided the French respond. They have the peace in hand, little or nothing remains to be done here. I have not slept, for without waiting for Carlisle to arrive they decided to send to the King of Denmark to tell him of this negotiation, and the hope of its success, to prevent him treating with the emperor, warning him that it has transpired on good authority that his commissioners, who have already conferred with the imperialists, are either suborned or weary of the war. It is also supposed that the emperor's great preparations, announced here by the Danish ambassador are mere inventions to excuse the peace, in case his master makes it.
The other important thing which has also been done before Carlisle's arrival, was the despatch of an express to Savoy, relating the king's determination to peace with France, and that they are excellently disposed here towards the common cause, regardless of losses and of the passion for revenge. They hoped his Highness would have the same sentiment, and nothing remained for its completion but the concurrence of the French, in whose hands England had placed the means for relieving the cause, to disburden her conscience before the world. These two important steps, which pledge the king and are a guarantee against any malignant offices of Carlisle, were taken only within the last three days, in consequence of the advices from the Hague. It is very evident that they are proceeding here with steady regard for the common cause. I hope that the agreement with France will divide them from one with Spain, and all will go well, though I must say that I fear the French more than the evil offices of Carlisle or the ambitions of Savoy. I therefore conjure you to keep them to the register, for if they waver now, everything will totter, and the relapse will be more difficult to cure than the first fall. Let everything be adjusted before sending back Christofforo. The business must not be returned in doubtful form, but rather a little late in preference to any indecision, so as not to leave room for malignity or passion. You will, however, write every week by the usual Calais mail, so that until the courier returns everything here will remain with the hopes of peace. France has now in her hands the means to confound her enemies, just when they hoped to constrain her by main force. Say this wherever necessary, because it is clear that if this fine game is broken up, the French may blame themselves, and remain at least impressed with the advantage they sought through the offices of the most serene republic. In the last despatch I did not insist so strongly, as I hoped that although something remained undecided over there, it might be adjusted by negotiation. But now the whirlwind springs up I am compelled to ask that everything may be made safe, from fear of shipwreck, if another course be steered. You may mention this to the cardinal himself. In the name of a leading minister and of truth itself I repeat that England does not lay claim to anything for the Huguenots, and if it had not been necessary to cloak Buckingham's passions, they might never have been mentioned. At any rate let France give her subjects peace, not at the suit of England, but for the common weal, or for any reason she likes, as England declares of her own accord that she will have neither part nor interest nor be meadiatrix, so as to remove any suspicion of the former pretences. For the rest, France has not only the peace of this kingdom in her hands, but the means of making Great Britain her ally in whatever concerns the common cause. At the first sound of this reconciliation, the mere fear of the Most Christian will prostrate all his enemies. They still believe here that the French are in earnest about helping the common cause. You can ascertain the truth of this better on the spot, and you will be able to apply a remedy, if the disease is capable of one, though I doubt it in this case.
I commend to your care the enclosed letters for Turin. It would not be amiss to send them with some speed so that the Ambassador Cornaro may observe how Wake carries out his orders, how the duke bears them, and they may be opportune in case the Ambassador Valencay, selected for that Court by the Most Christian, happens to be there.
London, the 26th January, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered; copy.]
Enclosure.710. Relation of a brave and resolute sea fight made by Sir Kenelm Digby in the Bay of Scanderoon on the 6th of last June, against certain galeasses and galleons of the Republic of Venice, to his great commendation, and to the honour of the English nation. (fn. 2)
Letter written from the flagship of Sir Kenelm Digby.
On the 10th June we went without sails the whole night, in sight of Cape Congiero, ten leagues from Scanderoon, and sent a small boat to reconnoitre the roadstead. The following morning it brought us news that there were at anchor there two Venetian galeasses and other galleons, two English ships and four French barques. We then put ourselves in order, to go to that place, and made ample preparation for attack, defence and escape, if we were hard pressed. The name of galeasses was formidable, but after a short speech to our men, they showed a great wish to run the risk, and promised to do their duty. They certainly kept their word, for never were men seen to do better. At about 10 a.m. on that day, we had a light breeze, which carried us within a league of Scanderoon at 2 p.m., and we had sent a shallop in advance to deliver letters to the Venetian Commander, as well as to the English captains there, informing them that we had come out with letters of marque, with his Majesty's commission under the great seal of England, assuring them of such friendship as became us. After receiving the letters the Venetians hove anchor and treated our men very uncivilly, not allowing them to deliver the letters to the English ships.
The galeasses had thirty to forty brass guns, some of them of incredible size, weighing 900 pounds, with crews of six to seven hundred men each. The galleons were of 800 tons, one mounting forty, the other thirty brass guns. Directly they got within cannon shot, the galeasses fired a shotted gun, the ball falling within half a ship's length of us. This was interpreted as a salute, as we had not given them any cause to the contrary. So we returned a salute from a gun on the other side, and we did the same with all the other ships, which similarly fired at us. After seven or eight shots, some of which injured our ships and struck our flags, our shallop returned. The men told us that the Venetians had treated them badly, declaring that unless we went out of sight of that roadstead immediately, they would sink us. We were then compelled to make them see that our patience was merely in order to render our quarrel more just, not from our dread of their famous ships, for in a short while we discharged our whole broadside at them three or four times. As they were near, it was not without hurt to them. After this they behaved more cautiously, and fought at a greater distance. In the meantime we gave such a good chase to the galleons that the men were compelled to go below, and leave the sails to fortune. The galeasses came up to assist them, but received so brisk a welcome from us, that they sheered off at the full speed of their oars, and saved themselves under the lee of the English ships in that roadstead. This saved them from a hundred shots, because we did not wish to injure our own countrymen. During this time, while the flagship Eagle and the rear admiral were in the heat of action with the galeasses and galleons, the Hopewell and the shallop were sent against the French, one of which had sixteen guns, and the others a few. Three of them were taken immediately, the fourth saved itself by running ashore when the action began. They had 100,000 pieces of eight in ready money, but this was sent on shore before we went on board. Towards evening there was a fair wind, so that our sails could be trimmed, and it was foul for the Venetians, who did their best to sheer off. We followed them, discharging our guns as if they had been muskets. To tell the truth our men did wonders, and if the powder had not been very bad, for it was Flemish, and the day calm, we should soon have finished our quarrel with them.
In this action many of the enemy's oars were broken, their ships being struck in very dangerous places. They therefore induced the English Vice Consul, who was on board, to come to our Admiral, as mediator for peace. He would not consent to do this unless they left the French at our mercy and admitted their mistake. They consented willingly to these terms, and the general sent his secretary with the letter exactly as we required. The Vice Consul then represented to our Admiral how detrimental this event might prove to our merchants of Aleppo, if we carried off the French ships. After sacking them we found there was nothing of importance, as during the fight they had carried the best on shore and sunk most of the guns. We merely took their flags and some small pieces for the use of our ships, besides what our sailors took, which was a good quantity of money, all that was left. Next day we withdrew our men placed on board the French ships, and restored them to their owners, assuring them of their quiet possession.
In this fight, which lasted three hours, we fired at least two hundred shots from one side of our ship, as the calm did not allow us to tack, and about 500 from the whole fleet. The Venetians fired an equal number or rather more. No one on our side was killed, God be praised, but some were wounded. They broke some of our mainmasts, injuring sails and rigging, and some of our ships were pierced through, but not in dangerous places. From what the Venetians confessed to us afterwards, 49 of their men were killed, a great number wounded, and their ships roughly handled. They were busy repairing during the whole time of our stay in that roadstead, and they heeled them over to stop the holes between wind and water. As a proof of how much their pride had fallen, we saw a frigate coming towards us the next day and sent one of our boats to take it immediately, within the four boats' length of the commander's galeass. Our shallop chased the frigate and rowed round the other galleys, to which the frigate put back for protection. Instead of saving it, they sent us courteous salutations by our men, who were bringing it away. Whereas also they had previously set the evening watch with ceremony, to the sound of trumpets, drums and guns, relieving it in like manner in the morning, they now pass their time very quietly, while we perform all those functions which pertain to those who have the command of the sea.
From the roadstead of Scanderoon, the 16th June, 1628, new style.
[Italian; translated from an English pamphlet.]
Jan. 27.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
711. To the Ambassador CORNER in Savoy.
We are pleased at the offices passed with you by the Ambassador Wake. You'll assure him that we shall cherish good relations with him and tell him that we received his secretary with his letters and shall always do so gladly. You will let him know how highly we valued his promptness in giving full effect to the orders of his king for the return to England of the pirate Digby, who, not content with the harm he has already done, has recently been the cause of fresh disorders, to our grave perturbation. If the ambassador will consign to you one or two duplicates of the letters written to him, to be sent to us, we shall value it greatly.
We enclose what we hear from the Hague about the Earl of Carlisle, to serve you for information.
Ayes, 117.Noes, 0.Neutral, 1.
[Italian.]
Jan. 27.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
712. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have confirmation that the ships of Guise are merely to chase the English ships.
I have heard that the disturbances among the people in the valley of Angrogna about religion still continue, because the Marchal Crichi wrote to one Father Bonaventura, who has been preaching there for some years, that if he could get the prince to introduce the mass into that valley to which he knew that some inclined, he hoped to see a good proportion of the people of Dauphiné converted, following their example. It is considered here that Crichi's object is to estrange those people from his Highness, as they are for the most part very tenacious in their faith.
Turin, the 27th January, 1628 [M.V.].
[Italian.]
Jan. 27.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
713. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The Spanish ambassador for Germany left as I reported. I find that he has some authority to treat about the affairs of the empire and to learn Caesar's will about the Palatine for the treaty of peace which Spain desires with England. It causes some reflection that the Ambassador Wake has received a passport from him. Wake said that he had occasion to use it, and did not enter into further particulars. It may be that they are the usual jealousies, because from the danger involved in a peace with Spain the English wish to make the inducements for France to treat with them greater; although I no longer hear Wake speak of peace with France or of war with the Spaniards, but it is certain because the French mock at the idea of seeking their friendship.
What Valanse said is worthy of attention although spoken in jest, because it is true. He told the Prince that his king attaches no value whatever to the friendship of the English. They profess to call themselves masters of the sea, and they are not equal to guarding a coast. Further, in speaking about the Marquis of Veel being unable to proceed to help the Duke of Mantua, he said he wore his beard English fashion, and so it was no wonder if his achievements resembled those of the English fleet for the relief of the Rochellese (disse al Prencipi che il suo Re non ha tanto che fare d'amicitia d'Inglesi; che quelli si vogliono chiamar Padroni del mare e non sono buoni di guardar una Riviera; e di piu parlando del M. d' Veel, che non pote passare al soccorso del Sr. Duca di Mantova, disse ha costui la barba all'Inglese, non e meraviglia se ha fatto delle facende che la flotta d' Inghilterra ha potuto fare al bisogno de' Rochellesi).
I do not know what such contemptuous expressions can serve for, they may easily render their reconciliation absolutely impossible.
A speech under the name of Antonio Galilei, printed at Frankfort came into the hands of the Ambassador Wake. It is about the affairs of the Duke of Mantua. Wake wanted the Spanish ambassador to read it, and sent it to the prince who showed it to him. They could not help praising the intelligence of the author.
Turin, the 27th January, 1628 [M.V.].
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Jan. 27.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Germania.
Venetian
Archives.
714. PIETRO VICO, Venetian Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Encloses the emperor's passport for the ambassadress of England, as commanded.
Vienna, the 27th January, 1628 [M.V.].
[Italian; copy.]
Jan. 29.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
715. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have spoken to the Prince about Colonel Morgan; I find that he is considered a good soldier, but with very notable defects. These are a great heat, leading him to very impetuous excesses of wrath; he is free of tongue; fond of money and impossible for those who are not quite used to him. When he came back here from Stadem I had occasion to obtain information about the way he commanded, because all the officers who were under him cried aloud about the extortions they had suffered and his avarice. I say this without prejudice to his other good qualities of experience and loyalty. I fancy Contarini recently treated with him in England about a command, and found him very disinclined.
The Earl of Carlisle will have reached his Court some days ago, as he embarked on the 20th, with a favourable wind. I have indications from every quarter that on his arrival in London they will decide upon peace with Spain or France. There is no doubt whatever that he leans to the Spanish party, and that he has influenced Roe, who always expressed the opposite views, and who will always hold them at bottom, I fancy, though he may not disclose them so as not to appear to favour the French; but I feel sure that if he finds an ally, and we know that the Treasurer favours peace with France, he will declare himself openly. But I have recently heard very contradictory opinions about the Treasurer, because it has been maintained that he is very partial to the Spanish party, and that all his demonstrations to the contrary are merely an artifice in order to discover what others think. I have informed Contarini of everything.
Colonel Morgan, who recently went with the English troops, is now at Hamburg with his troops, exceedingly dissatisfied with the management of the King of Denmark and also with England, not only because after all this time he has been unable to receive money or food, but no quarters either.
No confirmation comes of Porter's imprisonment, and probably it is not true. The King of England has written to the Senate of Hamburg exhorting them to pay attention to the common cause and not to listen to the deceitful flatteries of the enemy, considering the interests of the King of Denmark, whom his Majesty will not fail to assist. It seems that from similar expressions of the English king the citizens there build great hopes that England will send a powerful fleet to the Elbe in the spring to fight valiantly in defence of the Dane. Wallenstein now seems strongly opposed to the peace. He has very high flown designs, one especially to reach the Baltic by a canal through Pomerania and Mecklenburg.
The Hague, the 29th January, 1628 [M.V.].
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]

Footnotes

1 No such proclamation is to be found in Steele's Proclamations, so presumably it was never issued.
2 There is a copy of this pamphlet in the British Museum, 9210, b. 21. It is entitled "Articles of Agreement made between the French King and those of Rochelle upon the Rendition of the Town, the 30 of October last, 1628, according to the French copies printed at Rochelle and Rouen, also a Relation," etc. London, printed for Nathaniel Butter, 1628.