Milan
1475

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Allen B. Hinds (editor)

Year published

1912

Pages

189-220

Annotate

Comment on this article | View annotations
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Milan: 1475', Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts in the Archives and Collections of Milan: 1385-1618 (1912), pp. 189-220. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=92261 Date accessed: 24 April 2014. Add to my bookshelf


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

1475

[1475.]
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
275. Christofforo de Bollato, Milanese Ambassador at the French Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I think your lordship will have taken note of the words spoken by the very lips of the King of France, which I enclose herewith. I inform your lordship that his Majesty has had positive information that the English are preparing a very large force to invade Normandy at once, and the King of England is coming in person with a good number of men.
His Majesty is more discomposed than words can describe, and has almost lost his wits. In his desperation and bitterness he uttered the following precise words, among others, Ah, Holy Mary, even now when I have given thee 1,400 crowns, thou dost not help me one whit (la Maesta sua ne sta tanto amaricata che non se poteria dire piu et quasi perduta de sentimento; et fra altre sue parole desperate et doglianze ha havuto ad dire le formale parole, “Ha, nostra donna, hora che te ho dato mille quatrocento scuti, tu non m'aiuti ponto!”)
Although his Majesty says that they cannot enter except in three places, I understand that they can land in many others. The king has recently given to Monsignor de Lescut, who is a Breton, both Bordeaux and Bayonne. In that part they fear treason, and his Majesty is trying his hardest to obtain the truces with the Duke of Burgundy. It is not thought that he will succeed, because the enemy is so eager about carrying out his plan to pass into Normandy and unite with the Duke of Britanny that there is no remedy.
His Majesty will have to guard himself well in that quarter, if he does not wish the province taken from him, and try to prevent anything leading to acts of war in any direction, and must merely temporise. I fancy before he does anything else he will go to Rouen to make arrangements for resisting the passage of the English. (fn. 1)
[Italian; copy.]
1475.
Jan. 3.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
276. Christoforo de Bullate, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
There is news that the English have landed in Normandy, and it seems very likely. A hundred archers of his Majesty's bodyguard left immediately for Normandy, travelling day and night, and they have written to all the men-at-arms, commanding them to come here, putting aside everything else, though we have since heard otherwise. A friend of mine went to the king, who wrote to him from England that Normandy was lost if he did not make provision, as the English were at sea with a powerful fleet, and they had dealings and intelligence in many places in Normandy, especially at St. Michael and Avranches. Accordingly his Majesty has sent to discover these dealings. News has not yet come. They are in great perplexity and fear, of these English and also of a general tumult and movement in the realm.
Paris, the 3rd January, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Jan. 13.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
277. Christofforo di Bollati, Milanese Ambassador in France to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
His Majesty's man has returned from England, who took three hackneys sent as a present to King Edward. He confirms the movement of the English and that in due time they will cross with more than 30,000 men. He speaks in detail of all their preparations of ships, men and money, and that on the 20th next they will hold a general muster to embark and take their way at sea. But as the king is very powerful there is no doubt but that he will offer due resistance.
This man did not have audience of King Edward or access to him. When he asked to see him they took him to a room, but he did not come within forty feet of him. When the King of France heard this he said it was due to the ambassador of the Duke of Burgundy, who gave King Edward to understand that the man was sent to poison him. (fn. 2)
With this man came a king-at-arms, sent to his Majesty by King Edward with letters. I was present when he was introduced, his Majesty receiving him in full council. When brought before his Majesty he made his reverence and said: Most high and mighty lord, the King of England recommends himself to you, and presented the letters, the superscription of which said nothing but to Louis, King in France. They contained a demand for the restitution of goods taken and plundered from the English during the truce, offering, if the English had done anything against the French, to make like restitution. It is thought that he has been sent to see the condition in which things are here.
Paris, the 13th January, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 3.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
278. Christofforo di Bollato, Milanese Ambassador at the French Court Galleazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 3)
By your last letters of the 11th of January Francia. By your last letters of the 11th of January your Excellency charges me to find out from the king, if I have an oppurtunity or from others, what they intend to do about the Duke of Burgundy, whether they mean war or to continue the truces. Accordingly I have to advise your Highness that I have spoken with his Majesty, with his good pleasure and in the strongest possible manner, urging him in the name of your Excellency to attack the duke before he can receive any help from the English or others. As he is engaged upon that enterprise of Neuss, a victory may result, especially as practically all Germany is provoked and hostile to him.
His Most Christian Majesty remarked to me in the first place, that at the conclusion of the truces he had decided to pursue the war and to effect more by war than he could by pressure, and bring the Duke of Burgundy to reason. He then went on in these very terms: I will do as the duke does, but if at the conclusion of the truces he is still at Neuss, you will see a fine game, but I tell you that before a week has passed you will hear that he has gone and given up that enterprise.
His Majesty will do everything he possibly can to keep the war between the Duke of Burgundy and the Germans going. To this end he will promise the Germans both money and assistance, while on the other hand he will do the same with the duke, to have the truce, saying, as he frequently does, that when the duke is constantly exposed to the perils of war, some day a bolt or a mortar will come and carry off his head.
Again, owing to his fear of the English he is seeking this truce and has made great offers to the Duke of Burgundy. There is no doubt that if the duke was perfectly certain of the coming of the English he would not make any truce. Accordingly his Majesty is making very great preparations of men-at-arms, so that in addition to the 3,000 lances of the ordonnance, he is making a thousand new ones, and for this he has imposed a fresh taille on the realm of 600,000 crowns, at all of which in general the kingdom laments to Heaven.
Paris, the 3rd February, 1475.
[Italian.]
Feb. 11.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
279. Christofforo di Bollato, Milanese Ambassador in France to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The affairs of the King of France are not in a good way. His Majesty is working with hand and foot for the truce with the Duke of burgundy, and has never made more lavish promises. The matter is in the hands of the constable, and his Majesty has sent him instructions saying he will leave all his negotiations with the emperor and all Germany and help the Duke of Burgundy against them. His Majesty is also making every effort to get the Catalonia affair off his hands somehow.
All this is due to the coming of the English, which is confirmed every day by letters and messengers, whom I have seen and heard speak to his Majesty. It is always to the effect that the King of England will cross to Calais with
30,000 persons, to join the Duke of Burgundy, and 10,000 others in Normandy and 6,000 in Gascony, and he has had proclaimed at Calais a league, peace and good accord between the Kings of Spain, England, Aragon, Scotland, Denmark, Portugal, Naples and Sicily and open war declared against the French. They really fear that the Duke of Burgundy will not make any truce and that there will be a very great tumult of war and the utmost calamity and slaughter throughout this realm, and all the lords here are very ill pleased. I think his Majesty is in greater peril than during the other general rebellion, because the English will go scouring in every direction, so that there will be danger to everyone. If there is occasion for me to withdraw to Lyons or some other place nearer the Court, I hope your Excellency will be content.
The king has been advised that the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy requested the pope to grant them leave to exact a fifth of ecclesiastical revenue in their dominions for the expenses of their wars, and his Holiness gives them hope of his consenting. Upon this, in my presence, the king waxed very wroth against his Holiness, declaring if he did this he would abolish the pragmatic sanction, and would appeal against the pope to a future council, which, he said, many Christian princes demand; he would not rest until it was opened, and he would do this with the purpose of deposing and depriving his Holiness. He also said that if his enemies exact a fifth he would take everything from the ecclesiastics of the realm until the war was over.
I have seen another letter from the King of Scotland to one of his ambassadors, complaining extremely about the King of France, saying that previously, only too long ago, his Majesty desired to have him for a friend, and he means to make him have a greater esteem for him than he has. Accordingly I believe his Majesty will send some ambassador to him, although it is considered certain that the King of England has made sure of the King of Scotland.
Paris, the 11th February, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
180. Bulctar (?) to Master Thoma de Reate, Councillor of the Duke of Milan.
The English are making a great and powerful armament, and they say that this is being done for the two following reasons: to wit, to go to Calais under the suspicion that the King of France may make war on them, or else to go and take Normandy, which is discontented at being under the King of France owing to the ill-treatment it receives from him (o vero per andare a tore la Normandia quale ha malcontenta ad essere soto lo Re de Franza per li mali tractamenti che hano dal deto Re).
It is also stated that a great quantity of arms has been sold at Genoa, which have been taken to Calais.
[Italian.]
[April 11.]
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
281. Gio. Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday evening the Bastard of Burgundy arrived here with about 100 horse. I called on him and informed him of the league contracted. He said they desired nothing more than this; the Duke of Burgundy could not wish for a better league in Italy. He will stay here a few days and then go to Naples, returning to Rome to confer with the pope. He will lose no time on the road as he says he has orders to be in Burgundy on the 1st May next, at which time the truce with France expires. The duke does not intend to prolong it except for a month or two, if the matter of Neuss is not settled, because the Duke of Burgundy is already to begin hostilities and so is the King of England, to pass with 30,000 English. He announced that as a certainty, and therefore it is necessary for him to return quickly.
Dated [April 11], 1475.
[Italian; date torn away.]
March 17.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
282. Copy of Letters of Battesta Oldovini de Brugnato to Antonio de Bracellis. (fn. 4)
Since I arrived in England I have written by every packet except once, when I had to write for my masters and had no time for a letter except to your father-in-law. Now, although I have no lack of occupation, I have decided to snatch a little time to tell you of some of the events happening here. You must have heard that some time ago the king here constantly said he would cross to the continent to conquer France. The last four months in particular he has been very active, and has discovered an excellent device to raise money. He has plucked out the feathers of his magpies without making them cry out.
This autumn the king went into the country, from place to place, and took information of how much each place could pay. He sent for them all, one by one, and told them that he wished to cross to conquer France and deluded them with other words. Finally, he has so contrived that he obtained money from everyone who had the value of 40l. sterling and upwards. Everyone seemed to give willingly. I have frequently seen our neighbours here who were summoned before the king, and when they went they looked as if they were going to the gallows; when they returned they were joyful, saying that they had spoken to the king and he had spoken to them so benignly that they did not regret the money they had paid (io ho veduto spessime volte de questi nostri vicini, li quali erano chiamati davanti dal Re, li quali quando li andavano pareva che andassero alle Forche: quando tornaveno erano lieti, dicendo che avevano parlato al Re: et perche gli aveva usate tante dolce parole, non gli rincresceva dinari che pagassero).
From what I have heard some say, the king adopted this method. When anyone went before him he gave him a welcome as if he had known him always. After some time he asked him what he could pay of his free will towards this expedition. If the man offered something proper he had his notary ready, who took down the name and the amount. If the king thought otherwise he told him, Such a one, who is poorer than you, has paid so much; you who are richer can easily pay more, and thus by fair words he brought him up to the mark and in this way it is argued that he has extracted a very large amount of money (secundo ch'io ho inteso d'alcuni, el teneva questo modo, che poi che la persona gli'era davanti; gli faceva una recoglientia grandissima, che parea havesse conversato tutto tempo con quella; et post multa gli domandava quello che gli potea pagare de sua bona voglia ad questa sua andata: se quella persona gli proferiva una cosa honesta, haveva li apparechiato il suo scrivano, el quale notava el nome et la somma. Se al Re pareva altramente, gli diceva, come el tale ch'é piû povero di te, ha pagato tanto. Tu che sei piu richo, poi bene pagare piû. Et tanto faceva chi li riduceva con bone parole al segno; et in questo modo se ragiona habia tirato una grandissima quantita di dinari.)
Now he has had everything put in order, and every day he inspects all his artillery and has it all brought to the castle of St. Catherine here in London. Notwithstanding that he has a very large number of bombards, he has fresh ones made every day and quite recently he has given money to a great part of his captains. On the 26th May they are to be all in readiness with their men and make a muster of them. Indeed, everyone is putting his harness in order and everything necessary for a campaign, to such an extent as to show their great desire to cross. I do not know what they will do. Many are kinsmen to St. Thomas, but the expenditure of the money goes to show that the business will be carried out. The ships which are to take them over are all to gather at Ampthona, and it is said they will go to sea. They are expecting daily a Venetian ship laden with Malvasie. According to what the Venetians here say, she will take pay from the king to take him across. The ship is of 22,000 butts (cantara). If I hear more I will not hesitate to inform your lordship.
London, the 17th March, 1475.
[Italian.]
Enclosure.283. Names of the nobles and earls of the King of England who went with him to help the Duke of Burgundy.
His Majesty the King of England.
The Duke of Clearancis,
The Duke of Clocestra, his brothers.
The Duke of Bouequinghin.
The Duke of Purbefort,
The Duke of Norefort.
The Duke of Chestris.
Earls.
The Earl of Norombelland.
The Earl of Pambronus.
The Earl of Riveres.
The Earl of Anscingues.
The Earl of Villetrovis,
The Earl of Sallibrich.
The Earl of Dormont.
The Earl of Vyllichier.
The Earl of Dronssades.
The Earl Danby.
The Earl of Salsibery,
and several others, some of whom have 120 lances and archers each, and the others aforenamed have one more than the other. There are also forty barons, each of whom has six cavaliers under him and fifteen lances and 120 archers at least. In short the king aforesaid has 1,400 lances and 32,000 archers.
[Italian.]
April 24.
Potenze
Estere
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
284. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The duke has shown me his instructions for Monsigr. de Hymbrecourt. In public he will thank your lordship for the league with his Excellency, thanking you for the coming of Sig. Ludovico. In private he will ask for men-at-arms, and to prevent the trade and passage of the Swiss by Bormio, Como, Belinzona and Valle Chiavenna, because of his war with the emperor and the Germans. Further that you will make a league with the Florentines to strengthen your confederacy. That at the end of May he will find himself towards France with his army, to make war on the King of France. He has arranged this with King Edward who will cross at that time with 40,000 combatants on the one side, and the Duke of Britanny on the other.
This year he hopes to make great progress in diminishing the forces of the enemy.

The ambassador of the Duke of Britanny has been here to learn from the duke what is to be done and states that they are ready to make war. That duke and King Edward are waiting to see the duke here move towards the French frontier; otherwise I do not believe they will leave their country.
The King of England will come in person and assuredly he will cross with a large force, because the great preparation of money and men are confirmed on every hand and are very credible as the English go very gladly to fight France and every one of them urges on such a step.
The duke here, because he wears the Order of the Garter, went to a solemn vesper and mass yesterday, the eve of St. George, and also to-day, accompanied by the ambassadors and courtiers, and wearing the cloak and hood of the Order which is of velvet and skyblue cloth, full of garters, and they made great festivities.
The camp before Neuss, the 24th April, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 23.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
285. Gio. Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The King of England has sent hither Monsig. di Rivieres, his kinsman, with two other ambassadors, to stimulate and importune the duke to depart hence and proceed to France, because his Majesty will pass and is all ready, otherwise he will not do so at all (altramente non li fara amica). He arranged that on the 26th inst. the English will hold their musters on the sea coast, to pass, where they have provided ships and a passage towards Holland, and at the end of this month they will proceed to France, where the duke hopes to be. With this they left, declaring that they will pass with some 35 to 40,000 men without fail, of whom the clergy of the realm will pay for 1,200 men-at-arms and the people for 18,000 archers for this war, and they further say that the realm is giving the king a subsidy for the present war of about 600,000 ducats, and this has been arranged to support the enterprise; this is the way they make the wars of England, and we shall soon see the effect.
Monsig. di Rivieres is the son of a sister of the Count of St. Pol, married in England. In the duke's chamber on behalf of the King of England, he congratulated me on the league contracted with the Duke of Burgundy, saying that his Majesty was singularly pleased and reputed it as if it had been made with himself; he would like to do something for your lordship, both out of respect to the Duke of Burgundy and because of the friendly relations his predecessors had always had with Duke Philip and his ancestors, and you might help each other at sea. I thanked him in a suitable way, promising to inform your lordship, whom I beg to instruct me how to bear myself towards his Majesty, now that King Edward is taking the field with the Duke of Burgundy.
The camp before Neuss, the 23rd May, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 31.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
286. Petrus de Oldoinis styled Cremoninus to Bartolommeo Cicho, Councillor of the Duke of Milan.
It is said that the English are at sea and will attempt a landing in Guienne. Accordingly the king has sent 200 lances to guard the country under Captain Cusoles and Giangmuso who were in Roussillon.
Lyons, the last day of May, 1475.
[Italian.]
June 12.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan.
Archives.
287. Gio. Pietro Panigarola, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 5)
There is a great reluctance on the part of the emperor and the electors to make a truce or treaty with the duke here, because of their engagements to the King of France. The duke wishes to be secure on that side, and the legate, (fn. 6) under pains and penalties, has ordered both sides to lay down their arms and not to attack the duke's lands during the three diets, to be held within a year. The duke told me he wished to secure himself against the Germans, who were in league with the King of France, as well as to defend the Archbishop of Cologne; and as the King of England has left London with his army ready to cross the sea, and the Duke of Britanny is all ready to break, and because the King of France broke the peace several days ago, he thought it best to accept this accord, especially as time is too pressing owing to the great preparations made by his allies and not to anger them. Accordingly he will send to the diets and try to settle his differences and those of the archbishop before the legate.
The duke says that his men-at-arms will be directed from Trech towards Lorraine as soon as he has finished here. In the mean time he will go to St. Omer with those of his household, a place in Picardy near Calais, where King Edward is to come with his land forces. The duke says he will go in person to demonstrate his affection and confidence in the King to make their plans against the French and what they have to do, asserting that the English are constantly crossing, and they will depart thence together. When their plans have been arranged the duke says he will go and join his forces towards Lorraine and invade that country, from there he says he reckons on entering France through Champagne, while King Edward invades through Picardy, and they will meet in the very midst of France.
The camp before Neuss, the 12th June, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 13.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
288. Brother Petro Gans, chaplain of the Constable who left St. Quintin for Rome at the beginning of May, relates among many other things:
At St. Quintin they had news that the Kings of England and Scotland had descended in Normandy with a large force against the King of France, and the people of Ghent had sent 36,000 combatants to the Duke of Burgundy.
From Pavia, the 13th June, 1475.
[Italian.]
June 28.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
289. Copy of the letters of Thomaso de Portinari to Lorenzo de' Medici, the Magnificent.
The King of England is coming, and they say that this evening he will certainly have arrived at Calais with the rest of his force, of which a great quantity has passed these last days. I had letters thence this evening which tell me that he had decided to go in person to Neuss with 10,000 combatants in favour of the duke, and the remainder of the force he sent to the frontier of France. This will not be necessary now. (fn. 7) The duke continues to send his troops to the Rhine and he is going hence to greet the king, who has brought here the finest, largest and best appointed force that has ever left England. There are great numbers of them at present at Abbeville and other places so that one no longer hears anything of the French. Soon we shall hear enough. God of his mercy bring peace everywhere.
Bruges, the 24th June, 1475.
[Italian.]
July 7.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
290. Salvator di Clariariis, Secretary of the Duke of Milan to the Duke.
The duke will divide his forces into two parts; one will go with him to Picardy, towards the King of England, whom they confidently believe to have landed with his brother and all his people and artillery and he is waiting for nothing except the duke's arrival, and therefore the duke is going. The other part, comprising 1,800 lances, will go against Lorraine.
Uxona, the 7th July, 1475.
[Italian.]
July 23.
Potenze
Estere.
Savoia.
Milan
Archives.
291. Antonio de Aplano, Milanese Ambassador at the Court of Savoy to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 8)
Late yesterday evening an esquire reached Madame sent by Monsig. de Mentone, informing her that the Admiral of France went to a port in Picardy where the English were to descend, where troops of the Duke of Burgundy encountered him, including many lords of quality and the Burgundians were routed, many being slain and taken, Rufino de Muris told me this this morning.
Montecaprello, the 23rd July, 1475.
[Italian.]
July 26.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
292. Gio. Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Duke of Burgundy's Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The King of England has received news that the King of Scotland, his ally, has been poisoned by his brother at the instigation of the King of France, and the brother has made himself king, driving out the sons of the late king and the queen from the realm. He seems inclined to make trouble on the English frontier in order to fetch back the English. His Majesty, however, says he does not mind this because he has left the frontier provided and he has brought with him all of whom he had suspicion in the realm, even to the old queen, wife of the late King Henry, whom he has left a prisoner at Calais.
Arras, the 26th July, 1475.
[Italian.]
July 30.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
293. — to the Duchess of Savoy. (fn. 9)
Yesterday Antonillo Pagano, secretary of King Réné arrived. He left Malines on Monday, a fortnight ago, where the Duke of Burgundy was. At his departure the duke said to him: Go quickly to my Uncle, King Réné, as quickly as possible, and tell him that the King of England descended at Calais on the 4th of this month, accompanied by 24,000 good men, and he has already sent 6,000 of them to the Duke of Britanny. He himself was going to meet the King of England, and he would remain with his Majesty four or six days and no more. He proposed that this charge of the enterprise of Normandy should rest with the King of England, some of the English, the Duke of Burgundy and the Constable of France, who has declared himself an open Burgundian. He has got the Duke of Britanny to promise to enter Normandy with 30,000 combatants, which is ample, with the help of the English, for the conquest of Normandy, according to those who have the most experience. He would like the King of England to invade Champagne, while he will take his army into Lorraine. He desires this so that one force can help the other in case of need. In the execution of his wishes the duke has sent the Count of Campo Basso, with all the Italians and English who were in his camp; he has left M. Oliver de la March with the guard, to accompany him on his return from Calais to Lorraine.
Morenz, the penultimate of July, 1475.
[Italian.]
Aug. 3.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan.
Archives.
294. Troyllus da Muro de Rossano, Captain of the Duke's men at arms, to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday I received letters from Flanders from persons worthy of confidence, informing me among other things of the power of the King of England, who has descended upon Normandy for the succour and aid of the Duke of Burgundy. Your lordship will see the nature of this power from the enclosed list, which will also give an idea of the power of the Duke of Burgundy. I think that all this power, with God's help, will unite together against the King of France, and every other enemy. I will shortly advise your Excellency of any other news.
Montboson in Burgundy, the 3rd August, 1475.
[Italian.]
[1475.]
Aug. 10.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
295. Claudio de Arucy to Bianca Maria, Duchess of Savoy (Illustrissima Madama).
A Benedictine monk has come, servant of the Bishop of Geneva, who says that he left the King of France at Amiens last Sunday the 10th inst., (fn. 10) and that he saw ambassadors of the King of England handsomely attired, who spoke to the King and demanded of him the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, with the revenues received, or else war. That king was at St. Omer, near Beauvais, with M. de Burgundy, and he says they are very powerful.
Lausanne, the day of St. Laurence.
[Italian.]
Aug. 20.
Potenze
Estere,
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
296. Francesco Rovero to M. Symon De Pavia. (fn. 11)
As I know that you like to know news in favour of the king I send you word that the King of England, accompanied by Milan 18 to 20,000 English so they say, comprising both men-at-arms and archers, immediately he reached the River Somme, M. de Burgundy being with him in his simple state, sent a king at arms and two pursuivants to the king at Beauvais, who were taken to the admiral's quarters. Every one hoped that they brought a defiance. They negotiated for quite three days, and at the end the king at arms called Yrlanda spoke with the king in secret quite two hours and then took leave. The king gave him the value of 100 silver marks, and the king left forthwith for Compiegne to put in order his men-at-arms and towns on the frontier. He put in such large garrisons that there were more than at Neuss, and they would have great trouble to live from their numbers, there being over 2,000 lances without the force of Champagne, which does not move. The king has at present 4,000 lances of ordinance, without counting the arriere ban, or the troops of Guienne, under M. de Beaugé, of Normandy under the Bailly of Rouen, Poitou under Mons. Duffo.
While the king was at Compiègne the King of England crossed the Somme near Peronne with all his force and encamped in a park a league away with the river behind. The Duke of Burgundy remained at Peronne the whole day, and so they continued four days without doing anything but encamp. To get information about them, 50 lances of the garrison of Noyon sallied out one fine morning and went to pass between the park of the King of England and a village whom the English used to go to forage. There they found many English, who saw them approach without misgiving, and were caught unawares, about fifty being slain. Forthwith the king at arms and a horseman returned with a safe conduct to the admiral, M. de Luda, M. de Vreus and M. de S. Pierre, and went to a village near the English, where they found M. de Avars and other learned men, and after a long discussion they came to an agreement. The king went to la Victoire, and four days later the aforesaid brought the English to him and all the articles were agreed to on both sides. Those are not yet fully published, but from what I hear the King of England will give his daughter to the Dauphin without a dowry and abandon all his claims to Normandy and Guienne, promising to serve the king against all his subjects and servants, and the King of France promises the like to him, and that henceforward the French and English may deal together without safe conducts. Burgundy and Britanny and their allies are included in the treaty. The king gives the English to return 60,000 crowns, lent by the city of Paris, and 15,000 to those who have made the treaty. To satisfy the English the two kings are to meet on the Somme at Amiens with their armies and offer battle, and after some show of fighting upon some bridges, which will be made, with certain logie where people will pass to mediate, the two kings will go to those logie and they will have great preparations for a banquet, the money will be paid and the English will return, M. da Avars and others remaining as hostages until they have gone. They promise to pay 50,000 crowns yearly to the King of England for his life. The King of England is very dissatisfied with the Duke of Burgundy, although he calls him brother, because he did not receive him in his towns as promised and because he obtained no help from him of men or money.
The English have raided Han and all the villages of the constable and at St. Quentin, where he was killing his people. They have discovered many things about him and do not seem to love either him or M. de Burgundy. The constable has never declared himself, except to say he is a good servant of the king. I do not know what will happen. They say that ambassadors of Britanny are destined for England. M. Duchanour and the chancellor are returning to Britanny and I think it only remains for the king to live well with everybody. (fn. 12)
Senlis, the 20th August.
[Italian.]
1475.
Aug. 21.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
297. Salvator de Clarices to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The King of France is said to be in Normandy to see what entry the English will make. I hear further on good authority that the King of England is coming to meet the Constable of France at St. Quentin, and the Duke will join them. The artillery which the King of England is bringing is greater than that of Mons. of Burgundy, which is almost incredible. All things, thank God, will proceed satisfactory.
At Soro, the 21st August, 1475. (fn. 13)
[Italian.]
Aug. 25.
Potenze
Estere,
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
298. Simonetto de Rossi to the Magnificent Donato Acciayolo, Ambassador of Florence.
The English have pushed forward and for several days have scoured Picardy, as well as the country of Burgundy, where the large towns refused to receive them. They were offended at this, while the French have harassed them day and night in this progress of theirs. On several occasions they lost many hundreds of men, and at length they gathered near Lione in Xantois, and there they made a park, in which they established themselves, and several days passed without a sign of fighting or raiding.
After many days the English sent a herald to the king, stating that for the good of both sides they wished to send certain lords to his Majesty to confer and tell him something. After a time the king decided that he did not wish them to come into his presence, but he was quite content that a certain number should enter the realm as ambassadors. So it was arranged on both sides that they should cross the River Somme and be received at a certain place of the king. Accordingly from our side they sent the admiral, the Bishop of Nuroso and Messer Tanay du Ciastel to hear what they had to say. As yet it is not known what they have said and done. And because on previous occasions the constable has suggested and recommended to the King a marriage alliance, to wit, to give King Edward's daughter to the Dauphin, it is presumed that some overtures on this subject will be made, and that this is the work of the constable, because he has always said that he has served and always will serve the king and kingdom in case of need, so that his honour would be vindicated and any one who said the contrary would be a liar.
After King Edward has made so much commotion and incurred such expenditure, it would seem to every one at the first blush as if these negotiations were rather to lull to sleep or to wait for something rather than for anything else. But, on the other hand, those who know say that they must be taken in good faith, because the English have found the Burgundians in disorder, and the preparation on our side, both by sea and land, so great, and they have come to the conclusion that there is no visible way of effecting anything, and they cannot have a more honourable chance of returning home than this.
I do not know what to decide upon this point, as there is much to be said both for and against. It will be easier to decide after a week or a fortnight, within which time I will tell you what happens and my own opinion.
The King, as I have said is very powerful and if he wished to take the field against his adversaries he could do so and with three times their strength. But I do not think he will do this, and he will merely try and get these English to decamp. In the places all about them he has decided to keep 12,000 to 15,000 horse, as he can do, with 8,000 or 10,000 franc archers. In this way he reckons to temporise and waste his enemies, though he does not esteem them very highly (ad questo modo fa chonto temporegiare et consumare li adversarii, de quali in vero, non fa troppo conto).
Lyons, the 25th August, 1475.
[Italian.]
Aug. 26.
Trattati.
Milan
Archives.
299. Mandatum Regis Anglie expositum per Thomam Danet in Namur, Illustrissimo Duci Burgundie.
Noverit serenitas Ducis fratrem Regem Anglie suos ad francorum Regem destinasse oratores qui sibi referrent, quid circa suas jam instantes guerras prefatus francorum Rex optaret, Hii vero ad Regem Anglie reversi omnibus sibi ex parte francorum regis prout sequitur retulerunt.
Et primo quod pro pace et treuga habenda Rex francorum maritaret filie regis Anglie seniori, filium suum delfinum, et predictus Rex filie daret pro dote ad valorem annuum sexaginta mille scutorum.
Promisit insuper predictus francorum Rex eos super expensis suis maritari eamque pro tempore more suo infra Regnum Anglie atque a regno Anglie ad Franciam conductus ejus ad expensas summo servandam cum honore Et si etiam ante nuptias obire contigerit secundam Regis filiam sibi nuptialiter associabit et sic deinceps.
Item promisit predictus francorum rex inpresenti solvere regi Anglie pro damnis et expensis suis circa guerras jam instantes suas sexaginta et quindecim millia scutorum, et durante eorum utriusque vita annuatim quinquaginta millia scutorum.
Vult etiam et desiderat predictus francorum Rex quod pro jure et titulo regis Anglie determinando elligantur duo docti viri ex parte regis Anglie et duo ex parte sui, qui habeant plenam potestatem determinandi in hac causa et quod uterque Rex stet arbitrio et juditio istorum quattuor sub pena duorum millium millium de auro. Ita quod predictum juditium reddatur infra tres annos et quod pro tempore medio cesset omnis lis et dissensio.
Super quo responso convocavit rex singulos ejus nobiles et capitaneos coram quibus exposuit se eos ad spatium unius anni conduxisse pro guerris suis et pro medio anno ad plenum satisfecisse cujus medietatis restare ad huc tres menses de quibus nihil adhuc sibi servitii impenderunt ostendit petens ab eis debitum et eos intimius requirens ut se ad perficiendum promissum et debitum suum disponerent. Qui omnes uno ore promissum sibi scrivendi pro tempore prefato debitum confessi sunt sed se ad id perficiendum impotentes gratiam sibi humillime petierunt et impossibilitatem suam ita ostenderent. Primo allegantes sublimitati sue quantas passi sunt penurias pro nummis et excessivis eorum expensis, tam in preparando sibi equos et arma, quam per diurnitatem more citra mare et ultra ubi victualia in foro carissima habuerunt. (fn. 14) Turn etiam quantas sustulerunt molestias in campis continue jacendo: et quod jam estas abiit et hyems ita accelerat, quod nequeunt in tempore congruo eis hospitia convenientia erga hyemem preparare quod sibi reputant maxime opportunum si bellum debeant servare hyemale. Et sine nova solutione vadiorum unde sibi necessaria providere poterunt: sibi continuare guerras impossibile dixerunt.
Sed hanc a Rege fieri absque allio adjutorio extrinseco est impossibile quia de sibi in Anglia debitis a tempore sui recessus quousque nihil percipere valuit. Super hec omnia objiciunt sibi subditi sui quod in Calisia (fn. 15) promissum erat sibi maximum adjutorium ex parte ducis Burgundie, de cujus subditis ad hunc paucos aut nullos viderunt. Ex parte etiam Ducis Britanie promissum erat regi quoniam maximum adjutorium de cujus exercitu neminem viderunt et ut fertur a pluribus hic cum Rege francorum pacem inhiit. Credidit etiam Rex comitem sancti pauli sibi in agendis affuisse. Quamobrem se et exercitum suum ad partes ejus direxit; quam graves expensas et damna non modica sustulit. Unde se quam deceptum sensit.
Hec et alia cogerunt Regem treugam cum suo adversario iniisse: sed ne ingratus suo carissimo fratri videretur nullo pacto hanc pacem firmare voluit nisi ut ejus carissimus frater sub eadem treuga contineretur. Unde et tandem cum maximis laboribus conclusum et per regem francorum promissum est quod Dux Burgundie sub eadem treuga continebitur si sibi placeat. Et Rex Anglie erit arbiter et unus judicum in causis et latibus inter predictum Regem francorum et ducem Burgundie terminandis.
Desiderat sibi dominus meus Rex scire beneplacitum fratris sui domini ducis: et quid vult ut faciat in premissis.
Subsequently the said ambassador remarked in his speech that the duke of Burgundy has a period of three months in which to accept the truce if he wishes to enter the accord, and that on the 27th inst. the Kings of England and France are to meet in the country near Amiens, for a conference, to visit each other and to conclude everything.
[The last paragraph in Italian.]
Aug. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
300. Pietro Aliprando to Salvator de Clarici.
To tell you the news. My lord having brought over the English and got them to enter Picardy, they crossed the river to the kingdom of France. My lord left them in the neighbourhood of Peronne; I was with him and with about a hundred horse, we left them and went in the easiest possible manner as far as Calais. There we found the King of England, who had taken the field with 16,000 combatants. They made arrangements with my lord about starting the campaign, and then my lord started off for our camp, which is on the frontiers of Lorraine, with the Count of Campo Basso as Lieutenant. When my lord was three days' journey away from the English, they began to have dealings with the King of France, in such sort that they started negotiations. When the news reached my lord he returned to him [King Edward] and put a stop to all the negotiations; but after my lord departed they came to terms, agreeing to the articles of which Johan Piero is sending a copy.
The first is that the King of France gives the King of England 75,000 crowns down and gives him 50,000 for life. Also they are making a marriage between the king's son and the daughter of England. The King of France promises to fetch her at his own cost, and when she has arrived he will give them a state worth 60,000 crowns. In the mean time each side will choose four men who will have to enquire into the differences between the two kings, within the space of three years, and what they decide will be accepted. The King of England desired that my lord should be included in the truce with the King of France for three years.
The English, after behaving in this disgusting manner, without consulting my lord, found that they had been deceived, as although their king may be in possession in good faith, those who surround him and turn him about as they please so that he follows no course they do not approve, are already divided among themselves and have told the king frankly that they will not serve him any longer and he cannot compel them (et fatti questi anglisi queste bestiale movimenti senza consiglyo de Monsignor se trovavanno ingannati che lu re licet sia possexore bone fidey quelli che li so intorno che lu voltano come voleno ne li segueva quello de che dubita, sono deza divisi intra loro et se rompono et anno ditto franco a lu re che loro non volno piu servirlo et non li poter costrengere).
We are looking for further news a short while hence.
My lord having perceived their lack of discretion, sent to them my lord of Tournai and the Count of Chymai to the King of England, charging them with weighty matters.
In the mean time my lord is gathering a great force, and is going to the Rhine, and he attaches but little importance to these proceedings of the English, the more so because he can do nothing to prevent them.
Among other things the King of England is trying to placate my lord as best he can. The embassy has gone and on its return you shall hear things. My lord does not desire any truce or peace with the King of France; the English may go their own way. Such is a brief account of these events.
My lord, as I have said, is writing to the Duke of Milan about the way these things have gone and upon the subject of the men-at-arms, and my lord the Bastard will press the request, which I hope you will grant, so that we may be able to hold on by means of Lorraine, with our power and supplies and with those who are in Burgundy.
In spite of all these proceedings, the princes of France all turn to my lord. The grand Constable has been to Valenciennes to confer with him, and has made arrangements with him. Bourbon, Raneri and all have recourse to my lord.
Antonello has already gone to Provence. He spent about three months with us, and made arrangements with my lord, there being an understanding between the three, King Raneri and my lords of Saint Paul and of Verbona. But this is secret and they keep it so, and the king has not declared himself, waiting to hear from the Duke of Milan whether he would be secured supposing an attack were made on him. My lord has sent to ask you to get the Duke of Milan to write to the king, assuring him against any attack from the King of France; but this was before the unexpected step taken by the English. However you will see that the duke writes as my lord desires, as he is very anxious that this security shall be given, and handed to Antonello, Write secretly and do not fail.
Narmir, the 27th August, 1475.
[Italian.]
Aug. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
301. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
From Ras, whence I last wrote to your Excellency, the duke here went to Peronne and got them to set the English in motion. He also saw their camp united and entire, and arranged with their king what was to be done, and how from the direction of Lorraine he would come to unite with them. He went afterwards to Valenciennes, where the great Constable of France came to visit him with about 150 horse, making great festivities and a warm welcome. They spent three days together and from what the duke told me they arranged matters so that he is sure of the Constable, who promised to give him St. Quentin and to serve him etc. With this conclusion they parted.
The duke afterwards left Valenciennes to go to Namur, and on the way he was advised that the English were engaged very close negotiations with the King of France for an accomodation, because they stand reluctantly without this duke and his men, and have no confidence in themselves to make war because they are new troops and inexperienced in arms, although they are very numerous, but without good captains (como quelli che mal volontieri stanno senza questo Signor Ducha et soe gente e non se fidavano far la guerra per essere zente nova et mal practicha del soldo ancor chesiano gran numero, ma senza bon capi).
The duke instantly turned about and went to Peronne (fn. 16) where he broke off all negotiations and made the said king promise and give his hand in pledge, so the duke told me, that he would do nothing without the duke's participation and consent, even if the King of France should beg him (subito prefato signore volto brida andando a Perona dove rupe ogni tractato e per il prelibato re li fo promisso et dato la mano in fede como esso Signore mi ha dicto che niente faria senza participatione et consentimento de la Signoria soa, ancor chel re de Franza solicitase).
The third day after their arrival here at Namur the said king sent his ambassadors with certain articles, which it appears they are about to conclude with the King of France, and which already have been accepted and settled between them. The king allege that he did this because they cannot keep the field during the winter, and because the duke ought to maitainn 10,000 combatants with them, which he has not done. All these things are devices of the King of France, who in many ingenious ways seeks to separate the English from the duke, nor does he stint his promises. The duke has been in despair at such lightness and pusillanimity, feeling that he has been sold into the hands of the English, upon whom he has conferred so many benefits as every one knows. He has sent to stop that king from proceeding with the treaty, but they fear it will be too late.
The duke told me that if the King of England had done his part (avesse facto li facti soy), it would at least have been something, but he has done nothing either for himself or for the duke, because he has allowed himself to be talked over and in making a truce for three years with the King of France. In that time the French king promises to give him 50,000 or 60,000 ducats a year and to have two men chosen on each side who know the differences and the claims of the King of England upon the kingdom of France, and if these are admitted as right, the King of France promises to give up the part indicated, handing it over freely to the King of England. At the same time they are to treat of a marriage between the daughter of the King of England and the Dauphin of France, which some declare is already accomplished. If it takes place; the King of France is to provide the dowry, and binds himself to surrender the part of the kingdom indicated under a penalty of more than seven millions of gold. If the Duke of Burgundy also wishes to enter this accord, he also will have three years of truce, with some other clauses, more infamous than words can tell (le piu vituperose se potesseno dire). He will let me see both.
There can be no doubt that if they had managed as was arranged, they would have acquired the greatest honour. Accordingly the duke has decided to set out to-day for Luxemburg on the way for Lorraine, where all his forces are, to join them. He will then take the course that seems to him the most expedient, according to the news he receives, and where he hears the King of France is strongest.
He expresses the determination on no account to abide by this treaty, and he is sending the Bishop of Tournai as his ambassador to the King of England, one of the most honourable men of his Council, upon these affairs. But the duke cannot yet say exactly what he will do, in a matter of such weight and importance. If he does not accept and so renders the English hostile, it is bad. If he accepts without more ado, it is not what he requires. I believe that he will remain armed and will behave in a haughty manner in order to obtain a better agreement with the King of France, as one who knows him perfectly and will not fail him. If such a treaty take place, I will keep on the alert and advise your lordship of what is done.
I beg you to provide me with couriers and money, so that I may advise you and live, as one spends one's life here. You may approve sending by way of Germany, as by that route the Venetian ambassador has messengers, until the Lorraine route is open, as God grant it may be. If I can have a copy of the aforesaid articles before closing this, I will send it. The Venetian courier is bringing this; he will return by Germany as he came.
Owing to these proceedings of the English, the duke doubts whether the constable may not hesitate to perform what he promised, and he has sent a confidant to him; but, as I have said, one cannot write as yet what course this prince will follow. However, owing to the importance of the matter I thought it right to send word about this at once.
Namur, the 27th August, 1475.
Postscript.—The duke has caused the articles of the King of England to be shown to me. Since by these the King of France is to pay certain moneys at once, and so that your lordship may see the whole, I send a copy enclosed. The duke has sent the Bishop of Tournai, my lord of Cymai, my lord of Rochia and my lord of Cordes, as his ambassadors, in order, if possible to get that monarch to renounce such a purpose and to try for better terms than those arranged, if he must enter into a truce and agreement. If they find the king favourable, well and good; if not, they will dissimulate, not accepting the agreement altogether or refusing it. But they will flatter the king and the English as much as they can, because they will be in their territory, and they will continue to do this until they are outside and gone. In the mean time the duke will keep armed. He says that he has made war on the King of France before without the English and he will do it again now. When the time comes we shall see what course he takes.
Namur, the 28th August.
[Italian.]
Aug. 28.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
302. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday evening, about the fourth hour of the night, the duke sent for me. He told me he had received news that the King of England was disposed and anxious to return to his country at once with his army, now that he had made the agreement with the King of France; and he had left to his lordship a term of three months in which to enter the truce for three years, if he liked. It would cut him to the quick if he had reason to enter such a vile agreement, made without ever seeing the face of the enemy, and if he had not trusted to the backing of the English, he would have made other provision against the enemy. If they had carried through the enterprise they had begun, they would undoubtedly have achieved their ends and would have won more reputation and honour that ever princes enjoyed. The Duke of Brittany had aroused these suspicions in the English because, when at his request they sent him 2,000 English archers, he would not accept them, but temporised when he should have disclosed himself, therefore he had decided to make use of his friends and allies for this emergency. He felt sure that they would grant their aid within this period because it is also to their advantage. He said he would not accept or enter such a league on any account, but will wage the bitterest war on the King of France ever heard of. If, however, they will not favour and help him, even though it is to their advantage, he will do as the English have done, accepting the league and dissimulating, because the King of France has made all his great preparations, though not for any purpose except the defence of his state. Therefore for the present he had decided to set out to-day and go to Lorraine with all his men-at-arms. He says he has information that they have already taken some castles in Lorraine, and they will push on until he meets with his other men-at-arms of Burgundy, numbering 500 lances. He is advised that they have already set out to come and join his lordship, and when they are all united they will number more than 2,500 lances. He said he had no doubt whatever that though he was so strong, the King of France would take the field. All this time he means to confront him, making his terms with that king in the field honourably with his harness on his back, as was his duty, or else he would perish with honour, always provided that his friends would help him.
The country of Burgundy was now in great danger from the Swiss as well as from the French, because it was stripped of its men-at-arms. Accordingly he earnestly begged your lordship from the bottom of his heart, to be so good as to send the men-at-arms required into Burgundy
, if you have not done so already, for the guard and defence of that country, which he will consider as saved through the interposition of your lordship, and take it as a singular favour, outside the mutual obligation. If the men-at-arms are not ready, he asks you to send at once 2,000 provisional troops and infantry, or any number you please, who may easily and quickly pass the mountains, sending those on horse straight afterwards, so that he may immediately place them on the Swiss frontiers, and protect his country where necessary, and that may also come in useful at some time for your lordship. He begs you to made a demonstration of your friendship upon this occasion so that he may emerge with honour from this enterprise and the trick played by the English (per farlo usire con honore di questa impresa e gabo di Inglesi). But above all it must be done at once and with speed, as is cutomary when there is good will, answering at once to his desires, so that he may be able to arrange his affairs. Upon this he showed me a letter he was writing to your lordship and another to Messer Salvator, asking him to present it and begging for a speedy answer.
This prince, my lord, certainly has too high a spirit, so that he cannot brook being thwarted in such an unfortunate way as this. From what I have gathered he reposes more confidence and hope in your lordship alone than in all Italy, attaching a high value to your friendship. Whatever you do for him in this unexpected emergency he will take as a very great kindness, and will lay him under an eternal obligation, as he will think that you have saved Burgundy for him, helped him to make honourable terms and secured himself and his friends, and may not fail, as is said at his pleasure the truce for three years made by the English; and the King of France asks for nothing better, but, as I have said, he cannot endure it. Namur, the 28th August, 1475.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Aug. ?303. Copy of a writing from the Court of my lord the Legate of Avignon to Madame de Bourbon. (fn. 17)
The King of England accompanied by his brothers the lords of Clarence and Gloucester, with 25,000 good combatants or upwards, at the solicitation of certain perverse subjects of this kingdom, entered it as far as this side of the River Somme, four leagues from Noyon, having determined to attack our king and usurp his kingdom by force.
The King of England, under pretence of certain prisoners, sent a herald who informed the king secretly that if he was prepared to make some good agreement with him, he was willing to return home. Thereupon our king sent the admiral, the Bishop of Evreux, my lord of Lude, and my lord of St. Pierre, to hear further the wish of the King of England, who were authorised by their king to negotiate secretly and without the knowledge of the Duke of Burgundy. They held a conference there, and in less than two days a good peace was effected and agreed to at Notre Dame de la Victoire near Senlis, in the presence of our lord by the persons aforesaid, they being empowered to do so; and the king chose my lord the duke, my brother and me alone to be present at this agreement, which is of the following tenour:
First, the king, our lord, gives the King of England, to assist him to bear the expenses incurred by him for coming and returning, 75,000 ducats down, on payment whereof, and the sum is all ready, the four personages mentioned above who made the agreement, will remain here as hostages until the army shall have returned to England.
Moreover, commercial treaties for seven years between our said kings will be published, but between ourselves they swear to them for life, the Duke of Burgundy being at liberty to become a party to them should he choose; if not, the King of England will declare himself his enemy within a brief period, and promises to serve our sovereign lord the king against all, without any exception, on condition that our king pays the King of England 50,000 ducats yearly for seven years.
The two kings also promise to effect the marriage of my lord the Dauphin and of the daughter of the King of England, when they shall be of age for it.
The king, our lord, further promises to abide by the decision of the King of England in the dispute between him and the Duke of Burgundy, if the latter will submit himself to it.
The two kings are to meet with their full force on either side in battle array, and will, through envoys passing from one side to the other, effect this adjustment, which will be proclaimed and published. This will be on Tuesday, the 29th, when I shall be present if I can, as there is not going to be any bloodshed. Would, Madame, you knew what was said of my lord and of our family, who alone serve the king in his great need, whereat the king rejoices much.
[Italian.]
Sept. 5.
Potenze
Estere.
Savoia.
Milan
Archives.
304. Antonio de Applano, Milanese Ambassador to the Court of Savoy to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The duchess believes this letter of this evening. She says that the Duke of Burgundy will be the cause of this truce, because it is enough for him and it is a great point for him that the King of France has seen that he can make the English come in his favour and against his Majesty. But if he means to give great reputation and credit to these English in France and in Burgundy he will lose many friends, as no one wishes to see the English in their parts. Similarly the King of England had consented to the truce because it seems to him he can return home in his honour, the King of France paying his expenses in bringing his army over and in being able to make his daughter Queen of France etc. Many do not believe this news and among others the Governor of Nice who said that King Edward would be torn to pieces the moment he returned to England if the English learned that he had made that marriage with the King of France.
Valperga, the 5th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Sept. 5.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
305. Salvator Di Clarici, Ducal Secretary to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The King of France does not know which way to turn to go and meet the King of England, whether he shall go to Picardy rather than to Normandy, because the King of England is to unite with the Constable of France. The French men-at-arms who were in the country of Lorraine and in Champagne have all moved towards the King of France.
Burgundy near Juscy, the 5th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Sept. 10.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
306. Troylus de Muro de Rossano, Milanese man-at-arms to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
A part of the King of France's forces has gone towards Normandy against the King of England, and a part to Luxemburg against the duke, so that all this country is deserted and in our hands. A letter has come from M. de Fay stating that a treaty has been made for a truce or peace for six years between the King of France, the King of England, the Duke of Burgundy and the Duke of Britanny, to wit that the King of France abandons the Duchies of Berry and Lorraine and all Germany to M. de Burgundy. We have not yet learned any particulars, but it is thought that they will have to leave Normandy in the hands of the King of England, as such a king with such a force could not come from England to France without a great conquest of Normandy or something bigger. Whether the treaty is true or no it is certain that the affairs of the King of France are in ruins, and it is not possible for him to put them straight, because of the scant esteem for his person, his lack of money and because he is hated by his people.
Sericurt in the duchy of Barri, the 10th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Sept. 12.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
307. Salvator di Clarici, Ducal Secretary to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
M. de Fai writes to M. de Novochiatello, his brother, (fn. 18) that a treaty has certainly been made between the King of England, the King of France and the Duke of Burgundy, without giving particulars except he says the Duke of Lorraine is excluded from the treaty.
I cannot ascertain whether the Duke of Burgundy has returned from his second visit to the King of England. Here they say he has and is now in the country of Luxemburg.
The village of Buglie near Castrum dugliet the 12th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Sept. 12.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
308. Lioneto de' Rossi to Messer Donato Aciaiuoli, Ambassador of the Florentines.
On the 3rd I sent to Florence by a courier, and wrote to you that I had directed the letters to be left at Alessandria, at the warrant office, having had orders from Court to receive them and if not to send them to you by my own footman. I shall be glad if this has happened all right, since I have not your letter.
I informed you by that letter of what had occurred up to that time between the king and the English. Since then I have received positive information that the king, after much discussion, went to Pecquiny near Amiens, a small place on the River Somme, where there is a bridge, of which one half is in the dominions of the Duke of Burgundy and the other in that of the French. In the middle of this bridge they made a barrier. The king was about a league off, and had about 50,000 men under arms. About half a mile away were the archers of the guard, and in the king's company were my lord of Bourbon, the Archbishop of Lyons, Count Duporno, Count Don Martino, the Lord of Argenton, Salasareb and many other captains all without their armour except on their legs and their gorgerets. (fn. 19)
On the other side of the river came King Edward with my lord of Clarence, his brother, and several other lords, and in their company, the Admiral of France, who had gone to meet them. The said king had only fifty lances and 300 archers with him, and all the rest of his force was a league away. When he came within half a mile of the bridge, he left behind his men-at-arms and archers, and he alone with the lords only and some attendants (stafferi) went to the bridge, where the King of France had already arrived. Immediately King Edward perceived the king he dismounted from his horse, and before our king could do the like he had made the first and the second reverence. At the third our king went to meet him as far as the barrier, where they embraced, both holding their caps in their hands, and they remained there about an hour and a half in conversation. Ultimately they both ratified what had been arranged in public and in secret by the ambassadors, and when that was done the barriers were broken down and the two kings took leave of each other amid great festivities and friendliness (el Re Andoardo immediate che vede la persona del Re, smonto da cavallo et inanzi che se faciesse sembiante, fea la prima et la seconda reverentia; et alla terza el nostre Re se gli fece al incontro sino in su la barriera et l'uno et l'altro col cappello in mano s'abbraciorono et quivi steteno insieme circa un'ora e meza ad parlamentare et infine ratificorono l'uno et l'altro ad quello che in publico et in secreto era concluso per li ambassiatori et facto questo li barrieri se ruppero et con grande festa et amore li dua Re presono licentia l'uno da l'altro).
That same day the camp of the English was moved towards the river and there they encamped and remained for two days, and came and went between that place and Amiens, which is quite close, as if they were in their own homes; and there they ate and drank, and good cheer was made for them; and all the good horses and hackneys, of which they had a quantity, were sold there. Ultimately they returned back and one part of them has gone to take ship at Calais, and the other to Dieppe.
King Edward received 50,000 ducats down for his good behaviour, and other lords who made the agreement, received 25,000 more (el Re Andoardo ha havuto per sua benandate ducati Lm. contanti et XXVm piu altri Signori che hanno facto l'accordo).
The Duke of Clarence, with several other lords, has remained behind in France until such time as King Edward has arrived in England and disarmed.
The only things announced and really published, without further particulars, are a truce for seven years with the English, during which period both nations can have intercourse and trade without demanding or having any safe conduct; and the allies, that is Burgundy and Britanny, can enter if they wish. But from what I understand there are many other things in secret, to wit, a marriage alliance and an even closer understanding, which are not made public for good reasons.
I feel sure that this agreement will appear very extraordinary, and indeed it seems so to every one, and rather the work of God than of human agents, that so valiant a king should come to France with so great a power and with the support of Burgundy, and then return the enemy of Burgundy and the friend of France, without striking a blow.
The Duke of Burgundy is in the direction of Valenzina. The constable was in his neighbourhood and so was my lord of Cortes, (fn. 20) who is a Picard nobleman, prisoner in France, a man of influence who made great efforts to bring about the agreement, and it is thought he will succeed because he has the influence.
Our king here has had a great deal of trouble since he came to the throne, but he has come triumphantly through it all. Burgundy has made a great show and noise, he has lost numbers of men, wasted his country and spent a fortune and achieved nothing with it all; in fact he has lost the district of Ferecto and the city of Amiens with several other places. (fn. 21) For this reason he has a very poor reputation with those who know, and in this kingdom men think very little of him.
Lyons, the 12th September, 1475.
[Italian; copy.]
[1475.]
Sept. 14.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
309. Antonio della Foresta to Madame of Savoy.
On the 6th of this month the Duke of Burgundy entered this country with 1,500 lances. I presented the letters of your Excellency. He says there will be terrible doings between him and the emperor. His ambassadors to France have returned without effecting anything. He says that as soon as the emperor leaves he will begin the war on the Duke of Lorraine. He says he needs a way through because of the Burgundians and Flemings, and he wants some lands and places from the duke. He has written to the Queen of England to see what claims she may have. They hope that the truce between him and the king will be broken, and that the king will afford help to the Duke of Lorraine.
Luxemburg, the 14th September.
[Italian.]
1475.
Sept. 19.
Potenze
Estere.
Savoia.
Milan
Archives.
310. Antonio de Aplano, Milanese Ambassador at the Court of Savoy to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Late yesterday evening a courier came from Dauphiné, who told Madame that letters had reached Dauphiné from the king stating that the accommodation had certainly been made between his Majesty and the King of England. He said he had come here with a courier from the king's court who had seen the two Kings of France and England together near Amiens, and that a brother of the King of England (fn. 22) with many other lords and a number of the English soldiers had gone to Amiens where the King of France was, and had made good cheer and had a banquet together. The English were all to return home and M. the admiral was to accompany them with a large French force to Dieppe, where they were to embark.
Valpergha, the 19th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Sept. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Savoia.
Milan
Archives.
311. Antonio de Aplano, Milanese Ambassador at the Court of Savoy to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday evening I received your Excellency's letters of the Milan 21st and 23rd. I immediately went to court and told Madame what your Excellency wrote to me. As regards the part about the treaty between the Kings of France and England and that King Edward has returned home with his army, to the great disgust, loss and peril of the Duke of Burgundy, she was very perplexed and cast down and said she could not believe that this agreement was altogether contrary to the Duke of Burgundy. She added: it seems a thousand years since my lord our brother sent letters of Gio. Pietro Panicharolla. She is of opinion that the Duke of Burgundy ought to have help from the King of France to act against the Germans.
Valperga, the 27th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
[1475. (fn. 23)
Sept. 27 ?]
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
312. Instructions to Gio. Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador to the Duke of Burgundy.
The King of France has sent here M. de Brosso (fn. 24) to explain the terms of the treaty made with the English, representing everything in his king's favour, and how the money paid to the King of England was all to his advantage, because he was exhausted by having to maintain 4,000 lances of ordinance besides a quantity of nobles and frank archers, in addition to other expenses. He gave us to understand that although the treaty gave our brother three months to accept it, yet he would insert such conditions that the duke would refuse, when the king meant to reduce him to the condition he deserves for his rebellion. He ended by asking us to lend or give him 200,000 ducats. We gave him such a reply that we believe he will return to the king with his tail between his legs. We desire you to inform our brother of all this.
[Italian; draft.]
1457.
Sept. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
313. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
This most excellent prince keeps me constantly informed of his proceedings, especially as regards the English, against whom he has conceived the most intense dislike, as indeed he has very good cause. The duke wrote to his most illustrious consort and sent one of his secretaries to the King of England, his brother. This secretary has returned, and reports that he was present at the conference between the two Kings of France and England. It took place at the end of last month, between Amiens and Picquigny, near a river where both kings were present with their forces under arms, one on one side and the other on the other. On the banks of the river were set up two great palisades, and in the middle two rails, with a great palisade about half way, in the midst of which was a little square window, about half a span in width, through which the two kings could communicate with each other (sopra l' argene de la ripa erano facti doi stechati grandi, in mezo doe sbarre con uno stecato grosso circal mezo, in mezo dil quale era una fenestretta quadra, larga circa mezo brazo, per la quale si doveano visitare li doe re).
Thither they both came armed, both of them leaving behind their picked troops, and mounted the first two stockades. The King of France went thither first and waited for the English king. The latter drew nigh and was the first to do reverence and take off his cap. Thus did King Edward. When they approached the palisade, each of them kissed his hand and then offered them to each other. That done, the King of France drew his naked sword and offered it to the said king, who did not appear to take much notice of it, but told him to put it up. They interpret this act here in various ways, but incline to consider it one of submission (vicini poi al stecato si basorono le mane, ciaschuna la soa, e poi si la sporseno; hoc facto il Re di Franza cavo la spada nuda sporgendola al re prefato, il quale monstro non farne conto, ma disse la rimettesse, il quale acto interpretano qui variamente et ad submissione piu cha altramente).
Then the Chancellor of England (fn. 25) made a speech in Latin; to which the King of France made reply by the Archbishop of Lyons, in French, to uphold the customs of the country. That done they affixed the seals on either side to the things settled and arranged between them. The secretary says he believes these are the same as the articles which I sent at first to your Excellency, except that instead of a truce for three years, he heard of seven but he cannot be positive about this.
The King of France then asked to speak with King Edward apart; so the two kings alone drew to one side. The King of France called the Duke of Clarence, King Edward's brother, and one Master Auart, (fn. 26) an Englishman, to the conference between the two kings, which did not last long. The kings then embraced and took leave of each other, each of them returning to his own country with his army. From the secretary's report, the English seemed the more friendly and finer troops than those of the King of France who, however, had his together, especially all the ordonnances, for the safety of his person at this conference (del quale referisse costui quanto de Inglesi essere parso magior di l'amila e piu bella gente di quello del re di Franza, il quale pero lo aveva unito, maxime tute le ordonanze per sicureza de la persona soa ad questo abocamento).
Thus this king will return to England. He remarked to the secretary that he had heard that when the duke heard of this agreement, he tore up the Garter with his teeth into more than six pieces. This is not true, but his Majesty has already committed such an affront, because he wore the Golden Fleece before the King of France, who assured him that he desired nothing but peace with the Duke of Burgundy, and it would not be his fault if it were not made, as he would accept his Majesty as judge upon the differences between them, and would consent to the uttermost, if he did not keep what he had agreed to. His Majesty may be in favour of the duke against him, and within the three months that the duke has to decide whether he will enter the league or no, the king will not attack the duke's territories, provided the duke does not attack his. For this reason the King of England concludes that he has not made the agreement without comprising the duke if he chooses to come in, alleging certain reasons why he was induced to make it.
The Duke says he is advised from England that the people there are extremely irritated at this accord, cowardly as it is, because they paid large sums of money without any results. Accordingly King Edward did not want his brothers to proceed to England before him, as he feared some disturbance, especially as the Duke of Clarence, on a previous occasion, aspired to make himself king. I gather that some revolution would give secret satisfaction to the duke here (mi a etiam dicto avere aviso de Inglitera, che queli populi stanno malissimo contenti di questo accordo cosi vile, per avere pagato gran dinari e senza fructo, donde el re Odoardo non vole li frateli passino in Inglitera prima di lui, dubitando di qualche emotione, maxime chel Duca di Clarenza, suo fratello, altre volte a aspirato a farsi re, nel secreto comprendo piaceria a questo signore qualche novita).
The town of Solovre, four leagues from Luxemburg, the 27th September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Sept. 30.
Potenze
Estere.
Savoia.
Milan
Archives.
314. Antonio de Aplano, Milanese Ambassador at the Court of Savoy to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
They say that the King of England has passed to England, and that 10,000 English have remained behind who have gone to the Duke of Burgundy. After they crossed the sea they said they would not return until they saw war with France. This is understood to be of set purpose and to deceive the King of France. I do not write it as true, but simply put down what has been said to me.
Geneva, the last day of September, 1475.
[Italian.]
Oct. 1.315. Edward IV, King of England to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 27)
Announces the departure towards Milan of Anthony, Earl of Rivers, one of his chief confidants and the brother of his dear consort. On his way to or from Rome, he proposes to visit the city of Milan and other places belonging to the duke, whom he would see and converse with if not inconvenient. The king, therefore, recommends him strongly, promising to reciprocate towards any Milanese coming to England with letters from the duke.
London, the calends of October, 1475.
[Latin.]
Oct. 22.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
316. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 28)
By my last of the 22nd and 23rd August, forwarded by the Venetian ambassador's courier, who, for a fee of six ducats promised to go in 18 days from Namur to Venice, there to consign it to Lorenzo Botto for immediate transmission to your lordship, I announced the negotiations of the English for an agreement with France, and that they had already sent to acquaint the duke here with the proposed articles, of which I sent a copy. The duke was in despair at their so basely making an agreement without drawing the sword, nor does he mean to be a party to this treaty, but to wage the war as he is doing, after joining his Burgundian men-at-arms.
He sent the Bishop of Tournai and three other Knights of the Golden Fleece as his ambassadors to the King of England, to endeavour to dissuade him from this peace, and assure him that they would obtain much better terms if they kept the field. Despite this the treaty has been made and the ambassadors were too late.
The King of England, to the great disgust of his kingdom, has returned with his army to England. He apologised to the duke for the treaty, and expressed the wish to be friends. The ambassadors sent a copy of the treaty, which differs from the first which I sent chiefly in the truce being for seven years.
More than 2,000 Englishmen have come to serve the duke, who has accepted them, saying that he well knows they will be cutting one another's throats in England, and it will be better for them to fight against the French. In the opinion of intelligent persons there is likely to be disturbance in England, because the king exacted a great treasure and did nothing. The duke here foments this all he can (e lopinione di chi intende he che ogni modo in Inglitera abii ad seguire novita per avere il re cavato gran thesoro e facto nulla et questo Signor ladiuta quanto po).
The King of France is trying his utmost to come to terms with the duke. He got the King of England to send an ambassador to his lordship to urge him to enter the truce for seven years, but the duke made them a spirited reply such as they deserved for the deed done.
By the accompanying copy of the truce between France and England you will perceive that the King of France has reserved a place for King Ferdinand and your lordship.
Vaudemont, the 22nd October, 1475.
[Italian.]
Oct. 23.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
317. The friend of Vallesasine reports as follows, at Castigliano, the 23rd October, 1475.
About three years ago the King of England had communication with the King of France by means of the Bastard of Bourbon, who is Admiral of France, and this friend was sometimes sent by the King of France to the admiral for this cause; and the reason why the King of England held this intercourse was because he was dissatisfied with the Duke of Burgundy for two chief reasons; one because when he was driven out by King Henry and took refuge in the duke's lands he had a very poor reception; the other, that after he became king he deciphered some letters of the duke written in English to the lieutenant of the county of Ernichales, professing his friendship with King Henry and offering to hand King Edward over to him. Subsequently when the Duke of Burgundy saw that this way would not succeed, he changed his tack and almost by compulsion helped King Edward (volto mano et quasi sforzamente adiuto il Re Adoardo). For this reason King Edward has always been a secret enemy of the duke and entered upon this intercourse with the King of France.
King Edward in landing was to enter the duke's towns and take them; but this was not done and then they published the agreement in a way to make it appear that they had never had relations together. King Edward demanded the Dauphine in marriage and that they should give her a royal dowry; but he demanded Normandy and Guienne, which the King of France promptly refused to give, declaring he would not give him a span of land, but he would give him his daughter for his son and provide a dowry. He promised to give Holland, Zeeland, Brabant and some others, except what belongs to the crown, saying that they would suit the English better as being nearer. He offered 10,000 horse and 20,000 foot at his own expense to conquer them, and in the meantime he would give 50,000 ducats a year provision.
He also says that some three months ago when M. Antonio was in Rome he heard that the ambassador of France, called M. Johanni, for the King of France, and King Ferdinand had dealings together, and the King of France wanted to make him give up those of Anjou, the claims on his kingdom etc. (fn. 29) He also said that when the Duke of Milan liked he would find a way for the King of England to make the friendship and alliance with his Excellency, marrying one of his daughters to the Count of Pavia.
[Italian.]
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
318. Names of the Princes and Great Lords who are in the company of the King of England.
First, The Duke of Clarence, his brother.
The Duke of Gloucester. The Duke of Boisigne.
The Duke of Sorlafont.
The Duke of Norfolk.
The Duke of Exeter (Sestre).
The Earl of Montibellant.
The Earl of Panevort.
The Earl of Vieres.
The Earl of d' Arsines.
The Earl of Vilebra.
The Earl of Salebri.
The Earl Doremont.
The Earl of Villechier.
The Earl of Roseles.
The Earl Danby.
The Earl of Vezelebri.
All these are princes and lords.
Dec. 4.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
319. Giovanni Pietro Panicharolla, Milanese Ambassador at the Burgundian Court to Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan.
When the King of England was returning by sea from London to Calais, he had the Duke of Xestre thrown into the sea, (fn. 30) whom he had previously kept a prisoner, according to what the duke told me, who resented the action.
Nancy, the 4th December, 1475.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

1 The date of this letter is uncertain, but it seems to belong to the beginning of 1475 or the end of 1474. Lescut is Odet d'Aydie, Sieur di Lescun and Count of Comminges. Louis was at Rouen on the 30th May. 1475.—Lettres de Louis XI, vol. xi, page 151.
2 “The king come to this town [London] on Wednesday [Nov. 16, 1474]; as for the French embassy that is here, they come not in the king's presence, by likehood, for men say that the chief of them is he that poisoned both the Duke of Berry and the Duke of Calabria.” Sir John Paston to his son John, 20 Nov., 1474. Paston Letters, iii p. 119.
3 Printed in Gingins la Sarra: Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais, i, pages 26–30.
4 A translation of this letter is published in the Athenœum of the 6th October, 1900, page 444.
5 Printed in Gingins la Sarra: Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais, i, pages 157–160.
6 Alessandro Nanni, Bishop of Forli, papal nuncio in Germany
7 Because the siege was raised on the 13th June.
8 Printed in Gingins la Sarra: Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais, i, pages 184, 185.
9 Printed by Gingins la Sarra in Dépêches des Ambassadeurs Milanais, i, pages 103, 194.
10 As St. Laurence's day falls on the 10th August, the date given is impossible; inst. should probably be ult., but Sunday fell on the 16th not the 15th July in 1475. Charles the Bold was at St. Omer from the 19th to the 22nd July.
11 A famous physician living at Lyons.
12 Printed by Gingins: Dépêches, i, pages 206–8.
13 Printed by Gingins: Dépêches, i, page 213.
14 Note in margin: Victualia fuerunt eis in patria Illustrissimi dom. Ducis in equo et bono pretio sicut erant ante adventum suum quod cum maxima habondantia et habuerunt victualia equorum gratis ad impensam propriam dom ducis quare hide non debuerunt summer, occasionem.
15 Note in margin: In Calisia fuit conventum inter dom. Regem Anglie et Dom. ducem quod sibi mutuo que suis exercitibus occurrerent apud guisam, sicut fecisset dom. dux qui erat in via ad suos armigeros cum dom. rex inhiit pacem vel treugas cum dom. rege Francie priusquam ipsi anglici attigissent terram suam.
16 The exact dates of these movements of Charles the Bold are given by the Burgundian Chronicle, printed in Jean Godefroy's edition of Comines (vol. iv, pages 408, 409). He left Arras on the 27th July, and saw the English army on the 29th. On the 6th August he was at Peronne, remaining there until the 12th. On the 13th he slept at Valenciennes, where he remained until the 18th. On that day he supped at Cambrai and slept at Peronne. On the 19th and again on the 20th he visited the English camp at St. Cri sur Somme. He reached Namur on the 22nd August.
17 Venetian Calendar, vol. i, no. 446.
18 Claude de Neufchatel, Sieur du Fay, and Thibaut de Neufchatel, both sons of Thibaut de Neufchatel, Marshal of Burgundy.
19 The names of those who accompanied Louis are given elsewhere, the Duke of Bourbon, the Archbishop of Lyons, the Admiral, the Count of Dammartin, the Marshal de Loheac and the Lord of Torcy. Comines; Memoires, ed. Dupont, vol. iii, page 306.
20 Philippi de Crevecœur, Seigneur des Cordes or d'Esquerdes.
21 Amiens admitted the king's troops on the 2nd February, 1471. The county of la Ferrette was pledged to Charles the Bold by Sigismund of Austria by the Treaty of St. Omer for 50,000 crowns, the 21st March, 1469. It was taken from Charles as the result of an alliance signed between Sigismund and the Swiss at the beginning of 1474. Comines: Memoires, ed. Mandrot, i, page 145n.
22 Comines says that Gloucester was not present at the conference at Picquigny, because he disapproved of the truce, but he afterwards went to Amiens where King Louis made him handsome presents. Memoires, lib. iv, cap. 10. The Chronique Scandaleuse, on the other hand, says that Louis entertained Clarence and made presents to him. Ed. Jean Godefroy, ii, page 234.
23 Without indication of date or place, but bound up with a paper of this date.
24 Probably Bertrand de Brosse; in 1479 he went on a mission to mediate between Milan and the Swiss. Lettres de Louis XI, vol. vii, page 224.
25 Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York, was Chancellor. Comines says it was l'Evesque de l'Isle.
26 John lord Howard.
27 Venetian Calendar, vol. i, no. 448.
28 Venetian Calendar, vol. i, no. 449.
29 M. Antonio is probably Anthony bastard of Burgundy (see no. 281 at page 193 above). Master John Merlin, precentor of St. Exupère, Corbeil, was French Ambassador in Rome, but he does not seem to have been appointed so early as is indicated here.
30 Mr. Oman (Pol. Hist. of England, vol. iv, page 449), says that the Duke of Exeter “was drowned on his way to Calais, apparently without any suspicion of foul play.” Sir J. Ramsay (Lancaster and York, ii, page 415 note) says if there was foul play suspicion ought to rest, not on Edward, but on his sister Anne, Duchess of Exeter, and her second husband, Sir Thomas St. Leger. The statement in the text here is very explicit. Probably Exeter was among those of whom Edward had suspicion and brought with him to Calais in July, as mentioned in Panigarola's despatch of the 26th July, no. 292 at page 198 above.

Annotations

76 jacob.ellis - (Tuesday 31 Mar 2009 13:04:12)
Entry number 301, paragraph four, 'The king allege that he' read "The king alleges that he".
Corrigenda to this volume.
77 jacob.ellis - (Tuesday 31 Mar 2009 13:42:09)
Entry number 301, paragraph four, for 'ought to maitainn 10,000' read "ought to maintain 10,000".
Corrigenda to this volume.


<--Previous:
Milan:
1474
Next:-->
Milan:
1476