The present instalment of the Calendar comprises a period of twenty-seven months, from April 1659 to June 1661 inclusive. The material is of the usual character and calls for no special comment. The chief witness is still Giavarina, who remained in residence throughout the period. As already stated the Public Record Office possesses an excellent transcript of all his despatches. (fn. 1) For the earlier portion Giavarina's despatches stand almost alone; but after the restoration the material from other Courts becomes more and more abundant. The bad state of preservation of Vol. 122 of the French despatches for the first part of 1659 is a further reason for the meagreness of the outside material for the earlier months.
Almost immediately after receiving the news of the king's return, the Venetian Signory decided to send an embassy extraordinary to congratulate him. Two ambassadors, Correr and Morosini, were chosen for this mission, and eventually they set out for England in June 1661. Their despatches which should form Vol. 52 of the series “Dispacci Inghilterra” have long been missing from their place in the Frari, but fortunately their letter book has been preserved and is now among the Correr MSS. in the library of the Museo Civico at Venice. Only two of their despatches come within the limits of this volume.
Although the parliament of 1659 tried the patience of the Court by its disposition to waste time over endless discussions without getting on with important business, its decisions, when made, tended to the consolidation of the existing regime. At the time when these papers begin it had just agreed to allow the votes of the Scotch and Irish members, thus giving the Court a solid block of sixty supporters (No. 1). It further gratified the Court by a decision to work with the second chamber, and that those members of the old house of Lords who had remained faithful to the long parliament should have the right to sit in it (No. 6). This latter decision, in spite of a desire of parliament to keep control in its own hands, is said to have been hastened by the fear of a dissolution. The chamber's jealousy of outside interference appeared in a measure passed to secure the secrecy of its proceedings and to forbid the publication of anything without its consent (No. 8).
All this while parliament had neglected the important question of supply and the exchequer was absolutely empty (No. 3). The army, finding that nothing was being done to provide for its pay, grew ominously restive and the officers began to hold meetings on the subject. On 16th April they presented a petition to the Protector which, while respectful in tone, asked him to consider their interests and to find some means of satisfying the army, which was so devoted to him, in order that they might continue joyfully to support his government. These words conveyed a menace under the smooth exterior, and Richard was not a little perturbed. He received the petitioners cordially as old friends of his father and faithful servants of the state, dismissing them with fair words and promises (No. 6). The petition was referred to parliament who, without loss of time, resolved on 19th April that the army should immediately receive three months' pay (No. 8).
This concession, so promptly made, did nothing to appease the discontent of the army, possibly because it was not easy to see how the money was to be found. The officers continued to meet and now they revived their demand for another commander-in-chief in place of the Protector, whom they freely declared to be unfit for the post. Realising the danger that threatened, Richard sent for some of the most turbulent among the officers and told them that they must proceed at once to their quarters and give up their meetings. At the same time parliament also voted an order forbidding the meetings and directing that the officers should not come to London without their permission.
In defiance of these orders the officers met again and declared that they would continue to do so when they pleased until they had received the satisfaction which they claimed, and they began to demand the dissolution of the parliament. Owing to this insubordination London was thrown into a tumult and the troops were called out; but the militia were themselves divided in sympathy, part being for the Protector and part for the army.
Suddenly the whole edifice of government crumbled to dust. Overborne by the threats of Fleetwood and Desborough, Richard was constrained to dissolve parliament, and at once found himself without influence or any following, a cipher and practically a prisoner in Whitehall (No. 11).
The action of the higher officers in precipitating this crisis is said to have been prompted by the threat of parliament to hold an enquiry into their conduct (No. 13), and because they had been warned, through an act of treachery on the part of Thurloe, of Richard's intention to have them arrested (No. 16). They issued no explanation to justify their action, but merely published a number of unfounded charges against the parliament, such as an intention to disband part of the army, dismiss the officers and so forth (No. 13).
As had happened before in the course of the revolution, the government had been overthrown without due thought of what should take its place. But this time there was no outstanding personality to take up the reins. The perpetrators began almost immediately to regret what they had done. The superior officers by no means represented the sentiments of the army as a whole. Fleetwood found that he was not going to be made commander-in-chief after all. The lower officers and the rank and file became critical of his action and began to demand the recall of the long parliament. The city militia, however, stood by Fleetwood and Desborough, and replaced those of their own officers who were opposed to them (No. 13).
There seems to have been some idea of propping up the Protectorate again. During the week that followed the dismissal of parliament Desborough and Fleetwood had frequent conferences with Richard, in an attempt to adjust their differences, but Richard had ceased so completely to count for anything that he soon drops out of the picture. He lingered on at Whitehall, where he shut himself up with four or five colonels, who alone remained faithful to him, and they were abandoned by their men and unable to render him any service (No. 16).
Meanwhile the lower ranks of the army, supported by the populace, were becoming clamorous for the recall of the long parliament. The superior officers who had brought about the crisis were mostly Anabaptists and they felt very reluctant to re-establish an authority which was mainly Presbyterian in sentiment and which they had a large share in dismissing. Frequent and prolonged meetings on the question of the government were held by both sections of the army, and at one of them a suggestion to recall the king was only defeated by six votes (No. 19).
Many members of the old parliament had already gathered in London, but they seemed unwilling to undertake the responsibility of government unless the army would agree to submit to their authority (No. 16). In the end, in spite of strenuous opposition, the decision to recall the long parliament was made, the invitation being extended to all who had kept up their attendance from 1648 until the dissolution by Oliver Cromwell in 1653.
Such may have been the intention of the army as a whole, but the superior officers interpreted it according to their own fashion. On 17th May the members began to assemble in accordance with the invitation, but on arriving at the doors of the house they found Lambert stationed there with a body of musketeers, who only allowed those to pass who seemed most friendly to the army, turning back all the others. The excluded members very naturally protested against this abuse of power, but it is remarkable that the privileged few, who were admitted, apparently accepted the situation without demur and without reflecting that if they acquiesced in the army's right to exclude any member at will, their own turn might come some day.
The assembly thus purged at once set to work upon the business of ordering the government, apparently without any misgivings about the validity of their title to act. A committee of safety was set up as a provisional executive, to be followed soon after by the appointment of a council of state of thirty-one members, of whom all but ten were from its own numbers. This body was expected to co-operate with parliament in the business of government, and to act alone when the house was not sitting. They promised the people to put matters straight so that they should have the reality of a republic and not the name only. They set to work energetically to wipe out the memory, not only of royalty, but of the Protectorate. They decreed that the royal palaces and their furniture should be sold, and the acts of the two Protectors were formally condemned (Nos. 19, 23).
But the army officers had only recalled parliament in order to give an appearance of legitimacy to their actions. They had not the slightest intention of letting power slip out of their own hands. Only five days after parliament had met they presented a petition indicating the form of government which they meant to have (No. 23). The new council of state by no means met with their approval, and although parliament was indignant at the dictation thus offered, they gave way and made the changes required in order to meet the wishes of the officers, and generally made it clear that their sole desire was to please the army (Nos. 23, 26).
Considerable anxiety was felt as to how the changes in the government would be received by the four men who held the chief appointments in outlying parts, Monk in Scotland, Henry Cromwell in Ireland, Lockhart at Dunkirk and Montagu with the main fleet. All sorts of rumours were circulated about Lockhart, who had been absent from his post because of the Franco-Spanish negotiations. He had returned recently to Dunkirk, whence he announced the adhesion of the garrison to the new government, by whom he was soon after confirmed as governor (Nos. 23, 25). Monk also lost no time in announcing his adhesion with that of his officers, reporting the loyalty and steadiness of his troops and asking that no changes should be made in them (No. 31). This was considered satisfactory though his letters were all worded so ambiguously as to give rise to some suspicion and misgiving (No. 33). Henry Cromwell seemed more likely to cause trouble, as he had issued a proclamation at Dublin calling upon all men to remain loyal to his brother (No. 26). Shortly after this he sent three commissioners to London to report on the state of Ireland and to treat with parliament concerning his claim to remain where he was. This action was taken by the house in extremely ill part. Henry was summoned to come to London in person and report, while commissioners were appointed in some haste to proceed to Ireland and take over the government (No. 31). Being unable to depend on his army, which was entirely English, and with the ground cut from under him by the submission of his brother, Henry had no choice but to obey. He handed over the government to two of the commissioners, appeared in parliament to give an account of the country, and obtained permission to retire into private life (Nos. 42, 47).
Of the four Montagu seemed most to be feared, as he had been high in Cromwell's favour and was in control of the grand fleet, whose captains and sailors were all devoted to him (No. 23). The uneasiness of parliament was increased by his long silence, instead of answering their letters, and it was feared that he might resist and refuse to hand over the fleet to Lawson, as they required (No. 26). On 1 June, as no word came from Montagu, they appointed Lawson with a squadron of six ships, under specially selected captains, nominally to protect the narrow seas, but really, it is said, as a check on Montagu (No. 28). If this was the intention it was a confession of weakness, as this small squadron of second rates, with two old ships would have had no chance against Montagu's powerful fleet. But before the end of the month parliament's fears were allayed by the arrival of letters from Montagu, bringing the submission of all the captains of his fleet, though, like Monk, he asked that no changes should be made among them (No. 31). But their suspicions were far from being entirely dissipated, and as no definite news arrived from the fleet, they had Montagu's house searched and a quantity of his papers taken away (No. 42).
Although fears about these powerful individuals was assuaged, at least for the moment, the government obviously rested on very insecure foundations. The call of the country had been for the long parliament, a body mainly Presbyterian in sympathy. By the intervention of the superior officers only a fraction of the assembly had been allowed to act, and these were chiefly of the Anabaptist persuasion. The Presbyterians naturally felt that they had been defrauded, and they at once began to cabal and plot against the government (No. 23). The Rump (fn. 2) was fully conscious of the ill will by which it was surrounded, but they were unable to discover anything definite. A formidable conspiracy was certainly on foot and the rulers, uncertain where it would strike, and painfully aware of their unpopularity, redoubled their precautions. According to Giavarina no one who had not seen it would credit the harshness shown (No. 52).
The plot had many ramifications and naturally gathered to itself all the elements of disaffection. The Presbyterians were the prime movers, but the independents and royalists soon made common cause with them. From London all those who were disaffected to the government stole away to places prearranged (No. 52). Ten thousand of the London apprentices are said to have gone to join the insurgents. In August the revolt broke out in several places at once. In the south the conflagration was promptly stamped out, but in the north, where two former parliamentary leaders were in command, it seemed to have taken a firm hold and threatened to spread rapidly. The ministers helped to fan the flames by reading the declaration of the Presbyterians from their pulpits (No. 56). Troops of horse, of which the rebel forces mainly consisted, were scouring the country, burning the books of the customs and other taxes, promising the people that there should be no more taxes and demanding a free parliament (No. 61).
To deal with so serious an outbreak it was necessary to send a force from London; but disaffection was rife also in the ranks of the army, which largely sympathised with the aims of the rebels. They also called for a parliament and demanded their pay. Serious mutinies broke out among them, the men refusing to march, and it was necessary to reduce them to submission by employing the horse, who were led by Anabaptist officers.
The departure of these troops left London without its regular guards and the situation was dangerous because of the strong feeling against the government that prevailed in the city. It was necessary to entrust the defence of the capital to the newly enrolled militia, who were entirely without experience. To support them three regiments were brought over from Dunkirk, but in an extremely bad condition, being almost destitute of clothes and arms (No. 56), while instead of their full complement of 3,000 men they only mustered 800. Their military value was inconsiderable and they suffered a defeat from the rebels near London (No. 61). To meet the emergency the Anabaptists and other sectaries offered to raise three regiments of their own party to protect the government, an offer which was gratefully accepted (No. 61).
Strict guard was very necessary for London was filled with broadsheets calling upon the people to revolt, and the common council was proposing to meet and declare for a free parliament. The mayor, Ireton, who was an Anabaptist, betrayed their intention to parliament, who had the Guildhall occupied by troops and sent for the council to warn them of the danger from royalist designs (No. 56).
Meanwhile Lambert pursued his march northwards, amid all sorts of difficulties. Incessant rain had swollen the rivers and the enemy had broken all the bridges. Two mutinies occurred during the march, leading to encounters between the cavalry and infantry in which several lives were lost (No. 61). The co-operation which had been expected from Monk was not forthcoming. When called upon to send three regiments to assist Lambert he refused to obey, on the plea that he could not spare them from Scotland, a refusal that made parliament uneasy about his loyalty (No. 56). The order was repeated, but the government did not feel strong enough to deal harshly with the general, knowing the mischief he could do if he declared against them (No. 61).
In spite of all these difficulties Lambert won an immediate and complete victory over the insurgents, to the astonishment of everyone, even his own friends (No. 62). Consternation reigned among the rebels and the revolted places surrendered, one after the other, almost without resistance. Order was restored with extreme ease in the disturbed districts and Lambert enjoyed a triumphant military promenade.
The government seemed immensely strengthened by this unlooked for success. Its enemies had disclosed themselves only to be utterly overthrown and having come out into the open they could be dealt with. The majority of the nobility are said to have been implicated and Booth, disgusted at the way he had been abandoned, as he considered, declared that he would conceal nothing (No. 62). All persons of rank were suspected and they were constantly being arrested as by the ruin of all who were rich and noble the government hoped to destroy all hope of the king's restoration (No. 68). But the rising had been, in the main, the work of the Presbyterians, indeed John Mordaunt had written to warn the king that the time was not yet ripe (No. 52). The overthrow of the Presbyterians and their consequent discredit was not altogether displeasing to the king's followers, and many of them thought that the ruin of that body would tend eventually to the king's advantage (No. 62).
The government escaped one peril only to fall into another, equally great. Although they were purely the creation of the superior officers of the army they were intent on asserting their sovereign rights and vindicating their independence. One of their earliest claims had been to have the control of both the naval and military forces (No. 31). They had insisted that all officers must receive their commissions from parliament, and in this process many had been dismissed, while those cashiered by Cromwell had been reinstated (No. 33). These changes caused much searching of heart, which was none the less because the soldiers were short of pay (No. 42).
Not feeling sure of the regular army parliament had issued orders for the formation of a militia in all the counties, under trustworthy officers. But this measure itself caused further discontent, because many found themselves faced with obligations which they were unable to fulfil (No. 49). The old regular soldiers took great exception to the measure, thinking that it was a step towards the disbanding of the army. The officers began to meet again, and they seem to have made up their minds to dissolve parliament. The only difficulty was to find something to replace it. Circumstances pointed to a revival of the Protectorate in the person of Lambert, who was popular with the troops (No. 46), except that another protector was not desired. Parliament realised the danger, for Lambert's recent and brilliant victory had greatly increased his prestige, and while they rejoiced at his success they trembled for its possible consequences.
While Lambert was absent on his work of pacification in the north, they had a short breathing space, in which they endeavoured to consolidate their position. As a relief for the country the orders for the new militia were suspended. As a security against Lambert they prepared an oath, to be taken by all official persons, of loyalty to the republic with a renunciation of the royal line and of any single person who should attempt to usurp the government (No. 68). To make sure of London they proposed to continue in office for another year the lord mayor Ireton, a man after their own heart, though he was exceedingly unpopular (No. 69). But this attempt to infringe the privileges of the city aroused so much opposition, that the government, in the end, found it expedient to give way (No. 71). They were also seeking to frame a new constitution, for which a special committee was set up. Lenthall consulted the Genoese resident about the government of his republic, and the much admired constitution of Venice also came under consideration, though its aristocratic basis made it obviously unsuitable for their purpose (No. 69).
On the 30 September Lambert arrived back in London, and it was generally believed that he would seize the supreme power, as Cromwell had done before him. The ferment in the army appeared by a renewal of the officers' meetings. On hearing of this parliament sent to enquire what they were about. The deputation brought back word that they were merely considering certain requests to lay before the assembly. These were brought soon after and consisted in a demand that all the supreme posts vacant in the army should be filled up. Believing that this was merely a step towards raising Lambert to supreme power, parliament rejected the demand after two days' discussion, declaring that there were already more general officers than the establishment allowed, and that this was useless, costly and dangerous to the republic. They also began to think about sending Lambert to the Tower, though that would be a sorry reward for his distinguished services (No. 71).
The officers continued to meet and on 15 October they presented another paper with their demands. While submitting to the decision about the superior officers, they asked for immediate consideration for the needs of the army, so that they might have their arrears and their pay regularly in the future. They deprecated interference with discipline and insisted particularly that no soldier should be dismissed without a court martial or with his own consent.
The discussion of these demands was deferred until the following day, when most of them were conceded, except one requiring that any one laying information against the army should be punished. The most difficult question, touching the right of dismissal, was left to the last. But when the house assembled on the 22nd to deal with this, a letter was produced signed by Lambert and the eight other officers who had presented demands. This was a circular directed to all the regiments throughout the country, enclosing a copy of the demands and the answers given up to that time. Incensed at certain expressions in the letter the house resolved that the signatories should be deprived of their commissions, and issued orders that Lambert should be arrested and taken to the Tower. (fn. 3) The threatened officers went at once to their regiments, who rallied round them, and in a moment the streets were filled with soldiers. Parliament called upon its own guards and sent to the city to call out its militia; but the council replied that they did not see the necessity and an attempt to assemble the county militias was frustrated by Lambert's men. On Thursday, the 23rd the members found it impossible to assemble, as all the approaches to the house were guarded by Lambert's men, who turned them back. Six unfortunates who had stayed late on the Wednesday night, had been kept shut up inside and were barely allowed a morsel to eat. Throughout the crisis Lambert displayed the greatest activity, and by finally winning over the parliament guards to his side he achieved the final success of his coup d'etat without any bloodshed (No. 76). This characteristic astonished the Venetian Resident, who attributed it to native stolidity, as he hastened to add that the people were as brave as any in the world (No. 82). As a matter of fact but few were left to lament the fall of the Rump, who had been arbitrarily placed in power to satisfy the popular demand for something else, and who had succeeded in alienating everybody by their overbearing conduct.
The officers who took charge once more had now to devise some form of government that would be accepted by the nation. The regiments which supported parliament had been won over and reconciled, so that the army at least presented a united front. As a matter of precaution it was considered expedient to suspend their officers, at least for a time. The council of state was continued, but purged of all who had failed to support the army. Messengers were despatched to the armies in Ireland and Scotland, to secure their approval and support (No. 82). A new body of twenty-three members called the Committee of Safety was set up, consisting mainly of army officers, to decide what form the government should take, and in the mean time it was to exercise all the powers of the council of state.
In the general opinion, in spite of these measures, Lambert was only biding his time until he could seize the reins of power for himself. It was observed that he was treating Fleetwood exactly as Cromwell had Fairfax in days gone by. On the Committee of Safety he had sixteen or seventeen of his partisans, and only the remaining six or seven were attached to Fleetwood (No. 86).
But matters did not turn out according to expectation. The clique of officers who had usurped power found difficulties accumulating about them from the outset. Only three days before they were dismissed parliament had passed an act that no taxes or customs might be levied except by order of parliament. The council had at once annulled this together with all the last acts of the Rump, but in spite of this the people refused to pay and money became extremely scarce. In London sentiment was divided, part being for parliament and part for the army. An appeal was made to the city council by Fleetwood and others, showing the need for unity (No. 94). But when asked for a loan the city refused absolutely, saying that it was impossible to raise a farthing (No. 97). An attempt by the committee to prevent petitions led to a riot in the city between the soldiers and the apprentices, in which blood was shed, and subsequently, in defiance of the committee, a petition for a free parliament was presented to the city council and duly considered by them. Although Fleetwood did his best to reconcile the city with the army, relations continued strained, and guards were posted at every corner, in order to overawe the burghers (No. 108).
Early in December the Committee of Safety submitted the scheme of government which they had prepared. It was understood to comprise a parliament, senate and council of state, but the parliament was to be strictly controlled and subject to the army (No. 104). But the days of the army's rule were already numbered. Away in Scotland Monk had from the first declared himself a supporter of parliament. His emissaries had come to London to treat with the committee and they had arrived at a settlement; but Monk himself seemed in no hurry to confirm this. He was known to have called a sort of parliament to Edinburgh, in which royalists like Glencairn and Montgomery were taking part, and this only served to increase the suspicion that he was merely playing for time.
The crisis was actually precipitated by events nearer home. After the coup d'etat of October, the members of the late parliament were left unmolested, even Col. Morley, who had aimed a pistol at Lambert, being allowed to go free (No. 114). They dispersed to their homes in the provinces and at once began to agitate against the government, telling the people that if parliament were restored they would soon see such a government set up that all the nation would be contented and happy without taxes or other burdens (No. 86). They also held meetings up and down the country at which they discussed how to raise forces to resist the army, calling forth an order from the Committee of Safety that any one who ventured to collect soldiers without authority would be reputed a disturber of the peace and an enemy of the republic (No. 94). This agitation soon produced notable results. The important arsenal of Portsmouth declared for a free parliament, and the troops sent against it went over to the side of the town. On 23 December Lawson sailed into the Thames with a fleet of twenty-three sail. Anchoring off Gravesend he sent a peremptory demand for the recall of parliament.
Faced with this situation the council of officers threw overboard their new constitution and decided to recall the old parliament. To safeguard themselves they stipulated that there should be no king or house of lords, that the republic should be free, that there should be an amnesty for the council and its supporters, and that the army should receive its arrears of pay.
On 5 January 1660 those members who happened to be in London resumed their sittings at Westminster, and others came in daily from the country to join them. Yet their total numbers did not exceed forty or fifty (No. 116), so that those who returned can only have been the Anabaptist minority, expelled a few weeks before. Although in opposition to the superior officers and restored in their despite, they really represented the choice of those officers from the body of parliament. It seemed unlikely that the army would allow their creatures to triumph over them for long and Lambert was expected to return to overthrow them at the earliest opportunity. His supporters all left London to go and join him (No. 112).
On 31 December London had issued a manifesto in favour of a free parliament and it was by no means pleased at the recall of the Rump (No. 111). For the time being the city adopted a waiting policy, and they sent to Scotland to learn the views of Monk (Nos. 113, 114). As Monk declared in favour of parliament, and as Lambert had been deserted by his men and forced to make his submission, the position of the Rump seemed well established. They took steps to secure the Tower and other important places and voted their thanks to Monk, Lawson and Portsmouth, to whose action they owed their recall (No. 112). They reconstituted the council of state, forming a body of thirty-one members of whom twenty-one were from their own number. Fleetwood and other prominent army members were excluded, and from this time Fleetwood, who had begun all the trouble to serve his own ambition, disappears from the scene. The superior officers who signed the circular which led to the coup d'etat were banished to their homes and Vane, who had supported them, was sent to his house in Durham (No. 114).
While dealing thus faithfully with their opponents the Rump do not seem to have given a thought to their own anomalous position. Petitions in favour of a free parliament poured in from the country, but those who brought them were committed to the Tower (No. 119). They did indeed discuss the question of those who had a right to sit, and considered the issue of writs to fill up vacancies, but they hedged the elections about with so many restrictions and qualifications that they were bound to prove unacceptable to the nation (No. 113). Yet supreme power in the state was claimed by this little clique which numbered barely a tenth of the rightful members, and even this remnant was divided into three or four parties (No. 116).
While disorder reigned in the capital Monk stood aloof. As the commander of the only compact, well disciplined and well paid body of troops in the island it became clearer every day that he must eventually become the arbiter of the destinies of the country. After waiting cleverly for the right moment, he set out on his famous march for London, where he could make his voice heard with effect.
The Rump would have been better pleased to see Monk without his soldiers, but they found it politic to humour him in every possible way. To make room for his men it was necessary to clear out all the troops already quartered in London. This led to serious disturbances. The men mutinied, refused to recognise their new parliamentary officers, called for the old ones, and went shouting about the streets all night, demanding their pay and calling for a free parliament (No. 119). By promises of pay and money raised by pawning the public plate, they were finally induced to march. But outside London they mutinied again and it was necessary to send out troops of horse to reduce them to order (No. 120).
Meanwhile Monk had arrived. At his reception in parliament he observed all the forms of respect, but while it was proceeding his troops occupied the court and palace of Westminster, so that there could be little doubt of the actual position. Though outwardly all honey the Rump were exceedingly jealous of the general and ready to seize the first opportunity to trip him up. They had sent out two commissioners to meet and greet him in their name, but really to watch him and report his behaviour, and these men never left his side, even after his arrival in London (Nos. 119, 120).
The Rump had resented and punished the country's demand for a free parliament, and when London joined in the cry and simultaneously declared that they would pay no more taxes, Monk was called upon to coerce the capital. He did this very thoroughly, but the persuasions of his friends and the consciousness of the innate hostility of the Rump caused him to made a sudden volte face, and on Saturday the 21st February he sat down and wrote them a letter, requiring that the national demand for a free parliament should be satisfied.
The Rump would gladly have seized any means of escape. Wild rumours were afloat that they meant to have Monk poisoned. They even began secret negotiations with their old enemy Lambert, to put him at the head of an army of Anabaptists and other sectaries, who alone were capable of standing up to Monk's forces. But Monk countered this by disarming all the sectaries found in London and by keeping careful guard he showed the city that he did not fear any attack (No. 121).
On Friday, 27 February, a prolonged conference was held at Monk's quarters in London between some members of the Rump and others of the excluded members, in the general's presence. On the following Monday Monk marched some regiments from London to Westminster and quartered them there while he himself proceeded to Whitehall with the rest of the army. Arrived there he sent for all the members of parliament, sitting and excluded alike, and delivered a speech to the assembly. He told them that it was the unanimous desire of the people that they should all meet together. He therefore urged them all to proceed to Westminster and there devote themselves to settling the affairs of the country. He promised the excluded members that the guards should admit them (No. 122). (fn. 4) Thus at one stroke the small clique that had been monopolising power was completely swamped, and the complexion of parliament was changed from Anabaptist to Presbyterian. Many presented themselves who had taken no part in the proceedings since 1648.
The reunited parliament at once set to work to make sweeping changes. They dismissed Scott, the secretary of state, and abolished the late council, setting up a new one of thirty-one members which included only one or two of the former ones. Various recent acts of the Rump were annulled; Booth and other political prisoners were released, and the forfeiture of their goods stayed. Monk was made commander-in-chief of the forces and Lawson Admiral. Most important of all, the 25th April was fixed for the calling of a new parliament and it was understood that the elections would be made without restrictions of any sort (No. 122).
Parliament fixed an early date for its own dissolution, but before this came about various matters required attention. The sectaries, though checked for the moment, were still numerous and powerful. An intended rising in London had only been nipped in the bud by strong precautionary measures. To keep these restless spirits in awe it was resolved to establish a new militia, to be put into trustworthy hands. With regard to the dissolution, precautions were necessary, as there were enough unreconciled members of the Rump to form a quorum of the house, who might come together, after the others had dispersed and undo all their work (No. 125). (fn. 5)
With regard to the new parliament, there were difficulties as to the form of the writs, over the amount of freedom of choice to be allowed to the electors and about the qualifications of those eligible for election. In the end the writs were issued in the name of the keepers of the liberties of England, representing nothing in existence, as Giavarina says. The elections were to be free, but those who had any share in the Irish rebellion, all Roman Catholics and all who had borne arms against the parliament in the civil war were declared ineligible (No. 127). The act of dissolution further stated that there was no claim to deprive peers, of their right to form part of parliament (No. 130).
As might have been expected from its constitution, parliament declared that the national form of religion was the Presbyterian, and directed that the solemn league and covenant should be republished and posted up in all the churches, while the penal laws against Roman Catholics and priests were to be put in force (No. 126).
In the country at large sentiment in favour of the king's recall was growing in ever increasing volume. This feeling was not altogether reflected in parliament and Monk is said to have lost popularity because he encouraged parliament to limit the freedom of elections. But the house could not for long stand against the current. When the vote for the covenant was discussed a member rose to point out that one of the articles was a promise to preserve and defend the king, and it was therefore their duty to recall Charles as the heir and protect him according to this obligation. The proposal was cheered but, not being seconded, it was dropped for the time being (No. 126); but before long the members were freely admitting that it was absolutely necessary for the king to return (No. 127).
Realising the direction in which things were drifting, the officers of the army met together on 17 March and resolved to present a protest against the king's recall. Having got wind of their intention, Monk sent for them and warned them not to meddle with affairs that did not concern them. As a douceur, which really meant nothing, he promised to arrange a conference between them and parliament. Monk was beginning to see that the universal demand for the king's recall could not be withstood (No. 126). The conference between the officers and parliament duly took place, but it led to nothing and was followed by a strict order from Monk that all officers with commands in the country should proceed to them at once (No. 127).
Parliament separated a week later than had originally been arranged, leaving the newly constituted council of state to carry on the government in the interval. Everything proceeded with perfect quiet and order. When the city invited Monk and the Council to come and stay within their walls for safety until the new parliament assembled, they declined with thanks, since there was no sign of any disturbance. Some of the most uncompromising members of the late parliament had been sent to the Tower, but those who promised to make no trouble were allowed to return to their homes in the country (No. 130).
Throughout the land the new militia was being established and placed in safe hands, affording a safeguard against possible mischief makers (No. 131); all the colonels and higher officers were peers of the realm (No. 133). At a review held in Hyde Park on the 2nd May many persons of rank might be seen among the rank and file, serving as volunteers, all wearing the king's colours, as did the majority of the soldiers present (No. 138).
Meanwhile the elections for the new parliament were proceeding. They served to emphasize the extraordinary change that had taken place in public opinion, and the eagerness of the people for the king's return, especially notable among the lower classes. They took care to choose members in sympathy with these feelings, passing over the chief men of the counties from fear that they would wish to impose conditions (No. 133). Those elected were mainly men of pacific sentiment, entirely devoted to the quiet of the nation. Those who had been most influential and turbulent in the long parliament made great efforts to secure election, but without success, to their extreme mortification, as the people were determined not to choose any who held goods of the crown, the church or the royalists, from fear lest their private interest should prevail over the public advantage (No. 135).
Monk on his side was busy purging the army of all sectaries and fanatics. As a proof of the change wrought in a few weeks Col. Charles Howard and over forty of the most distinguished officers presented a memorial to the general on the 19th April, expressing the hope for a durable settlement in the country before long, and promising blind obedience to orders and that they would not meddle with any affairs of state (No. 135). To reduce expense some of the more uncertain of the regiments were disbanded, the men being paid and dismissed (No. 138).
The new parliament opened on 5 May. At the outset only those peers who belonged to the parliamentary party attended in the Upper House, but they were soon joined by others, including even the Roman Catholic peers. In the Commons the number of those who had been so stiff against the king was insignificant, and though the Presbyterians were still numerous, they were not among the most austere members of that sect (Nos. 138, 139). The king's return was clearly imminent and within an incredibly short space of time it became an accomplished fact.
Twelve months before the event the chances of the king's return seemed extremely slight. It is true that in the spring of 1659 the royalists felt hopeful because of the unpopularity of the government and the disaffection of many who had previously been supporters of the Commonwealth. The upper and middle classes chafed under the rule of the base born men who were in power (No. 28). In London, although the mayor and aldermen were republicans, the citizens and guilds were mostly royalists (No. 54). But the government was too strong and alert and the royalists were disarmed and helpless. All the king's plans were betrayed, even to the words spoken, and a secret store of arms concealed in London was discovered and sent to the Tower (No. 26).
In spite of all this it was hoped that the king would come over to lead the revolt which was known to be impending, and 36,000l. was sent over to him to provide the necessary equipment (No. 46). Charles held himself in readiness to cross, but persistent contrary winds detained him until the critical moment had passed (No. 52). On the 10th August some daring royalist officers actually put to sea, but they were caught in a storm and after over two days of extreme peril they were driven back to their starting point (No. 56).
The complete failure of the rising, though not considered an unmixed evil by some at least of the royalists, came as a bitter disappointment to the king, and even Giavarina thought at the time that it rendered his return hopeless (No. 62). Charles seems to have made up his mind that it was indeed so, without foreign help. The conference on the Spanish border which promised to end the long struggle between the two great Catholic powers, seemed to offer the chance of assistance from one if not both of them. Hardly had he received the news of Booth's discomfiture than Charles set off post across France towards the Pyrenees, accompanied by only four attendants (No. 72). To avoid attention he took a devious route, (fn. 6) but arrived at his destination he found that he had made a fruitless journey. The Spaniards received him very courteously, but they only wished to use him to alarm parliament and get better terms from them (No. 80). The French were not disposed to help him for several reasons. A war with England would only involve them in serious expense without hope of profit. The distracted state of England was better for France than if it was under a king or united, as it would certainly be against foreign attack. They also remembered the assistance given by Charles I to the Huguenots and his son's recourse to the Spaniards (No. 45). They believed that if Charles was restored he would be more likely to side with Spain than with them. The ease with which the recent rebellion had been crushed seemed to indicate that the existing government was more stable than had been supposed. Mazarin studiously avoided seeing Charles (fn. 7) and he told Jermyn and the Abbot Montagu, who had been sent to him by Queen Henrietta, that in the existing state of affairs he could do nothing for the king (No. 99).
After remaining a while at Fuenterrabia in a state of extreme depression (No. 92), Charles decided to return to Flanders. On his way back he was expected to stay two or three days with his mother at Paris. There was some talk of Turenne serving him for an attack on England, but Charles received no encouragement from the French Court and was told that France, having only just emerged from a great war, was in no state to undertake another immediately (No. 101).
The desperate state of the king's case is indicated by the recklessness of his bids for help. Lockhart made formal complaint to the French ministers about his relations with the Prince of Condé (No. 48), to whom he is said to have offered the kingdom of Ireland (No. 22). He had previously signed treaties with the Archduke Leopold and Don John of Austria in which he promised to restore to the Spaniards the conquests made by Cromwell (No. 268). While he was still in the south very considerable offers were made in his name to Lambert, if he would espouse the royal cause (No. 82), and Lambert with the superior officers of the army was carrying on secret negotiations with him (No. 94).
The possibility of the king's restoration by force of foreign arms had been before the eyes of parliament at an early stage (No. 33), and the peace between France and Spain brought a joint operation between the two powers within the realms of possibility. The chaos in the government and the growing disorder in both army and navy seriously reduced the nation's powers of resistance, and the possibility was much dreaded in England (Nos. 82, 94). These fears were idle in the sense that neither France nor Spain was inclined to risk anything in Charles's behalf, but if circumstances combined to make his restoration probable, each of them would wish to share the credit. Thus in the spring of 1660 both powers offered Charles assistance in money and men (No. 126). Knowledge of this fact caused great alarm in England (No. 125) and may have contributed something to the king's recall.
In the event neither of these powers lifted a finger to forward the king's restoration. The Spanish ministers in Flanders, Caracena and Cardenas were no friends of the king, and it was even reported in London that Charles was being kept under guard in Brussels because of his ill behaviour (No. 125). It is at least a fact that Cardenas held back a sum of 100,000 ducats which had been sent from Spain for Charles's benefit (Nos. 138, 173). The unfriendliness of these ministers no doubt rendered Charles the more ready to accept the invitation extended to him by the Dutch. From the Hague to London was but a short step, and fortunately the king's return was without the least taint of foreign intervention, and the rapture of his reception was a truly national expression. The people seemed unable to make enough of their king, and Charles, with easy good nature, yielded himself to their importunity; the people pressed about him and allowed him no rest. For three days and nights after his entry the city was ablaze with bonfires, when effigies of Cromwell and others were thrown to the flames (No. 156). Even into July the king was overwhelmed with invitations to hunts and various diversions, which did not allow him an hour's rest; but he bore it all from his desire to please his people (No. 177).
Although the restoration had come about with so much ease and popular enthusiasm ran so high, the situation was still delicate and required careful handling. For the moment the reaction against the Puritan regime ran strongly. On 24 June Cromwell's effigy was hung by the neck from a window of the palace, and crowds flocked to see and to pour abuse upon it (No. 163). The Presbyterians were largely discredited, but they were still a party to be reckoned with. At Monk's request some of them had been admitted to the Privy Council, for everything that he asked was granted, without the least difficulty, and he made the most of his opportunities (No. 159).
The substitution of a royal system of government proceeded gradually and cautiously. The Tower, Hull and other fortresses were placed in the hands of trusted loyalists, and in the army they kept changing the officers, promoting those who had always taken the king's side and putting down those who were suspect (No. 177), the same system being followed with the county militias (No. 200). Steps were taken to get back the moveable property of the crown, and a good deal of what had been scattered was thus recovered, some being found in the possession of Cromwell's widow (No. 145). A law was passed that the king should recover all the revenues and goods which his father had possessed, and could seize them wherever they might be found (No. 189). Private owners who had been dispossessed were not so fortunate. Those in possession of property acquired during the late troubles were allowed to remain undisturbed until parliament had decided what ought to be done, a decision that caused much searching of heart among royalists who had sacrificed a great deal and who had looked for complete rehabilitation (No. 159).
Owing to the strong Presbyterian element in parliament the religious settlement presented special difficulties. The Commons wished to have the penal laws against the Catholics enforced, but this met with no sympathy in the Lords, and the king was inclined to be indulgent (No. 157). He had found the Catholics true and faithful to him in his misfortunes, and considered it no more than a poor return to leave them undisturbed, especially as he had a strong leaning in that direction himself (No. 242). Early in November a proclamation was issued granting liberty of conscience to all until a synod should be convoked to discuss and establish many points of religion (No. 234).
In the summer the Commons had discussed the question of a religious settlement, but owing to the differences between the Presbyterians and Episcopalians it had been found impossible to come to an agreement, and the consideration of the matter was postponed for three months (No. 189). This was merely to prepare the way gently for the restoration of the old order. In the mean time the king appointed bishops to fill vacant sees and confirmed others in the benefices which they had enjoyed before the troubles, so that they were steadily reassuming authority in their dioceses (No. 234). The Presbyterians muttered and grumbled, but felt themselves too weak to resist (No. 222).
By the Declaration of Breda the king left it to parliament to decide who were to be exempted from the general pardon. At an early stage the convention decided that the regicides should be punished, seven with death and the rest with imprisonment and confiscation (No. 145). In the preparation of the bill of indemnity, to give effect to the act of pardon, disputes arose between the two Houses, the Lords claiming and vindicating their sole right to act in a judicial capacity. Although the speedy passage of the bill was required for tranquillising the country, a tendency developed in the Commons to increase the number of those excluded from the benefit, and progress was delayed by the number of amendments proposed. The king repeatedly urged the necessity for despatch in order that the minds of the people might be set at rest (No. 168), but even with this incitement the bill was not through the Commons before the end of July.
In the Lords it encountered further delays, as the peers were not satisfied with confining the list to the regicides only, but wished to punish the judges of other victims besides (No. 193). This attitude was deprecated by the king who went in person to the House of Lords and urged them to lay aside all animosity and settle the matter promptly, without further delay (No. 198). In spite of this admonition, the Lords made many additions to the list, which the Commons refused to admit. Finally after a conference between the two Houses the bill was passed and received the royal assent on 8 September. Its final passage was accelerated by the action of the city of London. When parliament applied to them for a loan, they replied that they were quite ready to oblige, but that it was utterly impossible to raise money until the Indemnity Bill was passed, as no one would part with any until he saw how he stood there (No. 204). It was not until the end of the year that parliament, after some hestiation, decided to keep faith with those regicides who had given themselves up upon the promise of their lives. A Committee was then appointed to consider the matter and decide what punishment should be inflicted (No. 250).
The most considerable task that remained for the convention to perform was the disbanding of the old republican army. Six regiments had been broken up before the end of September 1660, and the rest were to be dismissed in order, to be determined by the drawing of lots. To prevent disturbance, by a special act, the disbanded soldiers were allowed to practise any trade or to open any shop, notwithstanding any rules of the guilds to the contrary (No. 218). To enforce obedience the lords lieutenant in the various counties had orders to call out their militia, a necessary precaution, as though for the most part the disbanding proceeded peacefully, some of the troops in the more remote parts were disposed to resist it (Nos. 222, 224).
The chief difficulty was to provide the money required to pay off the men. For this purpose a special poll tax had been voted, which was expected to bring in more than a million sterling (No. 230). But the money came in very slowly, delaying the process of disbanding and consequently adding to the cost (No. 234). To meet this it was found necessary to impose an additional tax of 70,000l. a month (No. 238), and this eventually had to be continued for six months, instead of the six weeks, which were expected to suffice, as the amount of money required for the disbanding and for paying off a large part of the fleet surpassed belief (No. 246). The work was not completed until the end of February 1661 when Monk's regiment was dismissed only to be immediately re-engaged. As these were infantry it was considered desirable to form a regiment of horse under the earl of Oxford, consisting entirely of disbanded royalist officers (No. 291).
The convention parliament was too much tainted with Presbyterianism to be altogether satisfactory to the king, and at the end of 1660 he proposed to dissolve it in the hope of getting a chamber more entirely to his mind (No. 242). It is intimated that the desire of the old members to have a place in the new parliament tended to make them exceptionally liberal in the arrangements voted for providing the king's future revenue (No. 250). But the Presbyterians realised that they were unlikely to be returned, and many of them began to quarrel with those in charge of the elections even before the dissolution (No. 255).
At the very outset of the elections the choice by London of two Presbyterians, a Leveller and a proclaimed traitor, came as a great shock to the Court (No. 313), and letters from the capital were promptly stopped for fear of the news getting out and affecting the results in the provinces. The letters being opened it was found that the result of the election was very generally approved, and this led to various arrests, including Zachary Crofton, a London preacher, accused of uttering improper sentiments in a sermon and of publishing a seditious book (No. 316). The fears of the Court proved groundless as for the most part the choice of the electors fell on worthy and honest men, that is to say men on whom the king could rely (No. 321).
None the less the London election showed that trouble lurked beneath the surface. At the news of the king's recall the sectaries had been much cast down and some became abusive, so that daily arrests were made even before the king appeared on the scene (No. 143). In the universal rejoicings their voices were drowned, but they soon began to raise their heads again. The party in power had voluntarily made way for the king and his followers, but the latter, as they felt themselves becoming more firmly established in the saddle, began to behave more and more as if they had been conquerors, although for fifteen years they had been consistently worsted in the field. In the middle of July 1660 four men prominent in the late regime, the marquises of Argyle and Antrim, Heselrig and Vane, were suddenly arrested and sent to the Tower, where they were strictly guarded by the king's order. Other arrests followed, almost daily, for a fortnight, and as a precaution the guards in London were doubled (Nos. 185, 189, 193). At the end of the year the government got wind of a plot contrived by the Fifth Monarchy men and other fanatics, aided by disbanded soldiers, and again special precautions were taken in London. Lambert, though confined in the Tower, was supposed to be at the bottom of this, and two of his former colleagues, Overton and Desborough, were arrested (No. 255).
Owing to these threatenings of disorder it was considered desirable to form a regiment of guards to secure the king's person, a step which had hitherto been opposed by the Presbyterians as being unnecessary and costly. A few weeks later, on Sunday, 16 January 1661, the fanatics, assembling by a concerted signal, threw all London into alarm and were only put down after calling out the city forces and with considerable bloodshed. It was hoped that this was an end to the matter, but on the following Tuesday night there was another similar outbreak. The king, who had gone to Portsmouth to accompany his mother on her way to France, was hastily recalled to London, escorted on the road by the militia of the counties, to protect him against possible molestation (No. 269).
Charles fully realised that his position was by no means firmly established. He confided to Batteville, the Spanish ambassador, that he had no other sure support in England than the party of the Catholics. The ambassador reported that he was kept in leading strings by his ministers and dared not express openly his own sentiments or take independent action, which he could only attempt at the risk of his kingdom and his life (No. 281). Bennet, the king's resident at Madrid, explained to the Spanish ministers that Dunkirk was being carefully defended for the greater security and reputation of the king, because extravagance in religion was on the increase in England (No. 305). Extensive works were in progress there, sufficient to provide quarters for 10,000 men (No. 318). Charles seems to have contemplated using the fortress as a place d'armes, at which he might take refuge in case of emergency, or where he might keep a large force available for bringing England into subjection. The Spaniards had allowed him to instal his old Flanders army in the place and he had 2,500 Irish Catholics quartered there. He confided to Batteville that he was considering how he might secretly increase this garrison, and intimated that if the Spaniards would assist him with money and troops he might be able to realise his aspirations (No. 281). The Spaniards were quite ready to supply the men, but they were unable or unwilling to find the money, and nothing more is heard of this projected coup de main. Instead the spring of 1661 was spent in chapters of the knights of the Garter and the Bath, in the coronation and in other ceremonies, which fully occupied the time and attention of the Court.
At the time when this volume opens the troubles at home prevented much attention being paid to affairs abroad. The emptiness of the exchequer would alone have vetoed active operations and the government found itself obliged to think mainly, if not entirely, of defence. The powerful fleet assembled under the command of Montagu, was said to be for the security of the state and to maintain the trade, without specifying any other objectives (No. 1). Its probable destination was the Baltic, where the government was inclined to favour Sweden, but wished above all for a settlement between the two Northern kings, from fear of further complications and more particularly of embroilment with the Dutch (No. 3). So when Montagu actually sailed for the Baltic in April he had instructions to promote such an adjustment while carefully watching the behaviour of the Dutch (No. 6). At the Hague the English minister Downing similarly had instructions to second the French proposals for a joint interposition for a like purpose (No. 1). In June commissioners were appointed to go to the Sound to carry on the good work.
In spite of mutual jealousy and suspicion the main object of the English and Dutch governments was the same, namely to keep open the Baltic, and the fear of a union between the Catholic powers served as an additional incentive to keep the naval powers united (No. 50). They were also at one in their desire to detach Denmark from his imperial allies and to force him to make peace without them (No. 55). The Dutch, for their part, were determined to force the two kings to make peace whether they would or no, and though the French ambassador at the Hague objected to this procedure as too violent, Downing had instructions to support the States in whatever they decided to do (No. 62). Thus while the English commissioners urged a settlement, the French one held back. Sweden proved very recalcitrant to such treatment. When the suggested terms of peace were put before King Charles X, he laid his hand on his sword and swore that he would not be forced into an alliance with any one. The English would always be his friends if they kept within the limits of friendship, but he looked on the Dutch as enemies (No. 79).
Before matters had got thus far Montagu had returned to England with the bulk of his fleet. The commissioners remained behind, but held out little hope of any good result from their negotiations. It was left to them to decide whether they should return home or no (No. 71). They were told to urge the king of Sweden to accept the peace arranged for him, and to intimate that he must not expect any succour from England. The withdrawal of the fleet does not seem to have affected the prestige of the English commissioners; it is stated, indeed that they were held in great respect and were practically the arbiters of the whole business (No. 91). Apart from a brief reference in May 1660 (No. 146), there is no further mention of their business in these papers.
After some hesitation parliament decided not to send the fleet back to the Sound during the winter season, believing that the Dutch fleet would suffice to bring the king of Sweden to reason (No. 77). The only further interference of consequence by the English government in these affairs was in connection with an attempt by the Dutch to get possession of Trondjhem in Norway in return for their expenses and their services to Denmark. Upon this Downing presented a paper warning the States not to take that or any other pledge which might cause the English uneasiness, as it would not be permitted (No. 140).
Under the conditions prevailing the war with Spain almost died of inanition. At sea the only fleet actively operating against the Spaniards was the weak squadron of Stoakes in the Mediterranean, engaged mainly in the protection of trade and preying upon the shipping of the enemy. In September 1659 Stoakes returned home. Almost simultaneously complaints arrived from Leghorn that he had allowed some Genoese galleys to escape which had on board large sums of money belonging to the king of Spain, as well as to private Spanish individuals (No. 74). This may have militated against his being sent back to that station. As the trade could not be left entirely unprotected, Jonas Poole was sent to those waters with an even weaker squadron, which could hardly serve for anything but defence. Spanish waters were thus left practically free from the menace of English ships of war, and the privateers of Majorca took advantage of the opportunity at the expense of English merchantmen (No. 107). Spanish commerce also began to take breath. After the long interruption of trade, ten merchant ships at last ventured out of Cadiz in December 1659, for the Indies, and other ships sailed for the Canaries to fetch the guns landed from the galleons, which had been lying there since Blake's victory in April 1657 (No. 103).
In Flanders operations were at a standstill. The English could not do anything without the French and the French were not moving. Suspicion that France was treating separately for a peace soon became a certainty. Mazarin definitely claimed the right to do so, and this seems to have been conceded by Lockhart (No. 7). For the moment the English minister was simply watching events, ready to tighten the alliance, if peace was not made, or to see that nothing was done to the disadvantage of England, if it were (No. 5).
In England, at least in trading circles, feeling was strongly in favour of bringing the war with Spain to an end. The traders represented to parliament the injury done to trade, whereby many families, once flourishing, had been reduced to ruin, not to speak of the loss to the customs revenue and other taxes (No. 1). In spite of the English victories by sea and land the Spaniards had fared better as private individuals than their foes, seeing that they had captured between 900 and 1,000 merchantmen, while the English had only taken a few barques of no value (No. 23). To bring the Spaniards to reason parliament was asked to forbid absolutely the importation into England of Spanish produce of any kind (No. 3).
Parliament was very disposed to listen to these suggestions of peace, asserting that the war was due solely to the caprice and usurped authority of the late Protector (No. 23). A rapprochement presented difficulties since neither side would be the first to make advances. But in the spring of 1659 a Jesuit named Talbot came over from Brussels, sent by Caracena, to encourage the peace party and to carry on secret negotiations (Nos. 26, 28). But as time went on the progress of the peace negotiations with France and the disorders in England caused the Spaniards to take a more independent line, especially as on the English side the demand for peace became more and more insistent. At the end of the year, besides envoys from Monk and Lambert who were already there, two Jesuit fathers arrived in Madrid from England to treat for an adjustment, all alike promising the restitution of Dunkirk. At the same time the earl of Bristol put in an appearance there on behalf of King Charles (No. 110).
To the peace negotiations in the Pyrenees Lockhart had been admitted at the pressing request of Mazarin, and when there he resisted the Spanish offers of peace at the price of the restoration of Dunkirk and Jamaica (No. 72). The government had no intention of giving up these conquests. As a precaution against any sudden attack by the Spaniards Dunkirk had been strengthened by additional fortifications, and by the removal of the fort of Mardick to a more suitable place (Nos. 104, 115).
At the fall of the house of Cromwell Lockhart was rumoured to have made an arrangement with King Louis for the sale of Dunkirk, but the bargain was thwarted by the resistance of the garrison (No. 19). This tale seems unlikely as Lockhart continued to retain the confidence of the government, and if the transaction was known to the garrison it could not have been kept secret. Later on, during the negotiations on the Spanish frontier Lockhart is said to have had an arrangement with Mazarin to hand over the place to the French, in return for appointments and goods for himself, but finding that Mazarin was deceiving him, Lockhart began to treat with the Spaniards (No. 144). Whatever the truth may have been all such intrigues were cut short by the king's restoration, when Lockhart was superseded almost immediately and Colonel Harley sent over to take charge of the town (No. 159).
With the return of Charles the Spanish war came to an end almost automatically, although the formal declaration of peace was delayed for a few months. At Madrid, with the news of the change, hope ran high. The Spaniards averred that the war was with the parliament and Cromwell, never with King Charles, with whom their relations had always been most friendly (No. 167). They were eager for confidential relations with England, though cautious about committing themselves, because of the king's easy-going character (No. 173). Orders were issued at once for the admission to Spanish ports of ships flying the king's flag (No. 180) while on the other side orders were sent to all the ports of Spain and Italy directing the English to abstain from all acts of hostility against the Spaniards (No. 191). The Prince of Montesarchio, who had attacked English ships in a Genoese port, was compelled to disgorge his booty and deprived of his command (No. 207).
Before leaving the Hague Charles had treated the Spanish Ambassador Gamarra with marked cordiality, and gave him assurances which left no doubt about the peace (Nos. 173, 180). Arrived in England he hastened to write to King Philip letters full of affection and confidence, showing exceptional warmth of feeling (No. 180). Philip was indeed the only monarch to be officially informed of the restoration (No. 204).
Although before leaving Flanders Charles is said to have received a secret assistance of 100,000 crowns in ready money from France, the outlook with that country seemed decidedly menacing. Before the king left Holland the deputies from London had put into his hands letters from Mazarin to hinder his return, and disclosing the dealings of Bordeaux, the French ambassador, with the malcontents (No. 173). The king also was aware that Bordeaux had both spoken and written to his disadvantage (No. 168). Accordingly at the Hague he openly slighted the French ambassador while in England he refused absolutely to have anything to do with Bordeaux. Having asked to see the king and been refused the ambassador packed up his things and left for Paris in July.
In France this was considered an affront and the Court waxed highly indignant. In referring to it and the help which France had offered to the king after the peace, the Secretary Brienne declared to the Venetian Ambassador that war had often been made for less. They would wait and see what satisfaction England would give (No. 166). In England a war with France was always popular, and people were openly expressing a desire for it (No. 189). Mazarin and the king mutually disliked each other (No. 157) and the Cardinal was sending money to Scotland to get the ministers there to stir up the people in favour of the covenant, in order to create a diversion on that side in favour of France (No. 185).
In August Giavarina thought that a rupture was extremely likely (No. 193). But on the French side at least, talk of war was mere bluster. France had had enough of fighting for the time being and was anxious for friendly relations. Thus King Louis freely accepted the explanations offered by Lord Croft about the Bordeaux incident, and declared himself perfectly satisfied. The French hoped that Queen Henrietta would make haste to proceed to England in the belief that she would make matters smooth and mitigate the hostility that Charles showed only too plainly (No. 190).
They looked, indeed, for something more than a mere smoothing of rough places. The king's brother, Philip, duke of Anjou, had fallen deeply in love with Henrietta, Charles's youngest sister. He had told Don Luiz de Haro that he meant to have her, whatever happened (No. 237). The prince was so eager that his mother told him that a little more reserve would be seemly (No. 225). Queen Henrietta favoured the match, but Charles was against it. He was hopeful that his sister might marry the emperor (No. 147), and some supposed that his cousin, Prince Rupert, was coming to ask for her on behalf of that monarch.
The French took up the business with some energy, and soon pressed it to a successful issue, despite all obstacles. Vaillac who came over on behalf of the duke to see how the land lay, reported a decided coolness (No. 225). Ruvigny, who had come from France on a somewhat belated mission of congratulation was soon followed by the Count of Soissons, and Queen Henrietta accompanied by the princess reached London only nine days after the ambassador. The queen and Soissons had frequent conferences together and between them they so far prevailed that the marriage was practically arranged. Jermyn was to escort the queen back to Paris, with full powers to settle everything (No. 242).
Although the king's consent had been obtained there remained other obstacles to surmount. The French ministers took exception to the exiguous sum offered as a dowry and argued that the cases of the Princess Palatine and the Princess of Orange must not serve as a precedent; something more was required for the king's brother (No. 288a). Jermyn promised an arrangement and eventually the dowry was fixed at 500,000 crowns (No. 311). Mazarin also was making difficulties, using this affair to force Charles to marry his niece Hortense, threatening, if the king refused, to break off the match (Nos. 260, 274). This may have been no more than a malicious rumour, for Charles gave no sign of complying and the negotiations still went on. Before they were concluded death had removed the Cardinal from the scene.
On the arrival of the dispensation from Rome matters were soon finished off. When it was found that Jermyn's powers were not, after all, sufficient and a messenger was sent to London to have this made good, the queen offered to sign the paper herself if the answer did not arrive in time, and to undertake that her son would ratify it (No. 311). The marriage was celebrated privately soon after.
Mazarin's last act in connection with England was that of a peacemaker. Learning of the queen's indignation over the marriage of her son James with Anne Hyde, he sent over an envoy on purpose to reconcile her to this match. He succeeded so well in this that before the queen returned to France the duchess was received in the royal circle, kissed the queen's hand and took her place as a royal princess (No. 265).
It was obvious that the direction of the king's foreign policy would be largely influenced by his marriage and until this was settled the question became one of increasing importance until it almost monopolised the scene. The marriage of the king's brother and the birth of a son made the settlement of this matter more urgent than it might otherwise have been. The king had remained unmarried to an unusually late period for a sovereign. During his exile he had had many liasons, and there were rumours that he had actually married Hortense Mancini, or, what was asserted with much more confidence, a sister of the Prince de Ligne (No. 282). There seems no good reason for accepting either of these reports as true. For the future the king kept an open mind, though he seemed very anxious to marry a Catholic princess (No. 274). Like his grandfather and father he was ambitious for an alliance with the House of Hapsburg. He told the Ambassador Batteville that to form a complete bond of union with the House of Austria he offered his sister as wife for the emperor while he would take the Infanta of Spain (No. 272). This advance meeting with no response the king listened to the numerous suggestions made to him without committing himself in any way. He merely declared positively that he would marry no one who was not beautiful (No. 274).
From the French side, in addition to Hortense Mancini, who does not seem to have been seriously considered, in spite of her uncle's efforts, there was Mlle. de Montpensier, daughter of Gaston of Orleans by his first wife. She was a rich heiress and during the king's misfortunes she had laid both him and his mother under great obligations by generous assistance in money secretly given in their hour of need (No. 144). But at that time she had told Charles that she would rather be a rich princess than his wife and a poor queen. He could not forget this rebuff although his mother wished to promote the match (No. 357). The daughters of Gaston by his second wife were also mentioned, though they were only children. Other candidates, not very seriously pressed, were the princesses of Denmark and Brandenburg.
Although the Spaniards had put aside the king's own suggestion for an alliance with their royal house, they were anxious that he should marry a princess who was connected with it, or at least friendly, more especially as there seemed to be some danger from Portugal, which was to be avoided at all costs.
The Ambassador Mello had come to England in Cromwell's time to seek help for Portugal in her struggle with Spain. He had met with indifferent success, but at the very end of the long parliament's regime he had at last obtained a treaty from the council of state set up by the reunited parliament (No. 137). The king's return, which followed almost immediately after threatened to upset this arrangement. Instead of returning home with his treaty, as he had intended, Mello stayed on, in the hope of receiving equal favour from the royal government. At the king's proclamation no one made a braver show than the Portuguese ambassador (No. 142), and when the king arrived he was the only one of all the foreign ministers who had his credentials ready (No. 168). All this seemed in vain. He lingered on in fruitless efforts to obtain an audience, until he had all but given up hope. But at last, by a supreme effort and at a reputed cost of 10,000l. in largesses to the king's ministers, he was at length received, to the astonishment of everybody (No. 189). Thereafter he continued to negotiate, making liberal offers in return for assistance and pressing for the renewal of the treaty made with the late council of state. Finally he obtained a proclamation which virtually conceded this demand, and with this in his pocket he set out for Lisbon, as he had intended to do six months before.
He had obtained an unlooked for success at the eleventh hour, but his triumph was far from being complete. Just before he had carried his point the peace with Spain had been concluded, greatly to his dismay (No. 217) as it seemed to shut out all hopes of any assistance from England. The peace was followed by the arrival of the Spanish ambassadors, first the Prince de Ligne and then the Baron de Batteville, who was to remain as ordinary and who was certain to do everything in his power to thwart the Portuguese.
The news of Mello's reception in London had come as a great shock to the Court at Madrid, although Charles had assured the Spanish envoy, Conflans, that he would have no dealings with Portugal that could inflict the least harm on the Spanish crown (No. 198). The favourite de Haro spoke bitterly of the king's ingratitude after all that Spain had done for him in his misfortunes (No. 252). He was the more disgusted as he had counted on a considerable levy of Irish to fight the Portuguese (No. 211). Yet Batteville wrote encouragingly that the king was constant in supporting Spanish interests, though his ministers were unfriendly (No. 245). The king had only recently shown his good will to Spain by thwarting the desire of parliament to incorporate Cromwell's conquests of Dunkirk and Jamaica with the crown, so that they should not be alienated. He had promised Batteville that this should not be done (No. 242), and he had succeeded in getting the question postponed (No. 229).
Before he went Mello had suggested the Portuguese Infanta as a bride for the king, though without eliciting much response (No. 212). His departure left Batteville in possession of the field for the time being. In the interest of his country he considered that it would be a good thing for Charles to marry the ex-empress Eleanor, widow of Ferdinand III, and he had the lady brought to Flanders in order that the king might, if he wished, slip over secretly to see her for himself (No. 274). The proposal had no attraction for the king, who hinted that the lady though poor in money was rich in years (No. 272).
The reception of this suggestion having been so discouraging, Batteville dropped the empress but almost immediately produced another candidate in the shape of a princess of Parma. The reigning duke had two sisters and apparently Charles was to choose the one who pleased him best. The idea had been originally suggested by the Cardinal de Retz and was actively taken up by the king's kinsman, the Abbot Aubigny (No. 282). The king did not dislike the notion and questioned a Florentine named Guasconi about the princess, who averred that she was perfectly beautiful. Charles at once sent for her portrait and declared that if the negotiations with Portugal did not hinder, he would marry her if she answered to the description (No. 274). He is said to have given Batteville his promise for this marriage (No. 302).
The Spaniards took up this project with great eagerness, the king promising to adopt the princess as an infanta of Castile and to supply a dowry of 500,000 crowns (No. 331). In a hopeful frame of mind they sent considerable sums of money to Batteville wherewith to induce the king to join with Spain in reducing the Portuguese. Amid a great show of secrecy Bristol was sent off on a mission to Parma, it being pretended that he was going to Flanders to visit a daughter (No. 282). Great precautions were taken to keep the business hushed up and Batteville himself was pledged to keep silence.
In the mean time Mello came back from Portugal, arriving in London on 9th February. He came prepared to make the most lavish offers in order to win the king's alliance; he also came furnished with a liberal supply of ready money. The advantage of Portugal in this respect had led Quirini to write from Madrid as early as June 1660 that Portugal alone could raise up the House of Stuart from its past and present difficulties (No. 147). In the Court of Charles II at that time a supply of money was the best and most assured means of securing the goodwill of the ministers. The men who had risen to power after years of stress and poverty, were greedy of opportunities for lining their pockets. Gamarra told his government that the king's minsters wanted money and were not in the least offended at its being known (No. 215). Giavarina confirms this, saying that nothing could be got from the ministers without presents, as they were all famished because of their past misfortunes (No. 227). Bennet confessed to the Spaniards that in London the only thing they cared about was gold (No. 252). Batteville wrote that the venality of the ministers had reached such depths of baseness that they were asking for money to buy their votes in favour of giving back Dunkirk and Jamaica (No. 285). Even the king himself had asked money of Batteville (No. 295).
The Spaniards were ready to pay handsomely to prevent England from joining with Portugal, but after an exhausting and unfortunate war they did not know where to look for the money (No. 289). The governor of Milan admitted frankly that his king was in no position at the moment to find the dowry which had been promised if Charles married the princess of Parma (No. 332). Thus although Batteville promised considerable sums to buy the ministers, they found that he did not pay so promptly as the Portuguese (No. 321).
That minister, on his return, behaved with great circumspection. He did not at first ask for audience, which might have been refused, but set himself to win over the ministers, addressing himself chiefly to the Presbyterians, who were the most likely to be hostile to Spain (No. 291). The marriage question from this time resolves itself into a duel between the Spanish and Portuguese ministers, which, while it lasted, kept the whole Court agog, to the exclusion of all other business.
About the middle of March, Hyde suddenly revealed the secret of Bristol's mission. It was indeed no secret, for every one had known about it for at least a month, and its object had been a matter for general speculation (No. 282). Although this mission had been undertaken with the chancellor's consent, he had succeeded in inducing the king to recall the earl, pointing out that there was no need for such haste. Hyde is alleged to have acted from pure self interest compounded of jealousy of Bristol and his desire to keep the king unmarried as long as possible (No. 302). Bristol had reached Milan before the order of recall reached him. He at once turned back, saying that he wished to be home for the meeting of parliament. He returned home by way of Genoa, but he seems to have snatched time for a visit of three days to Parma to confer with the duke. (fn. 8) He is reported to have said that, the Parma affair being abandoned, the king had no other alternative to the Portuguese match (No. 344). Returned to London he stated that he had not found the princesses beautiful (No. 349).
This turn of events came as a staggering blow to Batteville, who had built great hopes on this match and who now perceived that his rival was getting the better of him. He had no other likely candidate ready. Mlle. d'Orleans was suggested and also the Princess Maria of Nassau. The latter had the support of the Dutch, who were as anxious as the Spaniards that Charles should not contract an alliance with Portugal. It meant so much to them that they raised an offer of 400,000 florins for the dowry to one or 400,000l. sterling (No. 348).
Unruffled by these rather desperate efforts of his rival, Mello continued to play his cards with skill, and gratified the king's vanity by suggesting that he should act as mediator between the Dutch and the Portuguese in their disputes (No. 296). Having won the support of the ministers he was able to see the king privately whenever he wished, either at the palace or at the chancellor's house.
Seeing how things were going Batteville began to bluster and to threaten that an alliance with Portugal would mean war with Spain (No. 296). This seems to have made some impression at first because of its effect upon the mercantile community (No. 306); but the merchants were also attracted by the brilliant offers made by the Portuguese and, as Bennet told the Spaniards, they had sixty trading houses in Lisbon as against two only in the whole of Spain (No. 252). Hyde declared confidently that there would be no breach with Spain even if they assisted Portugal openly (No. 306). The assurance that Spain was in no position to resent whatever the English might do was let out by a minister at Batteville's own table, perhaps under the influence of his good cheer (No. 300).
Mello had gone on increasing his offers and they reached a point where their attraction became irresistible. Early in May the king summoned the Privy Council and laid before them the proposals which had been made by Spain and Portugal respectively in the matter of his marriage. The question was discussed at length, but nothing was decided at the time. At a second meeting the decision went in favour of Portugal, and when parliament opened on the 18th May the news was communicated to them, first by the king and then by the chancellor. They both dwelt on the numerous advantages offered by the match, without specifying any. The king made it understood that he did not ask for advice, but merely gave the information as something settled and established, the articles being already agreed and signed (No. 349).
Charles had seemed averse from the Portuguese match and had given the Spaniards many assurances; but he is said to have been overborne by his ministers and to have done it to please them. Chief among these was the Chancellor Hyde who, says Giavarina, is the one who does everything, at the moment, in England (No. 367). Won over by the Portuguese he also wished to revenge himself for the slights he had received when ambassador at Madrid and later in Flanders, when the Spaniards tried to have him put out of the king's council (No. 353).
In Spain the news of this alliance caused great consternation. King Philip had expressed his confidence that his nephew would not allow himself to be lured by attractive offers of Braganza (No. 289). This assurance seemed to be justified by letters received early in March by which Charles pledged himself not to consent to the marriage or to listen to the offers made, as he desired nothing better than perfect correspondence between England and Spain (No. 300). But the Spaniards were not altogether unprepared. They had begun to mistrust the word and promises of Charles, seeing that nothing was done of what had been agreed (No. 285). The marriage of the king's sister in France and the unfriendly behaviour of the garrison of Dunkirk had only served to increase their suspicions (No. 295). Yet they had not given up hope and had squeezed their resources in order to remit further sums to England to win the good offices of the ministers. On Bennet, who was about to leave for England, they lavished attentions and favours and quite won his adherence (No. 314).
In spite of the threats of war, which Batteville had uttered so confidently, the Council of Spain made up their minds that it was necessary to conciliate the friendship of England and on no account to lose the confidence of the king (No. 319), and they were determined to try every means to this end (No. 331). Earlier in the year the duke of Medina Celi had given his considered opinion that if England and Portugal should conclude an alliance, it was not advisable for the king to renew the war with England, but he should rather arrange an armistice to prevent hostilities between the Spaniards and Portuguese (No. 290). Consequently orders were sent directing Batteville not to leave as it was necessary for Spain to adapt her policy to her strength (No. 366). In France it was thought that the marriage might lead to peace, as the Spaniards would be obliged to act circumspectly and neither the Portuguese nor the English would do anything, if unprovoked, thus leaving the way open for negotiations (No. 352). In Florence the news caused serious misgivings, as the union would be likely to let loose a flood of heretics into a country hitherto steadfastly Catholic (No. 365).
The disbanding of the old republican army was accompanied by the paying off of a large portion of the republican navy, which had dominated the seas for so many years. The virtual disappearance of the English squadrons was followed by a notable increase in the audacity of the Barbary corsairs. In Cromwell's time they had been cowed by superior force and advantageous treaties had been arranged with them. Now that the strong hand was withdrawn and partly on account of the affair of the Angel, (fn. 9) the corsairs seemed disposed to ignore these agreements and to treat the English as they did everyone else. Early in 1660 Lord Inchiquin and his son were captured by Algerine pirates when actually entering the port of Lisbon, on their way to serve against the Spaniards (No. 133). Less than a year later the Rainbow was taken off Malaga, and though the pirates let the ship go free they took its entire cargo and used the crew very roughly (Nos. 281, 303). Riley, the English consul at Aleppo, encountered a squadron of Tunisian ships, when returning home, who captured his ship, and in spite of his character and papers made him a slave and held him to ransom (No. 330). When Robert Blake the younger went to Algiers with his small squadron to demand the release of the English prisoners and booty, in accordance with the peace, he received a most truculent reply, the Pasha claiming the right to search English ships for the goods of enemies, and refusing to give up his prisoners except on payment of a heavy ransom (Nos. 220, 252). A later attempt met with no better success, as the Algerians insisted upon the right of search and threatened that if this demand was not conceded within six months, expiring in May 1661, they would make war on England and the English (Nos. 279, 306). The seriousness of their intentions was shown by the erection of a new fort to prevent the approach of hostile ships, and active preparations to carry on privateering (No. 329).
The challenge thus thrown down could not be ignored in England. The merchants were indeed much depressed by the quarrel, and thinking only of their private gain, would have granted the Turks what they asked (No. 306). In the summer of 1661 six English ships encountered six Barbary caravels off Cape Gatta where they capitulated without resistance and were carried to Algiers. The English and their goods were allowed to go free, but the goods and passengers of other nations were detained as booty and slaves. This incident which was supposed to be by connivance, caused intense excitement at Genoa, which was deeply interested (No. 372). Charles assured Giavarina that parliament (the convention) was as Turk as the Turk himself (No. 236), a testimony to the predominance of the commercial interest in that body.
In spite of the feelings of the merchants Charles was determined not to yield to the corsairs on the question of search. He did not wish to be overshadowed by Cromwell. Jermyn told the Venetian ambassador at Paris that though the late Protector was a great hell cat he had made treaties with the corsairs very advantageous to the English, and the king would wish to obtain better or at least the maintenance of what had been granted (No. 310). To this end orders were issued early in the year for the equipment of ten ships, to put to sea as soon as possible (No. 306). The number was later increased to fifteen, but owing to the shortage of money the preparation took longer than had been expected. In the general opinion they were to go against the Algerine pirates (No. 360).
Sir Thomas Bendish, the ambassador at Constantinople, by his character and ability, had achieved a high position in the esteem of the Turks, and was in favour with the formidable Grand Vizier Kiuprili. In his efforts to extend English trade he did his best to shut out that of the French (No. 154), and there was no love lost between him and the French minister, de la Haye. The latter had always been Anglophobe and had frequently reported to Venice that the English were helping the Turk against her. After the conclusion of the peace of the Pyrenees he seems to have convinced the Venetian minister Ballarino that Bendish was treating for an offensive and defensive alliance with the Turks, to be directed more particularly against France (Nos. 123, 132). Ballarino was somewhat sceptical about the truth of this as he could not see what help the English could expect to get from the Turks against France; but somewhat later he considered that Bendish had practically admitted the truth of these negotiations (No. 194). By that time it was all at an end as the king had returned and it was certain that he would not favour the Turks.
The king's return involved the recall of Bendish. The Levant Company, who paid all the expenses of the embassy, would have liked to retain Bendish, and petitioned the king to allow him to remain, on the ground that a sudden change would injure the Company and involve heavy costs. But the king insisted, and the Company had to give way (Nos. 177, 193). Bendish was very uneasy as to the sort of reception he would meet with in England, because of his summary treatment of Henry Hyde, who had appeared at Constantinople in the name of Charles in 1650 (No. 259).
The person chosen to take the place of Bendish was the earl of Winchelsea, who had asked for the post. Giavarina had no high opinion of the earl, whom he describes as a young man, full of idle talk, well informed in many ways, but inclined to be frivolous and volatile, and whose object in desiring the position was what he could make out of it (No. 174). The Levant Company were dismayed at the choice, as they had never before been represented by one of such high rank and they realised that it would involve them in heavy expense. But before Winchelsea sailed they obtained a pledge from him never to do anything at the Porte without their consent and approval, with a promise to forfeit 10,000l. if ever he infringed this article (No. 230).
Winchelsea left England at the end of October, and touching at Lisbon, Tunis and Algiers on the way out, he arrived at Smyrna in January, and at Constantinople by the end of that month (No. 275). He lost no time in getting to work, making a vigorous remonstrance to the Grand Vizier about the licence of the Barbary corsairs. The Vizier replied that they were quite undisciplined and would not obey the Porte itself. But he promised to have all the captains of ships from Algiers, Tunis and Bizerta who came to Constantinople, put in chains until they should satisfy the English. Like his predecessor Winchelsea's policy was to shut out the French and to secure for his own country supremacy in the trade of those parts. He told Ballarino that he was doing his best to prevent an ambassador or any other minister coming from France (No. 309). Though a new comer Winchelsea almost immediately offered his good offices as mediator to arrange peace between the Porte and Venice. Ballarino replied tactfully and evasively, representing that Venetian interests at Constantinople had always been entrusted to the French (No. 294). In spite of this Winchelsea seems to have believed, erroneously, that his suggestion would be favourably considered.
The return of the king raised Venetian hopes of assistance from England and they decided almost immediately to send an embassy with congratulations. In the mean time Giavarina was instructed to appeal for help. The king received the resident in friendly fashion and held out hopes of doing something when he should feel himself more firmly established and be free from other preoccupations. In the mean time he readily agreed to exempt the English serving in the Venetian fleet from the proclamation recalling all those in foreign service (No. 204), and he wrote himself to Winchelsea deprecating the use of English ships by the Turks (No. 341).
Winchelsea had already been approached by Ballarino on the subject, almost as soon as he arrived. The earl promised to do his best to prevent the abuse but subsequently he apologised for having been obliged to allow one ship to take troops to Candia (No. 286). For this service he obtained the release of two English slaves, with a promise of any reasonable favour for the use of English ships in the future (No. 309). One of these slaves was evidently Thomas Galilee, taken by the Turks in 1652 after a gallant resistance, for whose redemption so many applications had been made.
To show the other side of the picture it should be stated that English merchants complained that their ships which put in at ports in the Venetian dominion were forced to take troops and biscuit to the islands or elsewhere, for the service of the army, without any payment, even of out-of-pocket expenses for feeding the soldiers (No. 255). The republic denied having used any sort of violence, but stated that as some of the ships happened to be going to Zante and Cephalonia to lade currants, some of them offered voluntarily to take troops and biscuit, and as they had to make the voyage, they suffered no inconvenience (No. 271).
To conclude with a few miscellaneous items. Giavarina seems soon to have lost conceit of the king. He refers to his leaving all business to selfish ministers; his readiness to promise without thinking of performance; his lack of stability and his delight in certain diversions which rather excited ridicule (No. 353). Every morning that a regicide was executed he left London to avoid petitions for mercy (No. 227). He took great delight in pictures and statues (No. 238); he was also fond of the water, and for the canal he was making in St. James's Park he was seeking for strange craft, including Venetian gondolas (No. 224) and the feluccas of Naples (No. 285). He was much upset by his brother's affair with Anne Hyde, but subsequently he took the lady's part, and told James that he could not, in conscience, draw back. To prevent the Commons interfering in the business he made Hyde a peer (No. 253). The duke's character suffered considerably by this affair, his conduct being condemned as light and imprudent; the Presbyterians in particular were greatly scandalised “as they all pretend to be saints and impeccable” (No. 227). After the deaths, in quick succession, of the duke of Gloucester and the Princess of Orange, the queen mother conceived a horror of England. She decided to return to France forthwith declaring that if she remained she would soon end her days (No. 261).
Of earlier times there is mention of a valuable diamond sold by Charles in his extremity and left by Mazarin to Louis XIV (No. 288); and of the abolition of the Commissioners of Sewers by Cromwell (No. 198). A determined attempt was made by the Rump to have the earl of Arundel sent back to England. The earl was a lunatic who was confined in a house at Padua in the charge of his relations. It was represented in parliament that he was being shut up by his Catholic brother solely because he was a Protestant (Nos. 70, 73, 81). The matter dropped of itself with the fall of the Rump. There is an appeal to the king from the knights of Malta for assistance to recover their property, usurped by the States of Holland (No. 313). At the end of 1660 Prince Rupert came to England for a short time. He would gladly have stayed, as he liked living in the country, but his duty to the emperor called him away. He obtained from the king the confirmation of his former pension of 2,000l., with another 2,000l. in addition, and his brother, Prince Edward, was similarly favoured (No. 246). Jamaica is represented as a misfortune, as the climate did not suit the people; most of those who went there died, and the provision sent out to them usually perished by storms or otherwise (No. 218). The country obtained all its wine from France, Spain and Naples, and consumed an incredible quantity (No. 193). Parliament is said to have assembled at 8 o'clock in the morning and usually rose at noon (No. 246).
It is once again my pleasant duty to thank the director of the Frari and his staff for their courtesy and consideration.
ALLEN B. HINDS.
London, June, 193.