Venice
July 1629, 1-15

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Institute of Historical Research

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Allen B. Hinds (editor)

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1919

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117-132

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'Venice: July 1629, 1-15', Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice: Volume 22, 1629-1632 (1919), pp. 117-132. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=89255 Date accessed: 23 September 2014.


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Contents

July 1629

July 1.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Savoia.
Venetian
Archives.
153. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The English ambassador's secretary has returned from London. He travelled through France with all speed. He reports that the departure of the ambassadors has been postponed, because the Duke of Elboeuf was not going, and Sir Thomas Edmonds was to replace the Viceroy of Ireland, and also because the King of France wanted them to treat at Paris with the queen mother, and the King of England did not approve of this.
The Ambassador Wake has come from his country house to stay at Turin. I think some kinsman of Rohan has gone to Don Gonzales together with M. de Vignoles, a Huguenot and servant of the Duke of Savoy, and they are encouraging intrigues even when a good understanding is being arranged. I believe that the Duke of Savoy and Wake always encourage mistrust of the word of France, believing that the Most Christian will always break it, and so they propose to counterbalance his forces. Crichi knows this, but does not seem to mind.
Turin, the 3rd July, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 5.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
154. To the Ambassadors SORANZO and ZORZI with the Most Christian.
We have just heard of the adjustment in the kingdom. This confirms our belief that the king means to devote himself to the relief of Italy, with all his forces. It will also firmly establish the peace with England and we hope that the English ambassador will have the best of receptions. You will do your utmost to secure this, because besides other good results, it will serve to exclude the specious negotiations of Spain with England, which cannot fail to be very detrimental. If anything occurs to threaten the adjustment you will devote all your energies to the matter. We think these views of ours should be represented to his Majesty and the cardinal, so that the ambassador may be welcome and well treated everywhere.
Ayes, 120.Noes, 2.Neutral, 8.
[Italian.]
July 5.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
155. To the Ambassador SORANZO in England.
We have just heard from Turin that the Most Christian has made peace with his subjects, leaving their religion free while they recognise him as their lord. This will doubtless gratify his Majesty and the whole kingdom especially as the Most Christian seems disposed to relieve Italy and serve the common cause. The English should therefore break off all negotiations with Spain and cut the lines drawn by the painter Rubens. You will have a free field to instil ideas which may bear fruit, to establish the peace with France and destroy the negotiations with Spain, as we hope England will be stirred by the example of the Most Christian to do what the common interests require.
Wake is deeply disappointed at the peace being arranged by other means than he counted on, and has not returned our Ambassador Cornaro's visit of congratulation. He continues his evil offices, so it would be a great advantage to prevent his going to France, if possible. You may possibly have a chance of effecting this and that is why we advise you.
We wish to know if the Earl of Carlisle is engaged in the negotiations with Spain, what credit he has and how he behaves. Carleton, though not admitted to the negotiations may be able to throw light on them, and it will be advisable to retain his confidence. We hear from the Hague that Denmark has not ratified the peace arranged at Lubeck. If would be very helpful to upset it as the imperialists are turning their forces in this direction. You will know what offices to perform to facilitate this object. If the king touches on the point of our contributions to Sweden and repeats his conversations with Contarini, of which you know, you will commend his generous views but at the same time you will say how much the republic is doing in meeting so many obligations at so great an outlay, to the great advantage of the northern powers, because the imperial forces, drawn to these parts, do not all fall upon them.
Ayes, 101.Noes, 0.Neutral, 1.
[Italian.]
July 6.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
156. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
A gentleman arrived lately from Colonel Morgan, who commands in the fortess of Gluckstadt. He reported that by frequent and judicious sallies he had recovered from the imperialists much of the lost territory. He has sent the letter from the King of Denmark ordering him to suspend all hostilities against the imperialists for a month, without any mention of peace having been made. But this same gentleman brings letters from Hamburg and Lubeck, from the Ambassador Anstruther, to the effect that the peace had been signed and stipulated by the imperial and Danish commissioners, and the only thing wanting was the ratification of the emperor and the king. Anstruther and the Dutch ambassador complained bitterly of the Danish commissioners, because, contrary to the articles of the league, they not only did not communicate this treaty to them, but Anstruther could not obtain a copy after its conclusion, and was compelled to discover their tenor indirectly. As read to me from Anstruther's letter there were five articles, substantially thus: there was to be peace between the emperor and Denmark both by sea and land, the emperor restores all his conquests in Holstein and Jutland, prisoners shall be released and rebels pardoned mutually, neither side shall make any further payment for damages or debts due to the armies. So far the conditions are very equal, but you will hear with astonishment what Denmark gives up. First he abandons the Dukes of Mecklenburg and Pomerania, who followed his party and lost their states, and are now excluded from the present treaty, so that Walstein will remain their master without any obstacle. He then renounces all the claims and investitures upon the bishoprics of Bremen, Minden and Ferdem, and others which he obtained for his sons. He binds himself never to interfere more in the affairs of the empire even in those of the circle of Lower Saxony. No mention whatever is made of the navigation of the Baltic, and indeed it seems that Rostock and Wismar will remain in the hands of the imperialists.
All these disadvantageous conditions, at a time when Denmark ought to know how Italian affairs might help him, makes every one conclude that the Danish commissioners have betrayed their master, and that they have been bribed and won over, not only by foreign gold, but by their own personal interest, as they insisted above all on the restitution of the conquests, in which many of them have their own estates, so that from the beginning of this congress there was a suspicion of the evil we now witness. The English and Dutch are not without fear that there may be some article to their detriment about the navigation of the Baltic, for the more this treaty has been concealed by the ministers of the emperor and Denmark, the more vexatious it is, as the Germans always used to keep their word, but it now appears that they follow the example of other powers.
Some still persuade themselves that the king will not ratify so disgraceful a peace, but as the Danish nobility and people are very much inclined to it, the most judicious are hopeless on the point. This is a heavy blow for the cause, and the English and Dutch feel it bitterly. Nevertheless the treasurer and those who manage the finances rejoice at seeing this cause for expenditure at an end. What matters more is that there are anticipations of discontent on the part of Sweden, which might lead him to give up his intention of making war on the emperor, and the suspicions common to neighbouring states might revive between him and Denmark, as they were at open war for many years. For this reason I went to Roe immediately after receiving the news, who is starting to-day or to-morrow, to hear if his first commissions were altered. He complained of the present government for having detained him so long, as he foretold this peace two months ago and more and begged that he might be enabled to prevent it. He thinks they do it purposely, to render his embassy useless for the peace with Poland also. To accomplish that he ought to have been on the spot at the end of May, before fresh hostilities began, as they must have by this time, rendering the adjustment more difficult. He is much distressed about this, but told me that acting on the old commissions he will do everything possible to sow tares in the treaty, especially if he arrives before it is ratified, although his hopes are not great.
He is compelled to remain ten days in the Netherlands to arrange some alliance between the United Provinces, Sweden and England, for the sake of encouraging the King of Denmark, if it is in time, or at least to keep him neutral. He told me that he hopes to confirm Sweden in his intention to make war on the emperor, but he must be assisted and encouraged. Although I would not promise anything I commended his sound views and said I thought that the French ambassador, on his arrival here would make some similar proposal. He praised this highly and we agreed that I should endeavour to have the French proposals sent to him by the Secretary of State, or else I would communicate to the ambassador Gussoni whatever Chateauneuf said on the subject. Although this peace is a sad blow to the cause, yet this almost hopeless business could not fall into the hands of a more courageous and well affected physician.
In consequence of the arrival of the gentleman from Morgan, the Dutch ambassador immediately asked for the 1,500 men who are with him in the fortress of Gluckstadt, and to render the regiment 2,000 strong he wanted the 500 from Guernsey, I wrote of. The king is inclined to gratify him, seeing clearly that the United Provinces will have to stem an overwhelming flood, that they would not undertake a siege so important as Borleduch with great doubt of the result, and it would have been better to employ the money in securing the navigation of the Baltic, as some thought, and simultaneously to support the King of Denmark.
Rubens stays on negotiating, without its transpiring whether anything has been put in writing. I hear on good authority that so far they have not begun to treat here, and will not unless there is some probability of the restitution of the Palatinate. He proceeds very soberly in that matter. I think he rather urges a suspension of hostilities, not only between England and Spain, but that England herself should propose it to the United Provinces, under the deceitful pretence that the Spaniards know the policy of England, who cannot detach herself from the Netherlands. This is confirmed indirectly by the Dutch ambassador, who told me he did not believe that Rubens would go very far with his negotiation until after the siege of Bolduc. I think I see the bent of this affair, but your Excellencies will be able to meet it by the means you think best, especially through the French, if they really do what they say they will for the cause.
Cisa gave out that he had been set with condolences on the queen's miscarriage, but I know on good authority that he has been to the French army, together with a messenger sent by the duke for the restitution of Susa, and as he did not get such favourable replies as were desired, he came here to try the usual diversions on the part of England. If peace with the Huguenots is really made, as the French announce, England will not do any injury to the cause, but otherwise it is impossible to make sure.
It seems that the members of Parliament who were imprisoned some time are to be released. This also indicates a fresh attempt to reconcile the king and people, since it is clear that without this England can do little for herself and less for others. Yet I can scarcely believe it, bearing in mind the interests of the chief ministers, which is contrary to that of the king, who by nature desires to be ruled as he always will be (tuttavia son difficile a crederlo, perche vi considero l' interesse di quelli che governano, molto contrario, et il Re per natura, che vuole e sara sempre governato).
Last Monday, the 2nd, the ambassadors extraordinary of France and England crossed the Channel. The Frenchman was brought in a royal ship, (fn. 1) with great ceremony of salutes and the like. He made his entry into this city to-day, having received all the honours arranged. He might have had audience on Sunday, but I hope he will leave that day free for the entry of the ambassador Soranzo, who arrived last night at Gravesend. By diligence and after a week's buffeting at sea, he overcame contrary winds in order not to remain idle in the service he may render as a supplement to my feeble efforts.
London, the 6th July, 1629.
Postscript.—To-day judgment should be given about the ship Jona. Digby's lawyers made some objections in order to prevent the judge giving sentence, but he has decided, all the same, to give possession to our people. God grant it be thus with the rest.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 6.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
157. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I sailed on the 20th ult. the moment the wind seemed favourable, and although it became utterly contrary I refused to set foot on shore again, against the opinion of the ship captains. Persistance was difficult, as a voyage that usually takes 24 hours lasted eight days. God permitted me to arrive here yesterday, after the greatest hardships. I must delay my entry for at least two days as my arrival coincides with that of M. de Chastelnuovo, the French ambassador extraordinary, who will make his entry to-day. My predecessor Contarini sent me word, however, that the necessary orders had been given, so nothing is wanting but the convenience of his Majesty, who is now out of London. I have made all the preparations necessary for the function so as to appear with the splendour calculated to give lustre to my character as a minister of your Excellencies.
Gravesend, the 6th July, 1629.
[Italian.]
July 7.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Costantinopoli.
Venetian
Archives.
158. SEBASTIANO VENIERO, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The troublesome affair of the English ambassador with the Janissaries is settled by his giving them cozzetti for complete satisfaction for their claims, upon what is paid to him, I know not for what reason, by other parties interested in that affair. The Vizier has got what he wanted, in their satisfaction.
The Vigne of Pera, the 7th July, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
July 7.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Costantinopoli.
Venetian
Archives.
159. SEBASTIANO VENIERO, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I hear that the King of Persia does not intend to do any more about the silk, as the late one intended, but will leave it to his subjects. This has given them universal satisfaction and they say he has intimated to the English and Dutch that if they wish to export silk from his dominions they must pay in ready money and not in spices. Also that he is negotiating with the Portuguese and inclines to restore Ormuz to them, though they must pay him tribute.
The Vigne of Pera, the 7th July, 1629.
[Italian, deciphered.]
July 8.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
160. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The Danish agent Scultetus has been here to-day to tell me of the peace between the emperor and his master. He complained bitterly of the King of England for failing in all the promised succour and not repaying a penny of the money lent by Denmark, as being the chief reason for that step. His king found himself alone and abandoned and could expect no further help from England owing to their internal dissensions. He added that if things changed and the Most Christian and the King of Great Britain united in alliance with the Northern powers for the relief of Germany, as the French ambassador here suggested, Denmark would easily find plenty of pretexts for breaking this peace, and he whispered in my ear: My master cannot prejudice the undoubted rights of his sons by this treaty.
A son of the Earl of Carlisle (fn. 2) is staying here on his way back from Italy, but he will cross to England soon. They are momentarily expecting Roe thence, who is going to Denmark and Sweden and then on to Prussia to interpose in his king's name about the differences with Poland at the request of those states.
The Hague, the 8th July, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 8.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
161. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
As I was writing these presents Branduich called upon me, who represents Gelderland in the assembly. As we were talking, letters reached me from England and he began to speak to me very sagely about the affairs of that kingdom. He said it would affect the common cause seriously if an accommodation with England should follow that with Denmark. He betrayed some anxiety about the negotiations of Rubens at that Court. They had appointed three commissioners to treat with him, excluding all the secretaries of state, an unusual thing. Two of them, the Treasurer and Cottington were interested dependants of Spain. I seized the opportunity to urge him to persuade the assembly not to slacken their offices at that Court, which would be the more efficacious because by the terms of their alliance with Great Britain that sovereign cannot settle anything without their consent here. He seemed to reflect upon this and said he would get fresh commissions sent to Joachim. I feel sure the States will do this especially as it has come to their ears that Rubens took 200,000 florins to England to help the treaty of peace with some of the ministers there, so they are very anxiously awaiting the return of Vane from England to hear what he will bring with respect to the negotiations of Rubens in so far as they concern their own interests and those of the Palatine.
They are to decide to-day or to-morrow in the assembly about the 500 foot in the islands of Jersey and Guernsey. Joachim sent one of his gentlemen from England about this. He went to see the Prince of Orange at the camp and is momentarily expected here on his way back to England, with all speed.
The Hague, the 8th July, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 8.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Spagna.
Venetian
Archives.
162. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
We hear from Portugal that they are arming strongly and are very anxious from fear of the English. That Crown can involve this one in heavy expenditure with very little effort and produce a great diversion for its forces, because a small flying squadron of ships with a few men can keep the coats of Galicia, Biscay and Portugal in alarm and obliged to remain under arms, in addition to the damage which may be inflicted on their shipping.
Madrid, the 8th July, 1629.
[Italian; deciphered.]
July 13.
Senato,
Secreta.
Deliberazioni.
Venetian
Archives.
163. To the Ambassador SORANZO in England and the Ambassador GUSSONI at the Hague.
To the past intrigues against the Duke of Mantua are added others against his children. When it was known that the Duke of Mayenne was to proceed to Monferrat, although the way was free, he was stopped by order of Don Gonzales by the Marquis Malaspini, and all those with him. They took from him 6,000 doubles and various jewels and brought him, thus stripped, to Garzo. Don Gonzales had ordered Don Alvaro de Losada to take him to Milan castle, but God enabled him to escape and reach Mantua. All that the Spaniards have gained by this is to make it clearer than ever that they mean to destroy the house of Mantua and seize his dominions. For this they continue their preparations and are sending money to Germany for troops, while they are collecting corn to feed their men. The imperial ministers openly declare that they mean the Most Christian to withdraw his troops from Italy or they will send larger armies here to enforce it. This shows the overweening ambition of the Spaniards with whom they are closely united. Merode remains in the Grisons with his troops and the state of Milan supplies him with food and money. Every effort must be made to upset the peace with Denmark as if successful it will help greatly both there and here. You will therefore devote your attention to this, and it is a great inducement that the Most Christian has adjusted the internal affairs of his realm, and can devote all his attention to foreign affairs, to the notable advantage of the common cause.
To England alone say:
We believe that this adjustment will remove all suspicion from the minds of the king and his ministers, so the way will be clear for the sending the ambassadors of both crowns, and all negotiations of Rubens will die away. You will keep a close watch upon these. You will uphold the claims of the state and our merchants in the matter of the ships plundered by Digby, about which you will have received full information from the Ambassador Contarini and Nelli.
Ayes, 71.Noes, 0.Neutral, 0.
[Italian.]
July 13.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
164. ALVISE CONTARINI and GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassadors in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
During the last few days I, Contarini, have seen the French ambassador three times, first before Soranzo's entry and secondly before he came to us to-day. On one of these occasions I took to his house the treaty signed by the king, as arranged, and handed it to him, receiving the enclosed receipt. He advances daily in the king's good opinion. He spoke to me about the affairs of Italy and Germany and indeed of all Christendom. It may not be amiss if I report in a few words the opinions of this minister, who has so lately come from the French Court and is one of the chief confidants of Cardinal Richelieu. In Italy he makes it appear that there is nothing to fear from the emperor's forces, as they cannot live without pay, as is the custom in Germany, and the Spaniards cannot suffer so considerable an army, though allied, in their states without suspicion. He thought their only design was to further the negotiations for peace, but any invasion would be in the Mantuan territory. There need be no apprehension about that, as the city of Mantua would require many years and many troops to take it while the best places of the district would be preserved by your Serenity's forces, and by those of the neighbouring French, by the pope's suspicion and by the acts of humility which the Duke of Mantua would perform to the emperor. There was no apprehension whatever about Monferrat, as it was actually in the custody of the Most Christian. He also said that although the Grison passes were gained, they would not prevent the descent of the French in that direction, especially when united with the Swiss, to whom the Most Christian had already appointed an ambassador. As he had died, he, Chateauneuf would have been named in his stead, but as he was occupied with this English embassy he believed that Marshal Bassompierre would ultimately go to Switzerland. On the other hand, Savoy, by a separate treaty arranged by Bassompierre himself there lately, bound himself to reinforce the French army there with 10,000 foot and 1,000 horse, whenever the Mantuan territory of the Monferrat were invaded by any enemy soever. In spite of all this the French still placed but little confidence in that prince so they will not abandon Susa until matters are safe, although they have plenty of other passes whereby to enter Italy. The cardinal was quite determined not to lose the glory gained for himself and the king, south of the Alps, so that, if necessary, he would go thither in person. He did not regret the Marquis Spinola going into Italy, well knowing that they had a good mutual understanding, and being both capable ministers, who know that it is not in their masters' interests to risk their states, they will doubtless devise some satisfactory remedy. The peace with the Huguenots would greatly aid the quiet of Italy, and although he had no certainty of this yet, he knew the cardinal was in favour of it.
I asked whether the king would return to Paris if the peace with the Huguenots were made, or again approach Italy, to give life to hostilities or negotiations by his presence. He answered that even he himself was in doubt about that, as he knew that on the one hand Cardinal Richelieu wished to gratify the queen mother and the people by the king's return to Paris, whilst on the other he was averse to being at a distance from his Majesty, whose personal inclination made him unwilling to leave his army. He told me that in France they clearly foresaw the speedy fall of Genoa, owing to its internal dissensions, fomented in great measure by the Spaniards, who will remain masters there in the end. Several conversations were held about this, some urging the old claims of France to Genoa, others proposing to second the passions of the Duke of Savoy, while a third party suggested favouring the Grand Duke, and to try everything rather than let such an important place fall into the hands of the Spaniards. But all these schemes met with strong opposition, and the easiest, that the king should take it for himself, was found contrary to his title of Just.
With respect to Germany, Chateauneuf believes that the peace with Denmark, the negotiations with England and the Dutch, the encouragement given to the war between Poland and Sweden, the fair promises lavished on the Turks, the suspicions caused to Italy, have no other object than to establish themselves thoroughly in what they have occupied in the empire, and to deter the Most Christian from succouring those oppressed princes, as he was most disposed to do. Chateauneuf was commissioned to communicate to the republic's ministers whatever he has to negotiate here, and to offer carte blanche to England with regard to anything she could or would do for Germany; but he found her so weak that he did not see how she could do anything of importance in her present state. He added: It seemed to me that the best I could do would be to break off these negotiations with Spain, if possible, to have Rubens dismissed and to induce England to cease from causing uneasiness to the other powers, but I find many of the ministers imbued with the maxims and timidity of the late king. At my first conference with the commissioners, before I propose anything, I am determined to make England declare herself, as if she thinks peace with Spain advantageous, my king will not prevent it, and knows he would be unable to do so. He therefore ought not to make any proposal for the public cause until he sees the result of this negotiation, as it is necessary to treat on some sound foundation, either of open war, as now waged by England, or of settled peace and its conditions, or the treaties. Each of these requires different proposals and resolves.
He also said that the United Provinces might also be comprised in these negotiations. Many persons in France suspect that the very arduous undertaking of Bolduch will produce some result. When he left Paris he believed that the demands of the Dutch ambassador for some French levies would be granted and followed by a subsidy. I encouraged him by the decision of the king here to send Morgan with the 2,000 men until the issue of Bolduch. I added that the suspicion of the truces would cease whenever France choose, as if they arranged the league with the United Provinces, already so far advanced, and France contented herself with what they could give and not with what had been promised by their ambassador, without any order, the Most Christian might bind himself not to make any treaty with the Spaniards without their knowledge and consent. With regard to Germany, the dissensions between Sweden and Gabor, who had a good mutual understanding, were believed to be most advantageous, and would prosper better if fomented by the authority and power of the Most Christian. The ambassador showed that he did not think much of this, saying that if Sweden met with some check, he would not be able to recover himself, and that Gabor was a deceiver. I gathered from this that the French views do not accord with the general ones, and I think the French will do everything possible to avoid an open breach with the Spaniards, though they will try to make the others do so, and will divert their friends with the hope of auxiliary forces, as they are doing. In my opinion neither England nor any other power will ever form any good resolve unless they set a good example, as they are perhaps not to be trusted. Your Excellencies however will be in a position to judge better.
This morning the French ambassador came to visit me, Soranzo. I communicated to him the last advices in your despatch of the 21st June about the progress of the imperial forces in Italy, the practical imprisonment of the French ambassador at Coire, and above all the capture by the imperialists of the pass of Ragatz, thus openly invading Switzerland. I pointed out the plain objects of the Austrians, and the necessity for preserving the Swiss in their ancient liberty and confidential relations with the French Crown. He again expressed doubt about the imperialists being able to do anything of importance. He would not admit the imprisonment of the ambassador, but he declared freely that his king will risk everything to maintain the liberty of the Swiss, and that matters more to France than Italy or any other affair.
London, the 13th July, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 13.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
165. ALVISE CONTARINI and GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassadors in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
On Sunday the French ambassador had his first audience of the king, who appointed that day for an assembly of all the ladies and the whole Court. The ambassador was received by the king and the queen, to whom he gave letters from the Most Christian and the queen mother. The office was purely complimentary, but acceptable. The ambassador shows that he desires to meet all his Majesty's wishes, and has made no little progress in popularity, with the hope that he will consolidate this union.
Two days afterwards he had a private audience, at which he first of all asked indemnity for several acts of piracy at sea, especially by some outlawed Rochellese, who, with their prizes had been well received in the harbours of England and Scotland. The king expressed regret for such accidents contrary to his will, and in the ambassador's presence gave a positive order to Secretary Carleton to make provision to this, and that all the French prizes should be restored without further process or examinations, so that he might never again hear similar complaints. The ambassador promised that the same should be done in France with regard to some English ships plundered there, and so both sides seemed satisfied on this point.
The second point concerned the queen's household. The ambassador showed that nothing was desired but her Majesty's own satisfaction coupled with that of the king. This office was quite right. Thirdly he pressed his Majesty that Toiras' ship, although not promised, should not be repaired to put to sea, and to this also the king consented. He spoke in general terms about public affairs, and would not enlarge on any particular subject, because the king spoke with him through an interpreter, as he did at the first audience. The ambassador complained mildly of this to his friends, saying that business of great importance is treated orally, or if through an interpreter, he should be dependent on the ambassador, or that at least the ambassador should have his own interpreter. All his business, however, is referred to the seven commissioners, (fn. 3) who negotiated with me, Contarini, and he hopes to have his first meeting with them to-morrow.
The audience of the French ambassador on Sunday delayed the entrance of me, Soranzo, which did not take place until the following Monday. His Majesty sent the royal barges as far as Gravesend, and the royal coaches to the usual landing place, at the foot of the Tower of London. There Lord North met me, one of the leading noblemen, and expressed his Majesty's satisfaction at my arrival. I responded by expressing esteem and respect for his Majesty. A numerous and stately suite came as far as the embassy, where Contarini showed how studiously he seeks to create a high opinion of the republic's grandeur. On this occasion he surpassed himself by a regal display.
Sir [Henry] Vane is returning to the Netherlands with the title of ambassador extraordinary. He will leave in a fortnight or three weeks, and doubtless take with him the proposals of Rubens. As it is reported that Cottington may be in Spain, it is possible he will do so after Vane's negotiations. Apparently all are agreed about this, that nothing can be definitely settled before the result of Bolduch, and if it is good, the belief is that the truce will not be made, nor perhaps the peace with England. But if things turn out badly, as expected, some adjustment may easily ensue.
The Secretary Carleton, who came to see us, said he came to London for the express purpose of despatching ships, victuals and convoy to bring Morgan from Gluckstadt with his troops, as well as those from Guernsey, to reinforce the Prince of Orange, as they are engaged and paid by England until the close of that undertaking. We answered that this despatch did not harmonise well with the negotiations of Rubens and the report of Cottington's mission to Spain. He rejoined that this mission had not yet taken place, almost showing that there were things in its way. But he did not deny the fact, though, as he is not one of the commissioners for that treaty, it is possible that he does not know the whole of everything. He spoke in very honourable terms of the French ambassador and of the satisfaction he had given to the king and council. He remarked on his good fortune of coming here at a moment when peace with the Huguenots was also considered settled. He communicated to us the conditions of this peace, as received by the king, and urged us to remind your Excellencies and the ambassador in France of the interests of the Count of Laval, of whom no mention was made in the treaty as it was hoped that the intercession of his Majesty and your Excellencies might assist him, especially as the French ambassador told me, Contarini, that he did not believe there would be any difficulty about the restitution of his property, or his return to France. That ambassador speaks with reserve about the peace of Languedoc, as he has no certain news, and so do we, as we have no corroboration, though we encourage the idea in conversation and make the most of it.
The Swedish ambassador has been to take leave of us before returning. He said he had sent off the 3,400 English and Scottish infantry to Stralsund, whither he is to go to see the king. He seems to hope that the affairs of Denmark will not be quieted so speedily, as that king still keeps his army of some 12,000 men on foot. He told us that even if peace were established in earnest his king would not renounce his intention of giving battle to the emperor though not as he had at first intended, by effecting a junction with Gabor, which would have been more profitable, important and perhaps feasible, because he must not at present move so far away from his own country, well knowing that many Danes do not love him, as is always the case with bordering nations, especially after they have been at war. He repeated the usual demands for help, especially from your Serenity, showing there was nothing to hope from England, because she could not, or from France, because she would not. The first commissions of M. de Chianiset, (fn. 4) who lately went to the Kings of Sweden and Denmark instead of taking money or promising help, urged them to try and introduce Catholics and Jesuits into their countries.
We pointed out the expenses of your Serenity, and spoke of the profitable diversion of Italy, which the King of Denmark had not known to turn to his advantage. We hope the King of Sweden will show more address and not lose so fine an opportunity. But we find that this peace, which seems absolutely settled, damps the ardour of Sweden and that is one of the chief evils anticipated from this adjustment.
The first audience of me, Soranzo, has been fixed for Sunday, the day after to-morrow, at Nonsuch, 12 miles away. I will execute the commands contained in the dispatch of the 21st June, which arrived to-day, urging this Crown to get Wake to move the Swiss in defence of their own and the common liberty which is in great jeopardy everywhere. But as his Majesty remains the whole of this summer in the country, and keeps going farther off, it will be difficult if not impossible to carry out instructions. I will try and follow the Court, anticipating relief for the extra cost.
I, Contarini, will endeavour to recuperate myself for the heavy charge of France, now laid on my back. May God give me strength to support it, and I hope to afford your Excellencies as much satisfaction as you were pleased to express with my services here in England.
London, the 13th June, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Enclosure.166. We, Charles de Laubespine, Marquis of Chateauneuf, Councillor of State, knight, and Chancellor of his Majesty's order, and his ambassador extraordinary to his Majesty the King of Great Britain, acknowledge that the Venetian Ambassador Contarini has this day delivered into our hands the articles of the peace signed by the English King, consigned to him on the day appointed in the said articles, in testimony whereof we have affixed the seal of our arms and counteresigned by our secretary.
Given at London, on the 12th July, 1629.
Signed: DELAUBESPINE.
Countersigned: MENESIER.
[Italian.]
July 14.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
167. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
On Wednesday evening last Sir [Thomas] Roe, ambassador extraordinary of England to Denmark, Sweden and Poland, arrived at the Hague. He was lodged at the state's cost, and the usual orders were issued for meeting him at Ryswick. The day after his arrival he had his first audience in the assembly. He announced that in three days he wished to go to Rhenes to see the Palatine's wife and then go on to the camp to execute his commissions with the Prince of Orange. He would then return here to start for Denmark. The States are already preparing two men-of-war for his voyage. I performed all the requisite offices to express the republic's esteem for the King of Great Britain. He seemed to appreciate the compliments. Although at our first meeting he enlarged upon his commissions, he betrayed his dissatisfaction that he was not sent before Denmark made peace, laying the blame on an English minister who has great influence just now, though he is ill affected towards the public cause. I seized this opportunity to refer adroitly to the negotiations of Rubens. He told me frankly that he did not approve of that business, and that being so, no particulars were communicated to him. Rubens was a very able man, agile and full of resource, and marvellously well equipped to conduct any great affair. He had known him before and they were familiar at Antwerp, where he had grown so rich by his profession that he appeared everywhere, not like a painter but a great cavalier with a very stately train of servants, horses, coaches, liveries and so forth. He said, that painter had two great advantages, great wealth and much astuteness. He added: My king is on his guard; he is not taken unawares; he knows all that is required for his own interests and the public cause. He further stated that Vane would return to the Hague very soon and would bring more precise details about the matter. He seemed to think that they would not come to any decision in England until they knew what offices and commissions M. de Sciatenu, the French ambassador extraordinary brought to that Court. He then took leave, as he had other engagements. The French ambassador here has not paid him any of the usual compliments. This has excited remark and Roe himself has taken account of it. They say the Frenchman takes his stand because Carleton, the English agent here, has never called on him once, and never performed any complimentary office after the reconciliation of the two crowns.
They tell me that the assembly recently decided to make a large increase in their armies, by 2,000 men under Colonel Ferens and a like number sent by Colonel Morgan as well as the English regiment in Guernsey. The disbanding of troops after the peace in Denmark might afford a favourable opportunity for your Serenity.
The Hague, the 14th July, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
July 15.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
168. VICENZO GUSSONI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I have kept a close watch upon the proceedings of the Ambassador Roe, observing all his actions. From an intimate who attends the assembly I have learned the substance of his representations and demands. At his first audience he spoke of the unhappy state of affairs in Germany and the North; his king's desire to do all in his power; the decision to send him to Denmark, Sweden and the Hanse towns. But he came to this place before all the others, as occupying the foremost and most important place, so as to talk things over beforehand with the princes here, and arrange a satisfactory union in order to put those important affairs on a proper footing.
Lastly he spoke of the interposition requested by Poland and Sweden to settle their differences. The States have taken the matter into consideration and have appointed seven, one from each province, to treat with Roe and devise the best course of action. But so far as I can gather the States are not disposed to make fresh alliances, saying that they have scant confidence in them and they have been deceived by all, by England, France, Denmark and Venice as well as the King of Sweden. They would gladly consent to each of these powers gathering forces sufficient to the need and in proportion to their greatness; they would discuss the places to be attacked and the share of each should be arranged, all of them taking up the assigned task simultaneously and keeping their conquests. Any such proposal would be embraced here, but apparently they do not intend to give any definite answer to Roe before he returns from Denmark, Sweden and Poland, because they want to know what views those princes have about a union, and if there will be peace between Poland and Sweden, which they do not believe the emperor will permit unless his own interests are included. If no composition takes place between those two kings, the States do not wish to be the first to declare themselves. I hope to send further particulars in my next, as I feel sure of discovering more, with the resources at my hand.
The latest advices from England state that the Spaniards propose to pay the Palatine a yearly pension of 120,000 crowns, instead of restoring his dominions, until some more opportune time. The restitution of his states is to be referred to arbiters though the disposal of the electoral vote is to remain with Cœsar alone. It is considered certain that Vane will bring this affair from England as settled, on his arrival, which must be soon, as the English are very disposed, both because of the evil plight of their internal affairs and to relieve themselves of the burden of supporting the Princes Palatine, who cost England so much.
The Count Suazzemburgh, who is here about Cleves, has had two very long conferences with Roe. They turned entirely upon the adjustment between Poland and Sweden. The count tried to make the best impression upon Roe in the interests of the claims of the Elector of Brandenburg in Prussia. The King of Sweden is now at Albinghen in Prussia, while the King of Poland is at Danzig. Deputies are to go to both places from both sides to treat for the settlement with the ambassadors of England and Brandenburg.
The Hague, the 15th July, 1629.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]

Footnotes

1 The Adventure, Captain John Mennes. Cal. S.P. Dom., 1628–9, pages, 575, 580.
2 James Hay, Viscount Dorchester.
3 The Earls of Arundel, Carlisle, Holland and Pembroke, the Lord Treasurer Weston, Lord Conway and the Secretary of State, Carleton. See the preceding vol. of this Calendar, pages 488, 515.
4 Hercules, Baron of Charnassé.