Venice: March 1629, 11-19 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

'Venice: March 1629, 11-19', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629, (London, 1916) pp. 574-586. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol21/pp574-586 [accessed 26 April 2024]

March 1629



March 11. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	786. To the Vice Consul at Aleppo.
	Your letters of the 23rd December show us your prudence in mollifying the Pasha and in resisting the opposition of the English and French consuls, saving the cottimo, and by representations alone, a very unusual thing with the Turks. A good understanding with the ministers of princes friendly to the republic is one of the first commissions given to our representatives, and in the Turkish dominions this is most beneficial. The views of the English consul are unwarranted, full of false assertions and hurtful both publicly and privately. The cozzetto he obtained at Constantinople for the return of the money spent on the occasion of Digby's attack is full of evil consequences. We hope that your industry with that of our Bailo will remedy these evils. Once the Turks are informed of the plots laid against our interests, when we upheld the dignity of the Turk in protecting ships under his care, they should not only draw back but condemn the English as disturbers of the quiet and of the public good. The Bailo writes that he has spoken profitably to the Pasha and is hopeful of a favourable issue. In any case, you will remain on the defensive and allow nothing to happen which may hinder a good issue to the affair. You will continue to advise the Bailo of all that occurs, and as he has the ears of the Porte he may give everything a good turn and dissipate the trouble raised by the English, who want to cover up the impertinences of the pirate Digby by hurting others and to pay with other people's money the expenses they have justly incurred by the insolence of their nation.
	Ayes, 114.	Noes, 2.	Neutral, 11.
	[Italian.]
March 12. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	787. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	They have sent a commissioner to England to ask for a regiment of Scots, which is already enlisted, and also to ask for another regiment of Scots, said to be intended for Denmark.
	The Hague, the 12th March, 1629.
	[Italian.]
March 15. Cinque Savii alla Mercanzia. Capitolare. Venetian Archives.	788. That for the coming season the merchants interested in the business of Alexandria have leave to hire two foreign ships, provided there are no Venetian ones suitable, to go with the Venetian ones which may be then sailing for that mart, causing them to reach this city with their cargo, as decreed by the laws.
	[Italian.]
March 16. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	789. To the Ambassador CONTARINI in England, and SORANZO at the Hague.
	It is now a year since the Spaniards and Savoy invaded Monferrat. The principal town is besieged by the Spaniards, who have tried to take away the states of the Duke of Mantua by brute force, on their road to universal monarchy and predominance in Italy. We have contributed all our efforts to the defence of this province, so that these troubles may be quietly terminated. All our remonstrances having proved fruitless and as we found the Most Christian resolved to take up so just a cause we thought it necessary to come to a good understanding with his Majesty, to contribute our forces to his own powerful movements, in order to secure the liberty of Italy, support a prince unjustly reduced, and establish a safe peace. The Most Christian has come in person with his powerful forces and made the progress which you will see from the enclosed advices. In fulfilment of our promises we have arranged for our troops to unite with those of the duke for the relief of Casale and the freedom of this province.
	You will communicate this to the king by a special office, as a sign of confidence, adding that it is now impossible to doubt the good intentions of the French for peace with England, since they act so vigorously for the common cause. Although the affair may have suffered some delay through the absence of our Ambassador Zorzi from the Court, owing to indisposition, we have expressly commissioned our Ambassador Extraordinary, Soranzo, whom we have sent on purpose to that sovereign. We believe that the operations of France will be assisted rather than diverted, and their actions turned in the directions that the common service requires, which England desired so much to see, their own operations tending to the same end. Although the states of the duke of Savoy are struck at the outset, you will see that the Most Christian proceeds with great regard, so that no harm shall be done to his Highness's subjects. So if the duke refuses the pass and resists his Majesty's forces, while encouraging the unjust designs of the Spaniards, he will himself draw down the ruin from which the king wishes to preserve him.
	If there are ambassadors or ministers from Denmark or Sweden at the Court, you will inform them of our resolutions so that they may understand the help afforded to the interests of their kings. If those two sovereigns pursue their enterprises with vigour and intrepidity, Germany will take breath as well as Italy by the constant harrying of the Spaniards.
	Here we have M. de Feremberch, sent by the King of Sweden to the Transylvanian. (fn. 1) We are giving him a passage and shall show him every courtesy necessary. You will contribute your offices upon the incident of the Dutch ship to prevent irritation, but you will keep up the confidential correspondence which is necessary for the public service. You showed great prudence in the matter and the Senate highly approves of your action in this and over the peace and throughout your charge, and we expect much from your embassy to the Most Christian, for which we send you the commissions and letters of credence. When your successor has arrived you will proceed to the Court and follow it.
	Ayes, 161.	Noes, 2.	Neutral, 3.
	[Italian.]
March 16. Senato, Mar. Venetian Archives.	790. To the Ambassador CONTARINI in England.
	We learn from your letters of Digby's arrival in England. We have sent you particulars of the capture by him of two large ships destined for Venice, one of which had our patents. We again direct you to make strong representations, and now that Digby has returned home it should be the easier to obtain the recovery or compensation.
	Ayes, 161	Noes, 2.	Neutral, 3.
	[Italian.]
March 16. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	791. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The day after sending my last despatch, I was invited to confer with the commissioners of the Admiralty. After much circumlocution about affection and esteem for your Serenity, which mean nothing, they limited themselves to telling me that if the plunder of the two ships, made by Digby, belonged directly to the king, he would very willingly make the release from prince to prince, on the mere word of your Excellencies, but as a third person was concerned, who asked for justice and claimed the plunder as belonging to the Spaniards, under the protection of a patent from his Majesty, he could not, even if he wished, deny him the protection of the laws, which must be common to all, just as your Excellencies protected your own subjects. They also told me that as this was a business between subject and subject, all that his Majesty could do was to promise your Excellencies that justice should be administered without delay.
	I replied that if your Excellenices would or could allow the English to search Venetian ships, and let your subjects come and litigate in England, you would not have had recourse to his Majesty. But as it is a question of state policy, liberty and supremacy, you had determined to take the affair upon yourselves, and treat it between prince and prince, so that it was quite wrong to state that the interests of subjects were at stake. Your Excellencies could not tolerate the searching of ships, because it was not practised by any other prince whatever. If this opening were made, the Turks and Spaniards, who are enemies, would claim to do the like, and the English themselves who frequent our islands, would follow the example to disturb trade, navigation and liberty. It was not a question of private but of state interest, so that it ought to be settled by ministers and ambassadors, not by judges and pleaders, as Digby made reprisals in a hostile form, which should be corrected by the king as a violation of friendship. They need not discuss whether the plunder was legal or not, as he violated first of all the king's intention, then the patent, the flag and the ships of the republic, thus committing a double crime of hostility and contempt. The example of the Hamburghers and Dutch did not apply, as there was a convention with both and there were also two reasons. one that they had to pass through this Channel, to which England pretends she has a right, and they voluntarily consented to have their ships searched. The other that the Dutch and English have a mutual enmity against Spain, which was not the case with the republic, or yet with the French, who therefore, after the plunder of certain ships sequestrated all English property, and declared war, as all other countries would be compelled to do, not so much for the indemnity of their subjects, as for their own liberty, which was of greater importance than all the rest. And yet the French might have been deterred on account of navigation in these seas, which the English claim as theirs. This could not be said about the Mediterranean, and indeed Elizabeth and James, his Majesty's predecessors, knowing the inconveniences of allowing privateering in those seas, would not authorize any one to do so, and his Majesty himself, after experiencing the detriment, had not only recalled Digby, but all the others, and decided not to allow any privateering within the Strait, a clear proof that he knew what was due to governments and friends. The republic ought not for any reason to be subjected to the insolence of Digby.
	Your Serenity's subjects had asked for an act of sequestration against the English, and Digby's action should be met by retorting in the same manner, but your Excellencies hoped for the release of the ship and its entire cargo with the inflicting of punishment on Digby, who had attacked perhaps the only friends this kingdom has. The English themselves traded in Spain, as seen by the ships stopped by parliament, which will now depart on their voyage. Nothing more had been conceded to the very urgent demands of the republic than private individuals themselves could claim by law, and which could not be denied them.
	I asked those lords to represent this affair to his Majesty again, in order not to make me the instrument for so unexpected a reply to your Serenity. The lords rose from the table and consulted a little together, telling me that they would report my fresh demands to his Majesty and give me a fresh reply. I had spoken somewhat warmly, and had called Digby a pirate. Some of them took up his defence, telling me that he was a gentleman and had sailed under the king's patent. I was rather disgusted and added that I could not answer for his birth, as I only knew him by name and by sight, but his proceedings offended his Majesty's dignity and ought not to be encouraged. I laid stress on his capture of the French saetta in the port of Argostoli, the remonstrances of the French ambassador, the offence against your Serenity's ports and jurisdictions, the schemes to suborn your subjects, etc., which I had not mentioned before to avoid controversy, but as they had given me occasion, I insisted that the king should reflect and give proper satisfaction.
	They made no further answer, except that they would report and give me a reply. As Digby demanded with all his might of the Admiralty judge to be put in possession of the goods, I was compelled to oppose him, to prevent any detriment, and petitioned the king to suspend all further proceedings until he could form some better resolution, and that your Excellencies might also remain satisfied, as you had complained to me sharply of such insolent proceedings. The Admiralty judge had sent me word that if Digby had demanded possession he could not refuse it, unless some one opposed him. As the captain of the ship is here, I shall only take that course in case of need, supposing the king will not suspend the proceedings, which I do not expect, to prevent injury if possible, and that your Excellencies may receive notice before the goods are disposed of in any way.
	Every day of late I have canvassed apart not only the officials of the Admiralty, but the Earls of Carlisle and Holland and all others to whom the king gives ear, and they seem to me well impressed with the republic's rights. The remonstrance of your Excellencies has also arrived, but I can promise nothing as the first reply was not to my taste, and this second is delayed owing to the very important affairs of parliament, which is dissolved. This has kept the king and everybody very much occupied, because of its most momentous consequences.
	The republic of Genoa has written a letter to the king on this same subject, because insurances are mostly made there. So far, thank God, no harm has been done. It alarms me to see the penury of the courtiers here, the interest that many members of the Council take in Digby as partners in his voyage, the many protectors who support him, the king, who does not dislike him, the sailors enriched under his command, who extol him, and above all the corrupt custom of selling justice to the highest bidder, because no one is paid. I will do all I can, and your Excellencies may rest assured that I toil with my whole soul; but it is three times more difficult than anything else, because of this accursed corruption.
	Postscript.—Before closing these present I sent the Secretary to Court to learn what they were writing to the Secretary at Venice and if I should have an answer. He has just come back and tells me that Carleton is writing nothing by this despatch as he is busy over other matters. He asked me to do the same because the king has not yet decided about the reply to me. Meanwhile the Admiralty judge will do nothing until further order from the king. That seems something gained.
	I am told that last Saturday they sent to warn the English merchants to keep themselves covered against any accident, in case your Excellencies lay hands on their goods. I have no means of confirming this. If it is done the best time would be when the ships come for currants, just as the French waited for the wine season, when the English were least prepared for such action. Meanwhile two ships which were lading for Venice have stopped, to see what course this affair will take.
	London, the 16th March, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
March 16. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	792. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Parliament is dissolved in anger, and without deciding anything. I wrote that the king had prorogued it for six days, because of the refusal of the Lower House to sit on the day of St. Matthias. During the interval a compromise was covertly negotiated, but the leaders persisted in the punishment of those who levied the duties which had not been granted to the king, as it was always usual for parliaments to correct abuses and individuals. The king did not deny their authority and privileges, but said the present case was not an ordinary one, as the customers had acted by his special command, and he could not desert them and establish a precedent, by virtue of which none would ever obey him again. The present times were not suited to disputes of this sort, and the king feared this might be a loop hole to punish many others, who had obeyed him in the present need, contrary to the privileges of the realm. The members of parliament repeated that they asked to be allowed to preceed according to the ordinary channels, because after the culprits had been tried and sentenced, the king could always pardon them. It was thus impossible to assuage either side. The Lower House met last Monday and continued the process against the customers with great vigour. On hearing this, the king sent a message proroguing parliament for eight days more. The dependents of the Court got up immediately to depart, such being the custom, as when the Speaker, who represents the king in the Lower House, rises no one may speak any more, and nothing can be decided. Those who style themselves true patriots, and have a great majority, not only held him fast in the chair, attacking some of the royalists with their fists, at the risk of drawing weapons, but locked the door (per questo gli altri che si chiamano i veri patrioti et prevagliono di molto nel numero non solo fermarono nella sedia l'Interlocutore et i Realisti, usando violenza ad alcuni con pugni, et con pericolo di venir alle arme, ma chiusero la porta). The most eloquent members made three or four most violent speeches, especially against the treasurer, who is his Majesty's chief favourite, calling him "Rebel Papist"; "Spanish Pensioner"; "Relation of the Jesuits" through his wife's brother, (fn. 2) enemy of the realm and of the public cause, counsellor of Buckingham and worse than he was, as he persuaded the king to maltreat parliament, proroguing it from week to week, contrary to the ancient forms and customs. This was approved by universal acclamation.
	On account of these acts of violence Cabinet councils have been held very frequently, both day and night, the king being always present. It was difficult to decide, as the Council was divided. The Lord Keeper with a large party was in favour of gentleness. The treasurer, with the others, seeeing themselves in danger, insisted on force and a rupture, the course followed. On the 14th a proclamation was issued dissolving parliament, and permitting the members to return home. On that evening ten of the chief and most popular members of the Lower House, especially those who had spoken freely, were summoned. Seven made their appearance and were put in the Tower; although forewarned they considered it a very great glory to suffer for the privileges of the country. The other three are not found, but diligent search is being made for them. (fn. 3)
	The courtiers are very disconsolate, foreseeing that they will remain a long time in need, without money, as they have been for many months. The kingdom is furious against the treasurer, and bears the king very little love. The friends of the Crown are in despair, foreseeing that there will be more to think about at home than abroad. It is bad news for Italy, and the King of Denmark also will be compelled to do what he does not wish. The wisest blame the impropriety of the decision, owing to present circumstances as the king having all the princes of Europe for his enemies, they may no longer care about peace, or they will demand an advantageous one, since his Majesty has chosen simultaneously to break with his own subjects. The ambassadors have not omitted to point this out to the ministers.
	Everybody is looking to see from what quarter money can be raised for so many necessities. The treasurer has some store, as he has not made a single payment except for the troops for the last four months, as if he foresaw this rupture, and perhaps he planned it for his own safety. All the means for finding money were tried in the duke's time and proved unsuccessful, so they had to return to parliament four times. The taxes on food and clothes will never be tolerated by the people, who would prefer the risk of a formal rebellion. The king's debts exceed 30,000,000 florins. The revenues are partly sold and partly pledged at least until the end of the year 1630. The customs, which are the foundation of the revenues, have not been granted by parliament, and at the opening of the session the king admitted that they belonged to the people from whom he would acknowledge them; so the exaction of the customs will be embarrassing.
	What matters is that parliament has retained the full possession of its privileges, without yielding a jot, for on the last two occasions the king has always yielded something. If he returns again he will have to do the same, and if he does not, which many believe to be his determination in order not to risk his Crown, it will be a difficult matter to find money. I certainly see great embarrassments, and because of these the kingdom of England must for some time count for nothing for the common cause, as even if she wished, she is not in the condition to do anything. She must beware of the Catholic leagues, about which I have written, especially if it is true that the French are withdrawing their regiments from the Dutch service, and that they have made terms with Spain about Italy, according to a report, which I do not believe. But your Excellencies have great cause to be on the watch about so important an affair, which may receive an impulse from this rupture in England, so as to settle at once with all the Huguenots. I will try and obtain true particulars on this subject.
	London, the 16th March, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
March 16. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	793. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Dutch ambassadors have left. They received a present of 2,000 ounces of silver gilt from the king. Joachim remains with the commissioners of the East India Company for the Amboyna affair. Meanwhile the Earl of Morton's brigade of Scots is negotiating to pass into the service of the Dutch, who have also sent several captains here to raise recruits from the old regiments. These are all indications of their taking the field, unless this dissolution of parliament makes them delay, which I do not believe. It would be a great misfortune, as they are almost the only ones who at present have the power and the will to do something for the common cause.
	Several days ago the Earl of Carlisle announced the peace of Italy, as negotiated by Botru. It differs little from that of the Valtelline, and is even worse. As I had no confirmation, I did all I could to discredit such news, as the most harmful that could be heard for the common cause, although little for good or ill could be expected from England. The day before yesterday the confirmation of this advice was received from the English secretary in Venice, in letters dated the 16th, which Carleton read to me. He says that a courier from Spain had come to your Excellencies with advice that the Most Christian had pledged himself to the Catholic not to pass into Italy but to go against the Huguenots, provided an arrangement is made about Monferrat. Botru had agreed to the restoration of Casale to the Spaniards and of its citadel to the pope; what Savoy had occupied was to remain in his hands, and the rest in those of the Duke of Mantua, until the emperor's decision. On the 13th your Excellencies had called the French ambassador into the Collegio, who denied everything, and said that if it were so Botru had exceeded and would be punished. Your Excellencies, however, believed it was only too true, and were extremely displeased. You would never again trust the French, as this was the second time they had deceived, and even worse than the Valtelline.
	I assured Carleton that my letters, also of the 16th, contain nothing about this. I pointed out that the French would be mad if they settled with the Spaniards a matter in which the emperor is the chief person interested, so that it could not be secure either for them or for Mantua. They will not believe what I tell them about this, and are always forming a worse opinion about the French. They told me that they believed this might have been caused in some measure by the treaty I sent to France. It was communicated by Zorzi to the queen mother before he left Paris, and may have greatly stimulated this bargain. They are very displeased, and draw sinister conclusions from the delay of the replies, but I know that they are seeking pretexts. I see that confirmation of this peace arrives from many quarters, although I know nothing about it, so I am at a loss what to believe, though I think it may be an invention of malignants. But these are pangs that go to the heart of those who find themselves in the dance.
	The secretary sent by Wake (fn. 4) has gone back to Turin. I hear that the king was gratified at the duke telling him about his plans. He will not advise him to give passage to the French or dissuade him from doing so, leaving him to do what is most advantageous for his interests. Carlisle sent off this despatch, and I spoke to him on the subject several times, pointing out that state policy required England to obtain the passage for the French, and to pledge them to the affairs of Italy, in order to divert them from the Huguenots, whose affairs his Majesty has so much at heart. He tells me they are sure the French will not cross. The duke knows this and cannot unbosom himself to them in order not to break his promise and the league with the Spaniards, with the certainty of remaining the enemy of both, and scorned by the whole world, which fears the ascendancy of Spain, but the artifices of France even more. If this peace and its conditions are true, we must confess that fate is working for the ruin of the common cause.
	The Danish ambassador here has letters from the commissioners of the 16th of February, announcing that both sides have produced their demands. Wluuel, the Chancellor of Denmark had departed to show the king those of the emperor, and Schomberg was going to Wallenstein to show him those of the king. They are the highest that can be imagined on either side. Denmark demands firstly the restitution of all the territory taken from her, indemnity for the very great losses sustained by her subjects, and absolute supremacy in the Baltic, without which the whole kingdom would run great risk of liberty in the whole of Germany as before, and especially freedom of government and of conscience in the circle of Lower Saxony; the Kings of France, England and Sweden, with the States to be included in the peace. The terms demanded by the emperor are not known precisely. Some of them are, payment of the armies in order to disband them; to keep ships in the Baltic and have the free passage of the Sound, and to concede it to the league of the States and of Sweden. Your Excellencies will have heard more exact information from the spot. The negotiations for peace between Sweden and the Poles have been postponed until the next Polish diet. Poland would like peace, but does not dare detach herself from the emperor, who urges her to make war. There is great scarcity of food and money in Sweden. Denmark has prohibited trade with Danzig throughout her territory, since the grant of the twelve ships to Wallenstein, which greatly endangers affairs there.
	I do not send the copy of what I have written to France, as it contains the advices with the remarks made on the peace of Italy. As I have no letters from that Court, there is nothing for me to answer.
	London, the 16th March, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
March 17. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	794. To the Ambassador in England, and the like to the Ambassador at the Hague.
	Yesterday evening with the advices of the first successes of the French arms we sent you our resolutions, to impart to the king. To-day we have the enclosed about the peace from Turin, the preceding letters not having arrived yet. The paper will serve you for information, but you will not pass any special office until further order from us, which we shall send when we are sure about the news. Owing to this information we have suspended the gathering of our forces, awaiting the confirmation, which will regulate our deliberations. We will send the instructions by express courier, because the ordinary of Augsburg has come.
	Ayes, 145.	Noes, 1.	Neutral, 3.
	[Italian.]
March 17. Senato, Mar. Venetian Archives.	795. The Proveditori of the Artillery have made a contract with Martin Nauriau and Alvize Dubois for English lead in good naveselle, for which they shall be paid 53 ducats the thousand of current money when it has been consigned and approved by the Senate, and they shall be free of the duty.
	Ayes, 139.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
March 17. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	796. SEBASTIANO VENIERO, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Negotiations for trade between the Turks and Florence through Cosmo Orlandini. The Captain Pasha has taken up the idea cagerly. The Pasha tries to convince the Sultan that all desire his friendship from fear of him. He got some one sent from Poland and despatched to Muscovy to induce them to send ambassadors. Some came to sell their goods, but they were too raw for affairs of state. The business with Florence hardly likely to be taken up by the Florentines who could scarcely expect their ambassador to be honoured when the emperor's is treated so scurvily, and when they see the English, who are so highly esteemed here because of their naval strength, experience annoyances daily over the slightest incidents, which cost them dear, the Aleppo affair alone costing them 1,000 ryals.
	The Vigne of Pera, the 17th March, 1629.
	[Italian: deciphered.]
March 17. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Firenze. Venetian Archives.	797. AGOSTIN VIANUOL, Venetian Secretary at Florence, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Six Flemish ships have arrived at Leghorn with corn and various goods, and one English ship alone from Tunis with a cargo of hides and wool.
	Florence, the 17th March, 1629.
	[Italian.]
March 18. Collegio, Secreta. Esposizioni, Principi. Venetian Archives.	798. I, Marc Antonio Padavin, went at six yesterday evening to the French ambassador and read to him the deliberation of the preceding day. I told him the Senate, as a sign of special confidence, wished to communicate to him the news of the peace which had arrived from Turin a very few hours before. The ambassador seemed very pleased. He asked if there were any further particulars, and I said I had not heard of any. He reflected a moment and then said: I no not know what to say or believe. If the news came from the vulgar I should not credit it, just as I did not credit what was reported about Botru's negotiations. But this comes from a public representative of capacity, and brings its own credentials. I have had the same news from three or four quarters, and I have also seen a letter from Milan, brought by the ordinary, which reports the conclusion of the peace. If it is true I wonder that Mons. Gallo, the nuncio in Savoy has not said a word about it to the nuncio here.
	[Italian.]
March 19. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	799. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Langarach writes that since the departure of the ambassadors extraordinary, the scant satisfaction they received has been made public. Here they say the French were too exacting. I hope that the dissatisfaction will not grow stronger, as the proposals made by the ambassadors in France were not unreasonable.
	The ambassadors from England are still delayed by the contrary winds. If they are satisfied, as is believed, they might influence opinion in favour of England, especially if the war against the Huguenots continues in France, as they are always afraid.
	The Hague, the 19th March, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
March 19. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	800. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The English ambassador called to-day, after we had not met for some days. Talking of the peace he said that the French wanted to use force where the duke hoped to make the treaty without recourse to arms. The French had what they wanted and the duke also might be satisfied. He said that if the French did not restore Susa there would never be any end. I remarked that no one could have any doubt on the subject. I fancy Wake came in order to hear what people said about the progress of the French arms. He said he knew the troops would not hesitate to cross the Alps and some guns had done so lately. Everyone said they would go to Languedoc; Rohan was ready for them, but he did not believe they would take up that enterprise. The state of Milan was very feeble and if the king approached within ten miles Novara and Alessandria would bring him their keys. He dwelt upon this point. He thought Soranzo might go to persuade the king to hold back and employ his forces somewhere else than Italy, because the republic had what she wanted. Casale was free and the Duke of Mantua would be in his possessions. I said Soranzo had been chosen because of Zorzi's illness. I did not think your Serenity ever wished the King of France to be absorbed in domestic affairs; our ambassadors were most anxious for peace with the Huguenots and his Majesty. I did not feel that I could speak to him otherwise.
	Wake has been to see the duke. With the French forces in Italy his Highness may have been glad to learn the intentions of others, though I may be wrong as Wake readily and habitually enters upon these things of his own accord as I have learned from many of his conversations. He told me he heard that the French were urging the duke to sign the agreement between the pope, the king, the most serene republic and the Duke of Mantua with an alliance for the common defence, and the duke said he would decide when he had seen the articles. I neither affirm nor deny. I hear they will attend to assigning the portion of the Montferrat for his Highness. Wake says he will have 20,000 crowns of revenue. As he makes it higher than the duke himself it shows that I must be cautious about his statements.
	Turin, the 19th March, 1629.
	[Italian: the part in italics deciphered.]