Milan
1513

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Allen B. Hinds (editor)

Year published

1912

Pages

381-421

Annotate

Comment on this article | View annotations
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Milan: 1513', Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts in the Archives and Collections of Milan: 1385-1618 (1912), pp. 381-421. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=92282 Date accessed: 22 July 2014.


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

1513

1513.
March 14.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
631. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The other evening in congregation mention was made of the deprived cardinals. (fn. 1) The Cardinals of Nantes and Finale proposed that if they came ad veniam, they should be pardoned, and suggested that they should write to the King of France. When this reached the ears of the English cardinal he said that they ought to begin at the head, to wit, the King of France, who had done so much against the Church and therefore ought to be the first to humble himself and ask for pardon after having so greatly offended God and this see. Many approved of this and it was agreed that if the two cardinals wrote they would do so on their own responsibility.
Yesterday the brother of the Spanish ambassador resident in England (fn. 2) showed me a letter from that ambassador of the 16th ult. describing the immense force and extraordinary preparations (grossissima armata et li extremi appariti) of the king there to cross to invade France. He will come in person and soon if the Italians help him, that is to say if the Italian armies cross the Alps to invade France at the same time. If this is done he feels sure that the French will be so hard pressed that they will accept any terms offered to them. It can easily be managed if the emperor makes some arrangement with the Venetians.
Rome, the 14th March, 1513.
[Italian.]
April 8.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
632. Paulo da Lode, Milanese Ambassador in Germany, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Here they say that Merchurio will go to England with many horses; also that the King of England is bringing the Duke of Brunswick with 400 Burgundian men at arms, and 600 German horse and 3,000 foot.
Augsburg, the 8th April, 1513.
[Italian.]
April 18.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
633. Summary of Letters of Augustino Somentio from Veltz.
A poet has arrived from England, from which he learns that the King of England would not accept the truce, and it is also said that if England will not accept neither will the emperor. We hear the King of England is making very great preparations for war, and all those lords said that although the emperor and England would not accept the truce, the Duke of Milan should be included, because his Catholic Majesty had expressly named him.
[Italian.]
April 20.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
634. From the Advices of a Milanese merchant.
In Flanders they say that England is making very great reparations to come over, and that the King of England is to give his sister to the Archduke of Burgundy, and when he comes he will bring her with him.
[Italian.]
April 23.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan.
Archives.
635. From England on the 23rd April.
The news is as follows: the ships are all equipped with what they require, more especially with artillery, which is all on board already. So also is the Duke of Talbot, (fn. 3) who has taken his place in a ship, with the first squadron of men at arms. The rest of the force is following after with the utmost despatch, so that the fleet will be able to sail during the present month.
Besides all this, about six days ago one of the captains of the fleet came to the King of England bearing a letter from the captain-general of the force. (fn. 4) He told him, bearing out the contents of the letter, that our fleet had fallen in with the French fleet, and an action had ensued in the English Channel. The English ships captured four of the French ships and burned them as if they were heretics and schismatics. The others were put to flight and forced to take refuge in two different places, that is to say, the ships in the port of Brest, and Pregent (pero Joanne) with his galleys at St. Malo. That same day this same captain-general wrote to his Majesty that he meant to destroy all the French ships, because they were in desperate straits. As he desired that his Majesty should enjoy this victory, he begged him to go in person to reap this glory. His Majesty wanted to start at once to go there, but the members of the Council opposed this.
It is impossible for the galleys of Pregent to unite with the other ships because they are separated and scattered, as well as roughly handled. In addition to all this, our English landed in the meantime and captured a place called Crondon, with its villages, and they subdued and burned the neighbourhood for about six miles, which would have been impossible had the enemy possessed the strength and courage to resist. As a matter of fact, not only the country people, but those of the French army told off for the protection and defence of that province, took to flight, so that the English might even have taken the Castle of Brest with ease, had they not been intent upon naval affairs.
To-morrow they are going to celebrate great triumphs over these affairs, and they will publish the new league between his Imperial Majesty, the Catholic King, and the King of England.
[Italian.]
April 30.
Potenze
Estere.
Borgogna.
Milan
Archives.
636. Margaret, Archduchess of Austria, Countess of Burgundy and widow of Savoy, to the Cardinal of York.
To-day in conversing with the Ambassadors of the King of England we have had speech about the common good and the increase of his Imperial Majesty and that sovereign, and also about a false truce which the French report has been made with the King of Aragon, as you will hear from the letters of the ambassadors. As the French may spread abroad similar crafty things at Rome, it seemed necessary and proper to us that the ambassadors should inform you at once, so that the truth may be known to his Holiness and others.
Brussels, the last day of April, 1513.
[Countersigned:] Marnyx.
Collated with the original letters by Oliver de Hesele, Ordinary Secretary of his Imperial Majesty and the Archduke.
[Signed:] Hesele.
[Endorsed:] Ill. principi et Ex. Dom. Max. Sfortie Vicecomiti, Duci Mediolani.
[Latin.]
May 12.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
637. Ex litteris D. Pauli de Laude ducalis secretarii diei 12 Maii apud Imperialem Majestatem ad D. Andream de Burgo.
That the orator of the King of England who is with Caesar told him on that day that he had letters from his king of the 7th inst. containing that on St. Mark's day last a league was renewed and concluded between the Catholic King and the King of England and sworn to by both, notwithstanding the truce and that he had caused war against France to be proclaimed throughout England and that the orator of the Catholic King in England, on account of the truce of his king with France, had no order from his king for omitting the execution of those things.
That on the same seventh day the vanguard of the King of England entered the fleet to cross to Calais.
That on the 18th inst. the King of England was to cross in person to Calais with his army.
That Lady Margaret had a commission from his Imperial Majesty to go thence, and public leave to give to all subjects for accepting pay from all and principally from the English against the French.
[Italian.]
May 13.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
638. Copy of Letters of the Protonotary Carazzoli, Milanese Ambassador at Rome.
Letters from Genoa of the 8th relate that the English have done things in France and that the French are in a very perplexed state of mind. There are also letters of the 3rd from Bles, the writer of which is friendly to the French. It relates that the English force has been engaged with the French for three days, and that the English were trying to dislodge the opposing French force. The letter had a postscript which stated that they thought the English force would dislodge because of the force against it. It is thought that things are of greater moment, because it added that the King of France proposed to go to Paris to make provision against this English force which is so powerful both by land and sea. At Calais it is most powerful, and they have begun to defend. The King of England, on hearing of the truce, had hastened and augmented his army. He is so eager over the enterprise that no one can put it out of his head, unless it be God Almighty (tanto aceso a l'impresa che excepto N. S. Dio gli la potria levare di testa.)
It is also stated that war has been proclaimed in Flanders also against France, in the name of Caesar and England. It is thought that though the French crossed the mountains yesterday, to-day they will have the pleasure of defending their own. This news and the exhortations of the Catholic King have heartened them here and his Holiness has seemed extremely delighted about it.
By the time that this arrives I feel sure that the pope will have heard the remainder of the expedition of Messer Hieronymo Morono, by way of my lord the Viceroy, as the ambassador will send that way this evening. To-day I find myself in great favour, and your Excellency keeping me supplied with news is very advantageous.
There are four thousand Spaniards in the English force.
I commend myself to your lordship.
Rome, the 13th May 1513.
[Italian; copy.]
May 16.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
639. Ex litteris D. Pauli de Laude ducalis secretarii diei 16 Maii apud Imperialem Majestatem ad D. Andream de Burgo.
That his Imperial Majesty on the said 16th day in the principal church of Augsburg, after the solemnisation of the Mass, ratified and swore to the treaty with the King of England against the French in the presence of the princes and ambassadors.
That many captains of war, both horse and foot, were flocking to Caesar and his Majesty even then was sending Doctor Sod to the Swiss to bring a good number of them into France, together with other troops of his Imperial Majesty.
That a herald was sent to France to declare war.
That Caesar said a great deal to the English ambassador in which he showed no less affection for the Duke of Milan than for his own son and that he wishes to do everything for his safety and that of the State of Milan and for the liberation of the Church even if it might destroy Germany. The same thing is stated by all of Caesar's Council.
The emperor regrets he cannot accept the truce made by the Catholic King because the league is now made with the King of England, which he cannot fail, seeing that the English king did not wish to break it and his subjects even less so, and the King of England says now he has his subjects in the mood, and the matter in good trim, he does not wish to stay his expedition.
Perchance at another time he would not have them so disposed to help him as he has now. And therefore his Imperial Majesty does not wish to fail towards the King of England, especially seeing that the Duke of Milan, his vassal and kinsman, is not included in the truce, which is not honourable.
That the King of Aragon is not bound to observe the truce for many reasons, and the emperor and the King of England did not doubt but that the King of Aragon would do his duty against the French in France and they were quite sure that the army of the viceroy in Italy would proceed for the exclusion of the Gauls from France.
That the emperor has firmly decided to help and save the Duke of Milan, and if this might not be, all things might be in peace and well for his Imperial Majesty and he considers this most certain and Caesar is well content with the duke and his Council.
Paulus further wrote many fair words which the English orator said to him of the good-will of his king towards the Duke of Milan and how he was disposed to do everything to preserve him in his duchy and he would invite the duke to send some man to him as a sign of good friendship and amity between them, and exhorted Paulus to write to the duke in the name of his king to exercise himself in arms.
He had it from the leading men at Court who know secret things that the duke need have no further fear but he will be safe in his state.
That money was sent to Verona for the payment of the emperor's men at arms in garrison there and they were sending other foot soldiers thither.
That the orator of England exhorted Paul to write to the duke to do what he could against the common enemies.
That he would send a copy of the articles of the treaty by the first post the moment they were communicated to him by the king. The gist of the articles was the renewal of the league.
That in England there were the greatest signs of rejoicing on account of that fact.
[Italian.]
June 21.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
640. Paulo da Lode, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Here there have already arrived the Archbishop of Mayence, the three Counts Palatine, including the Bishop of Spires, two other bishops near here, the Bishop of Strasburg, and many others, summoned to this diet by his Imperial Majesty. The Archbishops of Treves and Cologne are expected in a day or two, and when they have come they will quickly come to some satisfactory decision about helping his Majesty. There are the best hopes for this, and so there will be money to spend, and I hear that they have offered [19 signs of cipher].
The King of England at present is giving him 70,000 ducats to pay a part of the troops.
We believe that the King of England will have crossed by this time, and we are anxiously awaiting the news. Those who have crossed already have produced a good impression, and we are astonished that they delay so long in coming.
The English ambassador has shown me copies of three letters written by his king to the pope, the emperor and the Venetians respectively. To the pope and emperor he writes cheerfully of his steadfast intention and strong provision to wage war against France in person, urging them to do the same as then they will speedily have the victory, as he says that he alone will suffice to destroy the French. He writes nothing but good to the pope about the disposition of the emperor to this enterprise. He remonstrates with the Venetians about the league made with France, contrary to his ancient friendship, and points out to them by excellent arguments that the French have only asked their alliance in order to ruin them. He therefore urged them to look after their affairs in time and satisfy the emperor, otherwise, if harm befalls them, he washes his hands of it, and he offers his mediation to settle differences. I asked for copies of these letters, but he said he could not give me any just then, because none were made. If I can obtain them I will send them at once to your Excellency.
This same ambassador, on learning that some here have expressed astonishment that the Viceroy has not displayed more cordiality, told me that it was due to certain obstacles which had arisen recently, which he would explain to me another day, but your lordship must be of good cheer, as great results for your advantage and honour will soon appear on every hand.
I thanked him for this comfort for your lordship, and said I understood that you were quite content with the Viceroy, and would not have any more doubts, though if he did more than we have heard of hitherto, it might be more to the satisfaction of the Germans and the others. He assured me that there was no cause for misgiving, and beyond a doubt all will be right in the end.
This ambassador complains that your lordship has not yet sent the letter for his king, to show your esteem for his Majesty, and that is ill done, and you ought to send at once. Accordingly if it is your pleasure, letters can be drawn up and sent at once to his hands here. Messer Jacobo Bannissio is of the same opinion.
Worms, the 21st June, 1513.
[Italian.]
June 21.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
641. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
A report got abroad among the French here that peace had been made between France and England. Letters have since arrived from the Court of France of the 11th, stating that the Catholic King has cut short all negotiations for peace on foot between him and the King of France, and he will never agree to one unless the emperor and England are included with the pope. Further that English affairs keep growing, though they do not speak of the king crossing. They say, however, that he could not be more incensed against the French than he is. The letters go on to say that if the emperor and the Catholic King do not declare war and maintain the truce, and they are only molested by the English, they feel sure that the English will not do much harm, but will come to some agreement. This would not serve our purpose, and, therefore, if your Excellency could induce the Swiss to cross the Alps, I feel sure they could do so with the utmost honour, glory, and advantage, without any drawbacks, since it is certain that there is nothing in the shape of an army to oppose them. It would help the English, who would not then make peace, except an equitable and just one. The emperor also should be urged to take advantage of such an opportunity for the recovery of Burgundy and the humiliation of his natural enemy. If he lets it slip, he will never have such another chance, especially as they are warlike and in very little danger of suffering a reverse, although the French say that they also will have landsknechts.
Rome, the 21st June, 1513.
[Italian.]
June 28.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
642. The Protonotary Carracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Letters have come from England. I send a copy of the old ones. The later ones are of the 8th inst. They relate that 29,000 men have arrived at Calais, with all the artillery, munitions, victuals and apparatus of the army. The king himself, with the remainder of the force, making it up to 40,000 men, were to embark without fail on the 15th inst. and would land at once. They would take the route of St. Omer (Sancto Thome), and move straight on Paris, Your lordship will see how God has taken you into his protection. Si deus pro nobis, quia contra nos. I cannot help recognising this great good.
Rome, the 28th June, 1513.
[Italian.]
July 3.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
643. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Letters of the 15th and 22nd from Paris state that the English army is beginning to appear and is most formidable. The King of France recognises that he is unequal to combat such a force and has decided to defend the towns and abandon the country. News from Flanders states that the King of England had reached Calais; but this is of doubtful authenticity.
Rome, the 3rd July, 1513.
[Italian]
July 4.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
644. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
We have news here that immediately the King of France heard of the defeat, he sent to the emperor offering a marriage alliance, the fortresses of Milan and many other things. Your Excellency will do well to send also to Caesar and to the King of England and the Catholic.
Rome, the 4th July, 1513.
[Italian.]
July 6.
Potenze
Estere.
Svizzeri.
Milan
Archives.
645. Agostino Paravisini, Milanese Ambassador with the Swiss, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The lords here wrote ten days ago to the King of England that if he wishes to make himself felt against the French, and will come into the open, they are willing to support him. They have sent this letter to the emperor, so that he may forward it and obtain the answer.
Zurich, the 6th July, 1513.
[Italian.]
July 19.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
646. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Letters from Brussels of the 5th inst. have reached the English cardinal. They relate that the King of England arrived at Calais on the last day of last month at the seventh hour of the night. The imperial ambassadors were at Calais, who had ratified the league, and they had in their hands 70,000 ducats, so that his Majesty might invade Burgundy. The letters state that Caesar was at Frankfort; he had set forward his artillery and disposed his mounted troops to proceed to the invasion of Burgundy. The vanguard of the King of England was encamped before Terouenne, which they were attacking on three sides. They hoped to take it soon, either by storm or on terms. The King of France was at Paris, distressed in body and mind. The French fleet was scattered and there was no longer any fleet in France. They also state that they heard from Spain that the Catholic King had sent his army against Guienne. It is considered certain that if the Swiss join in, as arranged, it will be all over with the French, and they will forget about Italy. We are expecting the answer to the letters of the 7th, which speak about the 10,000 florins to be given to the Swiss, if they will declare war and invade Burgundy.
The legates are in a bad way. They are not sent both in order not to give them reputation and because they are in the obstinacy of schism. I think they will be obliged not only to abandon Italy, but to leave their skins in France. We think your Excellency will be well advised to send an envoy to the King of England. We are doing every office here with his representatives, so that they may be acquainted with the actions and desires of your Excellency.
Rome, the 19th July, 1513.
[Italian.]
July 21.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
647. Joan Pietro de Busto, Musicorum …, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
One day recently when I was with the king, my master, he told me with the utmost gladness that the French had been defeated by your Excellency's forces. This gave me so much joy that I do not think any living creature can have experienced the like. I can make no other return at present for the benefits I have received. For the comfort of your Excellency, however, I should like to inform you that the king, my master, crossed the sea with a countless and inestimable force, to exterminate these excommunicate and accursed French in order that, by God's grace, your Excellency may be able to live at peace in your state. If the goodness of God spares my life in this war, I will come and pay my respects to your Eminence, and I hope to be welcome.
Messer Leonardo Frescobaldi humbly commends himself to you, and so does Messer Joambabtista, physician of the king, my master. He showed me a letter in your lordship's hand which he keeps as a sacred treasure. May God guard you and prosper you more and more.
From the camp of the King of England, the 21st July, 1513.
[Italian.]
Aug. 9.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
648. The Protonotary Carraciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Letters from France of the 28th state that the French have Milan introduced 200 lancers into Terouenne, killing some of the English. The King of England had not left Calais. The King of France had gone to Meaux. The French army was only some leagues from the English. They pretend to think little of the English business.
Rome, the 9th August, 1513.
[Italian.]
Aug. 18.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
649. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Letters of the 5th from the Court of France state that the King of France himself confessed he found he could not hold out beyond the middle of the present month, so that at this moment it should be all over. That the English, since the arrival of their king had so environed the place with trenches and waggons that no succour could enter, either of men or victuals. That the King of France and his supporters had a feeble army, utterly unequal to the English (exercito debile dispari assai del Inglese). They base their hopes on the King of Scotland invading England. They admit that they cannot have the Duke of Guelders with the Germans for the whole of this month. They are short of money, of good counsel, and of men, and it is reckoned that, if the Swiss make their attack, their affairs will be in the utmost peril. Accordingly at this moment they must be in a very miserable state of mind. I hope they will forget about Italy, especially if the Catholic will now do what he ought. The emperor was in Flanders. He was preparing an army of infantry and cavalry to join the King of England.
Rome, the 18th August, 1513.
[Italian.]
Aug. 18.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
650. The Protonotary Carraciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
His Holiness is sending the Archbishop of Salerno, brother of the Duke of Genoa, (fn. 5) to England at once. He has instructions to do as much for your Excellency as for his Holiness, and he will go to you to receive your orders and commissions. Our friend has shown me the instructions.
Rome, the 18th August, 1513.
[Italian.]
Sept. 4.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
651. Paolo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Since I last wrote to your lordship on the last day of last month and the first of the present, the emperor and the king have continued up to to-day the work of demolishing the walls of Terouenne. They have so many men employed that of three enormous and very strong bastions and of the walls scarcely anything remains that has not been thrown down. There remains nothing but the ditches, which are ill filled in many places, because they are very deep and without water.
To-day the emperor dined with the king, and as they no longer have any fear about this town, they have decided to go on to-morrow morning with the camp towards Bethune, to a place less than three leagues from here, and that night they will decide where they will go and direct their operations.
In the meantime they will complete the work begun at Terouenne and to-day I am assured on good authority that with the walls ruined and the ditches filled up, the town will be burned.
The men of the emperor and the King of England have spent this time here because of the German forces, both foot and horse, which had not arrived. Now that the majority of them have come, the long delay here, without doing anything else, is much condemned by many, owing to the great and useless expense, and because of the short time that we have to make war this year.
After the dinner I hear that these princes discussed how they should conduct the war. After much had been said on both sides, and everything had been discussed, the King of England was of opinion to go to Boulogne and the other places in its neighbourhood, and take them, if possible, so as to proceed safely in all that they had to do. The emperor was opposed to this, and it was concluded after much discussion before the king and the captains of both of them, that since the king had taken up this enterprise in order to win glory and the crown of France, it was necessary to take the shortest way to win that crown and not lose time and money in this way. This advice was considered very good by all, and so the two princes drew apart from the others and afterwards made their agreement and signed it. I have this on good authority (et havere concluso con molte rasone inante allo Re et capitanei de ambi loro dui, che poiche il prefato Re e venuto a questa impresa per acquistare gloria et la corona di Franza, cosi bisognava andare drito e per la piu curta a cercare la dicta corona et non perdere il tempo e spesa a questo modo; el qual consilio fo judicato molto bono da tutti et cosi apartati de le altri li dui principi, fecero poi la loro conclusione ultima et firma. E questo ho de bon loco).
Immediately after dinner I hear that these princes talked of rings and jewels, and that the king showed some very fine ones to the emperor, and in the end gave his Imperial Majesty an eagle to wear at his neck, holding in his claws a large carbuncle (carbone), and at its breast or perhaps in its beak, a large cluster (puncta) of diamonds, and a great pearl at its throat, so that this eagle is estimated to be worth more than 30,000 gold florins. They say, of course, that the emperor acted like a good physician, who will not take money from a sick friend, but at last he allowed himself to be persuaded. It is true that the emperor will not allow himself to be surpassed in courtesy and nobility. Some say that this eagle formerly belonged to Duke Charles of Burgundy.
I was not present at this dinner, because the emperor sent us all back, as it took place in the country outside the gate of the encampment. Accordingly, I stayed away with Messer Jacobo. After the dinner we went to meet his Majesty and accompanied him to his quarters amid the rain.
They say here that the King of Scotland, incensed at the defeat he sustained from the English, in which he lost many of his men, both slain and taken, especially nobles, seems inclined to take the field in person. They say that the English are going to meet him, so that he will find an honourable reception. The ambassador tells me that they were to give him battle either yesterday or to-day, and so we expect good news, because the king says that more than 30,000 men are going against him with the queen, and he will not give up this enterprise on that account. If it is necessary, which we do not believe, it is arranged to send thither 12,000 or 15,000 landsknechts, who would be glad to go.
I have been told that some of the English complain somewhat about the Spaniards for not doing anything, but it seems that the king and his Council still have good hope, and the ambassadors here show every sign of good will towards these two princes.
Of the King of France and the French I hear nothing except that they are greatly alarmed and every time our camp moves from here they withdraw, and dare not come out into the open.
Our men at arms here, who are now arriving are certainly admirably equipped. The emperor told me that the Swiss are in great force in the county of Burgundy. Some here are of opinion that the King of France, out of fury, will offer battle, but they tell them, no, because he relies upon the winter and other remedies, without risking everything upon one throw. The English say they will disinherit the King of Scotland of the kingdom of England for his bad behaviour.
Arras (Erra), the 4th September, 1513.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 8.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania,
Milan
Archives.
652. Paolo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
On the 4th I advised your lordship of the council held in the camp between the emperor and the King of England about the way to carry on the war, with their decision to burn the town of Terouenne, after leaving that place with their camp, and to leave on the following day. Accordingly the camp and the princes left Terouenne on the 5th and took up their quarters three and a half leagues away towards St. Pol, which is a good village of Monsieur de Vandome. The emperor passed the night at St. Venan. On the following day the camp set out in the morning and went to a place two leagues from here, where there is a small village, and the king led the English infantry of the line of battle a squadron of 20,000 men, all armed with corslets, helmets and arm pieces, and many have gorgerets of mail, which made a fine sight that morning. They were removed again and went some two leagues further on to a village called Neve, a league from this place. To-morrow morning they will move again about eight o'clock, and march on. It is considered certain that they will go to Tournai, because that city is very strong, and in the heat of Monsignor's territory. I therefore expect that we shall be about it to-morrow or the day after, and they hope to take it. The weather is propitious, as it has become fine after two months of rain.
The French do not show themselves at all, but they are collecting large forces of infantry, and the king is at Amiens, little more than a day from here, I believe, They say that the queen has gone back towards Blois.
Heralds and trumpeters of the French often come here to the camp, under colour of seeking prisoners and captives, in order to see the proceedings of the camp. The emperor always detains them two or three days, so that they may not advise the French of our proceedings in time.
It seems that the English are somewhat dissatisfied with the pope because he does not do as they hoped.
The enterprise of the Scots against England is vanishing in smoke, from what they tell me, and I am glad of it.
The lords, captains and others here tell me that they will not quit this enterprise until they have brought the French so low that they will not be able to trouble your lordship any more. I answer them that if they do so it will confer no less a benefit on his Imperial Majesty and on the king than on you, and that you and the others will be perpetually indebted to them for this boon.
Neutrality is maintained for Monsieur the Prince and his country between the English and the French. If they find a man of the country, they do him no harm, unless he is a soldier. If they are found taking victuals to the camp, these are taken away, and nothing more.
Bethune, the 8th September, 1513.
[Italian.]
Sept. 10.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
653. The Protonotary Caracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The English cardinal and the ambassador have told me that his Holiness has most warmly urged them to write to their king to get him to assist armis et consilio, so that whatever happens your Excellency may remain Duke of Milan, and if others wish to seduce him from this intention, that his Majesty will not only refuse his assent, but dissuade them, because his Holiness cannot possibly desire this more than he does, for the sake of justice, from the singular affection he bears you and for the quiet of Italy. I thanked their lordships for the communication and begged them to do as his Holiness desired, although I swore to them that I had not spoken of this or caused any one else to speak, because your lordship has the most unbounded faith and hope in their king, that he will never fail you.
The Bishop of Feltro, Messer Laurentio Campegio, destined to the emperor, and the Archbishop of Salerno, destined to the King of England, have excellent commissions for your lordship's affairs. It only remains for us to have Parma and Piacenza and the fortresses, and I hope this will ensue speedily. God Almighty has placed us in the state and he will preserve it for us.
I must not forget to advise that the English cardinal and ambassador, with whom I have a close understanding and who love your Excellency, have told me that it would be well for you to send some one to their king. I assure them that you have always intended to do so, and that you rely implicitly upon the patronage of his Majesty, but that your expenses have been so heavy, as indeed their lordships know, that frequently you have been short of bare necessities and of food itself; and that is why you have not sent before. But I hope you will send soon to offer congratulations on his complete victory and consequently upon his most just claims. They answered me that you would be well advised to write to him some well conceived letter because they know what importance their king attaches to all these acts, and so do his other councillors, who govern (perche epsi sano quanto quel Re tene cuncto de questi effecti et cusi li altri signori consiglieri soi quali governano).
Rome, the 10th September, 1513.
[Italian.]
Sept. 13.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
654. Paulo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The most serene King of England the day before yesterday about five o'clock in the afternoon, entered this place armed with some two hundred men at arms and his guards, besides the barons and many of his nobility, with great pomp. His Majesty wore a white tunic over his armour and thirteen boys went before him. The horses had trappings of solid (fn. 6) silver and their cloths were of rich gold on the left side and the other half of black velvet, with numerous gold stripes and the fleurs-de-lys of France. Many barons and leading men of this place went to meet him, with Monsieur de Panastin. The emperor also went an hour outside the gate to meet him, and then returned alone to his quarters, before the king. Such was the king's entry, and he was lodged in the palace of the prince, where Madame also is staying. She also went to meet him on the palace staircase and made him a deep reverence, while he bowed to the ground to her.
Every one supped at his quarters. Those of the king consisted of four rooms adorned with Madame's tapestries, worked with gold, and that of the king of rich gold brocade, the adornment worn by Madame of Spain. The bed furnishings were likewise all of gold and very splendid, with the device and arms of Spain. I hear that Madame rose from the banquet in her quarter, took her plate with her and went to sup with the king, accompanied by some of her principal damsels, notably Madame the Bastard. The king danced with her from the time the banquet finished until nearly day, in his shirt and without shoes (con le quale el Re danzoe, poi dopo la cena sin a presso el giorno e in zupone et senza scarpe). And that night he gave them a beautiful diamond in a setting of great value. The emperor allowed the king to divert himself that night without doing anything more. He only saw him immediately after the banquet, as he was lodged next door at the palace without, from which he had a private door of entry.
Very late yesterday morning, after the king's mass, I was introduced to him by his ambassador to the emperor, and paid him my respects in his chamber in the presence of about eight of his leading men. I presented the letters of credence from your lordship, and read them word for word. I then set forth to his Majesty what your Excellency committed to me to say to him in your name, as well as I knew how, especially about your very great indebtedness towards him for the great and glorious expedition he is making against the common enemy, for which his Majesty is judged the elect and chosen of God for the preservation of the Church. I spoke of his virtue and the release of Italy from the hands of the tyrants, especially the state of your Excellency, as well as that of the prince, his brother-in-law.
On this account, your lordship, among the other princes benefitted by his magnificent display, was anxious to express your gratitude for so many benefits received, but you could not do anything for the moment, because your funds were absolutely exhausted. However, you placed your state and person at his disposition, and for the rest you begged him to be of good courage about his enterprise, because it was most just, and so God would favour and assist it and in the end would make his Majesty victorious and content to his perpetual glory. He could be the more certain of this since he had the assistance of the consummate advice and good support of his Imperial Majesty, the son of Mars. I said some more, as well adapted to the purpose as I could, in order to lead his Majesty on as much as possible, and finally, I begged him to keep your Excellency in his protection as usual, as every good and honour that he does to your lordship will, undoubtedly, redound to his own glory.
The king listened gladly to all that I had to say in the name of your Excellency, and said he thanked you for the visit, which had given him great pleasure. He also thanked you for your good will towards him, which he did not think could be otherwise, since he loved your Excellency like a brother, especially because of the spirit you had shown against the common enemies. For the rest he said he had answered in his reply to the letters which he would cause to be given to me as soon as possible. With this he put off our discussion to another time, as he was then in a hurry to go and dine and dance afterwards. In this he does wonders and leaps like a stag. Accordingly, I left his Majesty, who is wonderfully merry (con questo se remise a parlare insieme un'altra volta per havere alhora fretta de andare a disnare et dopoi danzare, nel che fa maraviglia et salta como uno cervo, cosi lassai sua Maesta tanto alegra che maraviglia).
I made another visit to my Lord of Winchester and spoke for your Excellency. I apologised for not having letters of credence to him, saying that it was probably due to my not having advised your Excellency of his quality and rank. He replied thanking your Excellency, and remarking that his king loved you like a brother. Whatever he personally could do to serve your lordship he would do with all his heart. I thanked him in a becoming manner and once more begged him to keep your Excellency in the good grace of his king, in whom you confided, and for whom you would always most readily do any pleasure or service in your power.
Last Saturday, the 10th inst., the camp was set at Tournay, as related above. On the following night the people of the place, about 1,200 men of the populace, made a sally, in the expectation of cutting off Monsignor de Ligni, with his companies, and the Bastard Damery, (fn. 7) who were quartered near the place to prevent any succour from the French, if they chose to come. As Monsignor drove the men of Tournay towards our men, they were forthwith attacked and more than half of them were slain, but few being taken. Accordingly, the people of the place were filled with fear, and the nobles and rich merchants wished to surrender, but the common people would not hear of it, and chose rather to change the government. The latter offered to pay large sums of money to retain their position, but this was not accepted.
Further, the people of Tournay have burned a number of houses, suburbs and churches near the city, and it is reported that there are many discords among them.
The French are said to have come to St. Quentin in considerable force. We are glad of this as we desire nothing better than to fight. Our men have captured a strong castle and villa, two leagues from Tournay, and are pressing the place closely by degrees.
The Queen of England has written to the king in reply to his letter about the encounter with the French and about the Duke of Longueville, (fn. 8) whom he sent as a present. She says she thanks his Majesty for the good news and for the present of the duke, whom he has sent. She says that she has shown no less prowess than he in fighting the Scots, as his horsemen have taken mounted enemies, whereas her infantry have routed the cavalry, and what is more, a certain English lady has captured three Scottish horsemen. With regard to the gift of the duke, which is truly a great gift, she hopes to surpass the king in this also, and instead of a duke, she hopes to send him a king.
About six o'clock this evening the king went to the camp, or within two leagues of it, and the emperor accompanied him. The king's pages were dressed in the German fashion, the trappings of their horses being of gold fringed with little bells of gold or silver gilt. He did not know how to leave this Court, owing to the great friendship he has already made here, and they say that the king and his leading men, of his graciousness, have given to Madame's damsels many beautiful rings and other things, worth a great sum, but it is impossible to know the truth.
Madame likewise has shown him great honour, and I do not think more could have been done, since he was here in this place. They say that he will make the queen come to Calais.
To-morrow I think they will change the camp and put it in a place better adapted to press the city.
The emperor has gone straight back and I believe he will leave to-morrow, but I want to speak to Madame first.
A servant of the king tells me that England has voted 200,000 payments to the king for this war and something more, for two years. If it is true, as I believe it to be, it is a great matter indeed (uno servitor del Re mi dice che langletera ha stabilito 200,000 paghe per questa guerra al Re, e qualche cosa piu, per due anni, se e vero e gran cosa come credo pero).
Lille (in insulis), the 13th September, 1513.
[Italian.]
Sept. 16.655. Henry VIII, King of England, to Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 9)
Acknowledges the receipt of his affectionate letters and of a similar announcement through his secretary as confirmed by the emperor, who evinced paternal goodwill towards the duke. Compliments him on his endowments, which have been notified by the emperor to him. Ranks the duke, therefore, among his especial friends, and, thinking that he will rejoice at his successes, informs him that since his entry into France he has always been victorious over the common enemies, many of whom he has made prisoners. Has taken their extremely well-fortified city of Terouanne, whence he marched to Tournai, arriving there on the 15th of September. Battered the town and granted a suspension of hostilities for two days for the negotiation of a surrender.
England has been attacked by the King of Scots, who took part with France unmindful of ties of blood and of a formal treaty. He sent 10,000 Scots into England, all of whom were killed or captured by a force not exceeding 1,000 men. Thereupon, the King of Scots in person, with an immense army, invaded England and at the outset took a little old town that was almost tumbling down of itself, unfortified and practically deserted, belonging to the Bishop of Durham. The king then advanced some four miles within the English borders, where, on the 8th of August, he was met by the Earl of Surrey, who had been deputed to coerce the Scots. The fight was long and sharply contested on both sides, but at length the Almighty, avenging the broken treaty, gave victory to the English, who killed a great number of the enemy, including many of their nobles, put the rest to flight, captured all their cannon and plundered the whole camp.
No Englishmen of note have perished, but of the fate of the King of Scots himself no certain intelligence has been received as yet. The Earl of Surrey when tired after the battle having written this much in haste to the queen, promising to transmit more exact details speedily.
The Earl of Surrey's first letters were forwarded by the queen to Tournai, and as yet no further particulars have reached the king, who, however, on their arrival will take care to have them imparted to the duke.
Offers himself as a sincere friend to the duke, and wishes to know his position and what he is doing against their said common foes, expecting joyful tidings.
The camp at Tournai, the 16th September, 1513.
[Signed:] Henricus.
[Countersigned:] And. Ammonius.
Postscript. Since writing the foregoing has received sure intelligence that the King of Scots himself perished in the battle, his body having been found and recognised and taken to the nearest church. He thus paid a heavier penalty for his perfidy than we could have wished.
[Latin.]
Sept. 16.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
656. Paulo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 10)
By the post on the 14th I informed your lordship of what I had done here with the emperor, the King of England, Madame, and the others, in fulfilment of my instructions, received recently from your Excellency, with such other matters as occurred to me. Among other things, I wrote how so far I had merely paid my respects to Madame and presented the letters of credence, postponing a conference and more satisfactory audience until after the departure of the emperor and king, with whom I had so much to negotiate.
Accordingly, when the emperor and king had gone I went immediately to Madame and told her all that your lordship committed to me, with remarks that I thought suitable, and ending by thanking her for the benefits received in the past, expressing your great obligations to her. Your Excellency had implicit confidence that she had at heart your preservation and restitution, and would always maintain you in the good graces of his Imperial Majesty and the other princes that may be thought necessary, as she knows so well how to do, and has done hitherto, and that she can claim as her own all the advantage and honour that will ensue for your Excellency.
Her Highness listened to what I said with great pleasure and attention. She said she thanked your lordship for the visit and the letters, as well as for your good will and affection towards her. As for the small services she has been able to render to you in the past, she begs your lordship to have patience with her. She would have done more, gladly, if she had been able, and she feels sure she will be able to do more in the future. Your lordship may rely upon her persevering in her good offices with the emperor. She says she had a long conversation with him about the marriage and many other affairs of your Excellency, and she hopes that all will go well for you, as she found you were high in favour with Caesar. For her own part, she would leave nothing undone for your gratification and service, when the time came, as for her good brother. She instructed me to write so on her behalf, and would not say any more.
As for your preservation, she says there is no cause for misgiving, as she considers things here are going so well, and are in such good train, owing to the strong and sincere affection and union between the emperor and the King of England. So your lordship may be of good cheer and within a fortnight these two princes will draw such princes into their league that they will suffice to ruin all your enemies together, or bring them so low that they can do what they like with them. They will make a universal peace, and that accomplished they will all go together against the infidels, and so every one will be content with his friends (questi dui principi fra el termine de quindeci giorni tirarano tali principi in la sua liga 31 che sarano sufficienti a ruinar soi inimici tutti insiemi o metterli si bassi che li farano fare como vorano et farano la pace universale, la qual facta tutti insiemi andarano contra infideli, et cosi ogniuno sera contento de li amici).
I thanked her ladyship for the comfort she gave me and the good news. I had implicit confidence in all that she said, especially where she intervened with her advice, with which she has done so much. If all the other princes who profess friendship had done as much as she has, all our enemies would either be ruined or reduced to submission. I did not know what to say about the Viceroy of Naples, who had abandoned Padua. She answered quickly that a slight suspicion had caused this loss, but it would soon be remedied and all would go well. She told me that your lordship would be included in that confederacy.
I could not gather any further particulars from her about this, so I merely thanked her again for the good news.
After these things I imparted to her ladyship the events of Italy. She was very pleased to hear of the good disposition of the pope for the restitution of Parma and Piacenza.
As regards the good disposition of the Swiss, she said that she believed it, because their entering Burgundy in such great force was an argument of it. They are surrounding Dijon. With this I took leave of her ladyship, who was well pleased with your lordship, to proceed to the camp. Before I left, she told me very graciously, that if I wanted letters or any other help that she could give, I might apply to her at any moment. I thanked her warmly for such affection towards your Excellency, and promised to report everything most faithfully. I know she was very pleased at this, and it has made her even more devoted. So I parted from her, and as I left, Mons. de Borghesi (fn. 11) and my lord the governor commended themselves to your Excellency and offered their services. The former is really very devoted and a good friend.
There is a good deal of talk here about the Bishop of Marseilles, (fn. 12) who is at Rome. They have misgivings about his malice.
To-day I went to the camp to see what they were doing with the city of Tournay. There I was closeted with the emperor and the English ambassador. Having heard that news had arrived from England of a battle between the English and the King of Scotland, who was besieging Arduis, a castle of England captured from the Scots, I asked the ambassador what news his king had to impart from England, especially about this battle. He said it was true that on the 9th inst. the Earl of Surrey, commander-in-chief of the English army against the Scots, had attacked the Scottish camp, which consisted of 50,000 ill-armed men. There was a sharp conflict, and at length the Scots were routed. The King of Scotland could not be found alive or dead. Countless numbers perished on both sides, but the Scottish losses were much the heavier. They have lost their artillery and all the impedimenta of their camp, and have returned to Scotland. The English will go straight after them to ravage their country.
A person in the service of England tells me that quite 18,000 Scots were slain and 10,000 English, but others say that the losses are much less.
Of the English they say that the Earl of Acres (fn. 13) is slain and five other great cavaliers, and countless numbers of the Scottish nobles and captains. I will try and obtain the particulars and send them on as soon as possible. Giovanni Petro Venetianello, a servant of the said king, sends the enclosed to your Excellency about this news, and humbly commends himself to you. This news has been very late in coming, as immediately after the battle, the commander, being very tired, only wrote a few modest words to the king with great difficulty. Owing to this, the king feared that some great misfortune might have overtaken him and did not celebrate the event with great rejoicings. But I heard it immediately and wrote to the Ambassador Messer Andrea as something uncertain. In my belief, Messer Jacobo and many others did not know the news or believe it. If any one suggests this now, he is not popular. I am sorry about the English slain, but never mind, there are plenty more alive.
In this connection the English ambassador (fn. 14) complained to me that his king was left alone against France and the others although he was acting in the interests of others as well as his own. He has 40,000 men under arms in England, 10,000 at sea, and here the force that we know, amounting to quite 100,000 men, all at his sole expense, without help from any one. This was not right, and he said they should take care not to incense his king, inferring that your Excellency should do something. I told him that he must not be put out about this, as your Excellency was more troubled than he, owing to your desire to do something, and your powerlessness. Nevertheless, you did what you could and kept the Swiss in a good temper by the money supplied to them, and they are doing something. The pope also was doing something, and I hoped, that your Excellency would shortly be relieved of the charge of the Swiss, and then you would be able to act effectively. In the meantime, if the differences and affairs of Italy are accommodated, a satisfactory arrangement will be made for assisting his king, as is only reasonable, and at the same time the emperor will act for your Excellency. He told me that his king would make a suitable reply to your lordship's letters, which I presented, and then he turned to converse with the emperor. Nevertheless, they all make good cheer over the victory. I advise your lordship of everything, as it is my duty to do, and I will do my utmost to keep them content and well disposed, as, if they grow cold it will not serve our purpose or that of this country.
The city of Tournay is ready to pay great sums of money; 200,000 ducats down, I am told, and a tribute of 20,000 ducats a year to the emperor or the king, provided they are left in their present state, but this has been refused. To-day they have made a truce, but nothing has been settled as yet, for the artillery made some very good practice this night.
The city is large, and very populous and rich. Our forces surround it, with scarce any danger of attack, because the place is considerably lower than our camp on the French side, and as some sides command the place, they cannot come without fighting. Accordingly, we hope to have the place soon, especially as there are no men at arms of the king inside. The citizens,indeed, have burned all the houses and churches surrounding the place, which has some very high towers in the circuit of its walls, and strong gates, while they have provisions for several months, wide ditches and good walls.
I have just heard that the king is making his third payment to the emperor, amounting, I believe, to 35,000 ducats.
I hear that the French have sallied out of Dijon and have skirmished with the Swiss, many being slain on both sides; but I have no confirmation.
I do not believe that Tournay will surrender soon. They will make an assault, and if they take it, they will make a company of fortune at Terouenne. Some good resolution is expected from Spain, I do not know what it will be. This is all that I can think of at present, except that when the king left here he gave 3,000 crowns to the officials of Madame's household, though I do not know if it is true, and countless jewels to the damsels; and many lords also presented jewels to some of the damsels. The king is said to be still at Amiens, and the Dauphin should have arrived at St. Quentin with the others.
Lille, the 16th September, 1513.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 18.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
657. Paulo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 15)
The day before yesterday I informed your lordship of the confirmation of the victory of the English over the Scots. This is a matter of great and double importance at the moment. Yesterday evening, about six o'clock, when I had gone back to fetch some things that I required at the camp, the King of England came here with about eight or ten horse, no more. Monsieur de Beorghes having returned to his quarters, they went together to Madame, and so last night the king was here, passing almost the whole night in dancing with the damsels. To-day, I understand, he played a great deal at cards with Madame, and then shot with the bow in public at the prince's palace where Madame is lodged. This evening, about half-past-six, when I was returning to the camp, his Majesty returned to the camp with perhaps twenty-five horse, racing and playing games with his attendants (et cost la nocte passata e stato qua danxando con le damiselle quasi tutta la nocte et hogi intendo ha giocato assai con Madama a carte et poi tirato publicamente del arco net palazo del principe ovi e logiata Madama. Questa sera ritornando io dal campo circa 6 et media, sua Maesta retornava al campo con forsi 25 cavalli corendo et jocando con li soi).
I did not speak with him, nor did he see me, as he was on another road, a bow's shot from mine.
I have been to the camp to-day with the emperor, and I again congratulated his Majesty on the news from England. Your lordship's prudence will appreciate the importance of the event, because that enterprise was one of the chief things upon which the French relied for assistance. After this his Imperial Majesty went armed to inspect the city from the side of my Lord of Talbot, accompanied by his people, notably by the Duke of Bavaria, the Count Palatine and my Lord of Ravasten, who is high in his Majesty's favour at present, thanks to Madame. From Talbot the emperor went to the king's quarters, which are placed on the right hand side facing the town, towards the prince's country. In conjunction with the king's captains, he directed the Chamberlain to set his camp in a low place under the walls. There he had the twelve apostles placed, to fire incessantly, and had trenches dug for the heavy artillery which he is having fetched from Malines, and which they say will arrive here the day after to-morrow. He proposes to bombard them on three sides, preparatory to making the assault on three sides, which will help each other very well. From Talbot's camp, which is high, he will fire his guns against the defences of the town. This will be carried out to-day at the eighth hour. His Imperial Majesty is also having a number of mortars fetched to fire into the town and terrify the people.
The camps of the king and Talbot are pitched exactly opposite each other. That of the Chamberlain and my Lord of Ligni, forming one together, will be on the right hand of Talbot, between the two, on the other side of the city. This city is truly great, beautiful and very rich according to universal report. It is said that men of great family are there, with revenues of 6,000 and 8,000 crowns, and many of great wealth. It is reputed the richest city after Paris, and one of the finest and richest in the dominions of the King of France. It is, therefore, said that they lack nothing except to be converted and return to their true God and master, as I hope they will do, either by force or by affection. If they are waiting for force, our camp is rich. The nobles, indeed, and the great merchants would like to surrender, but the people, who could not be more French and powerful, refuse, and they have removed the nobles and great men from the government. Nevertheless, we hope to conquer in the end. The people of the town fire but little, except from the high towers. There are about four of these round the walls, from which they are some distance. They cannot do any harm, because the country round the town is higher than the walls in almost every part, except where the Chamberlain's camp is pitched, which is basso forte.
The French, in order to divert this army, make a show of going to Cambrai, as being an Imperialist town. They have already made their excuses to the Spaniards, saying that the place does not belong to the prince. We believe that they will make a demonstration or will actually go there; but it will be well provided without disturbing this camp. The town of Cambrai is recommended and under the protection of the prince, and therefore, we think it may be asserted that the French have broken the truce with the prince, and consequently with the Catholic King, who will, therefore, be able to do something if he likes.
I am informed on good authority that if it is necessary for the King of England to return to England this winter, after he has remained with the camp as long as possible; either to provide money for the coming year, or to put the finishing touches to the war with the Scots, he will leave a definite and secure provision with the emperor, to keep things going during the winter, of ten or eight thousand foot and six thousand horse. The emperor will not ask for more for the winter, until the king's return. My friend told me that the emperor is perfectly secure, content and happy. Nevertheless, we are not sure yet whether the king will leave. If he does go, they say he will first take Tournay and Garra.
We hope that on the expiry of the truce the King of Spain will break with the King of France. If he does not, we shall not relax our efforts. My friend tells me that your lordship can be of good cheer.

The prince is coming here at this time to visit the king, his brother-in-law. I can think of nothing more, except to mention one marvellous circumstance about the king's camp; they have no women of their own, or so few that they do not appear, and there is practically no gaming among the English, except they play with the king, who plays high and enriches those who play with him. Enough, I hear that the absence of women and gaming among the English is chiefly due to the orders of the Council of England and of the king. The Germans furnish him with everything (in questo campo del Re accade una cosa maravegliosa che non hano nissuna femina de le sue o tanto poche che non se vedeno et non giocano quasi nessuno de loro Anglesi se non col Re, quale gioca molto in grosso et ingrassa chi gioca seco e basta. Questo non tenere e non giocare d'Anglesi, intendo e per ordine del Consilio di Angleterra et del Re principalmente. Li todeschi fornisseno tutti a lui).
Lille, the 18th September, 1513.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 18.
Somarii.
Milan
Archives.
658. Summary of Letter of the 18th September of Dom. Aluysius Marliani.
Of the land of Tarvana.
The emperor understanding that Tournai, an imperial city, was to receive a garrison from the French of 500 men at arms and reflecting that they would be able thence to do a great deal of harm and harass the lands of Prince Charles, took council with the King of England and occupied all the routes by which succour could come and suddenly laid siege to the town, which is divided and without troops to defend it, so they hope to have it soon.
On the 8th inst., after his people had previously been beaten by the English, the King of Scotland entered England in person with all his power. The Earl of Sora hastened to meet him and a battle took place in which the King of Scotland was routed, losing his artillery and baggage, with the death of 20,000 Scots, 600 of the leading men of Scotland being taken, while the English lost 5,000. At the present moment they do not know what has become of the King of Scotland, from which they consider the realm of Scotland lost.
[Italian.]
Sept. 19.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
659. Summary of Letter of Paolo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor. (fn. 16)
On that day news arrived from the King of England to Madame containing how the Queen of England, his consort, had certain news of the death of the King of Scotland, whose corpse was found among the dead, and they removed the gauntlets still on his hands and sent them to his Majesty with the further news that they were sure of the death of more than 18,000 Scots.
Lille, the 19th September, [1513].
[Italian.]
Sept. 22.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
660. Brian Tuke, Clerk of the Signet, to Richard Pace, Secretary of the Cardinal of England. (fn. 17)
A few days ago saw letters both from him and the cardinal, implying doubts of the king's success. Attribute this in part to the mere lies which he may have heard from the French and their partisans, and partly to the English Cabinet, which omitted to write to the cardinal, though he is of opinion that if he owed so much to any mortal, as our Most Christian king did to God, he should consider that his shoulders were heavily burdened, as all their undertakings had succeeded more prosperously than he could have imagined.
First of all, on quitting England they found the weather very mild. Secondly, the army, although composed of heterogeneous nations, was so well agreed, and unanimous and so utterly free from dissensions as to defy exaggeration. Thirdly, no epidemic of any sort assailed so numerous an army. Fourthly, such was the plenty of provisions, that 20,000 men were living in the camp in time of war, far more cheaply than they lived at home in time of peace. Fifthly, they had many friends who were of the greatest help to them, the chief of these being the emperor, who, with many princes and other great lords, remained there constantly. Sixthly, in every direction they gained victories hitherto unparalleled, being always against many and always coming off victorious, a proof of the divine assistance.
In order to give him a fuller account of their proceedings than was contained in the letters of the king, who wished rather to diminish than exaggerate, informs him that the king gave Terouenne to the Emperor, whose commanders burned the whole city after the departure of the English troops, with the exception of the cathedral. The population, warned by the king, carried off all their effects to the neighbouring towns. Such was the end of Terouenne, of late so impregnable a stronghold.
This done, the king went to Lille on a visit to the Lady Margaret, to which very great spectacle all the noble lords and ladies and the merchants of Flanders, Holland and Brabant crowded, and received his Majesty in very great triumph. On the following Tuesday the king returned to the army, then on its march to besiege Tournai intending to begin on the 15th, where they found the suburbs burned, but the neighbouring towns and villages so well supplied with wheat and barley and other daily necessaries, that each of the king's soldiers would have enough for himself and his horse for the next eighteen weeks. The city was then blockaded on every side, and the army built winter dwellings for themselves, of which a great part have chimneys. Tournai is large and beautiful, the largest city in all Flanders, and the most populous of any on that side of Paris. Have stormed one gate, inside of which the king's troops have established themselves. The castle has been battered down by the artillery. Within the city there are no soldiers, but a great amount of peasantry and butchers, without any commander-in-chief. The besieged think themselves strong enough to resist the whole world, because they have a very great amount of cannon; but they suffer from a scarcity of provisions, and he believes, lack powder. The besiegers walk close to the walls daily, and the king himself does so occasionally, for three hours and a half at a time. The English ordnance was planted in the trenches, and the enemy having twice sought a parley, it was granted for two days. During this time the besiegers did not abstain from visiting the trenches, and the enemy pointed a gun to intimidate them. Thereupon the king ordered all the ordnance to play upon the city, and this was done so incessantly that the walls were well nigh levelled with the ground. The besieged then again demanded a parley, though the cannon continued to play, as the king will not lose a moment of time. At any rate, the place is gained. It manufactures excellent carpets and table covers, and will prove very useful for the king, as Burgundian and Rhenish wines can conveniently be brought thence to England. On this account the dwellings now built as already described and which occupy an area more than thrice the size of Tournai itself, will be left standing.
The French army is at so great a distance from the English that no breeze can bring them any news of it.
Have sent a message full of comfort to the schismatic king, thus:
The King of Scots, of all men the most perfidious, has been killed in fair fight by the Earl of Surrey, who attacked the king's own camp in a certain forest called Bermuiwood in England, all the nobility of Scotland being slain with the king. In the conflict 10,000 Scots were slain, and as many more in the flight. The battle was fought on the 9th of this month. All the ordnance of the Scots, their tents and the rest of their baggage were taken, the course of the whole business being as follows:
On the eve of St. Bartholomew the false and perjured King of Scots invaded England, and took the castle of Norham, not without shame to certain persons, razing it to the ground. He then led his army towards Berwick, burning the villages in every direction. The Earl of Surrey, Lord Dacres, Earl Latimer (Comes Latavier), Scrope (Scopre), and other great personages of those parts had not yet mustered, but each made such haste that on the 7th of September the Earl of Surrey summoned and challenged the aforesaid perjured King of Scots to give battle on the following Friday. Such was the reliance placed by that king on his French and Scottish commanders, that he thought all England together would not dare to oppose him; but the Earl of Surrey kept his engagement and promise. Lord Howard, the admiral, having heard that the King of Scots most boastfully proclaimed that he had long sought him by land and sea, as one who from fear always fled and avoided battle, quitted the royal fleet, left a deputy in command, forthwith landed and sent a message to the perjured King of Scots that he would lead the van of the army, not on horseback, but on foot, lest he should be supposed a craven and a runaway. He moreover warned the King of Scots not to take him alive, as he had determined not to capture any Scot, however noble he might be, even were it the king himself, but to kill him; promises which were fulfilled.
Accordingly on the appointed day the army attacked the Scots, whose forces were assembled on the summit of an hill, at the distance of a mile from its base, the hill being so strengthened and defended by ordnance that the assailants were obliged to wade through a certain marshy pass, leaving the guns in the rear.
The army of the Scots formed five lines in square battalions, representing the figure of a spear head; all being equidistant from the English army, which was divided into two lines with two wings. In spite of the Scottish artillery, which inflicted little or no damage, Lord Howard marched to the foot of the hill where he halted a short time, until the other wing of the rearguard had joined the last of his lines.
Thereupon the Scots came down the hill in very good order after the German fashion, with iron spears in masses. The Earl of Huntly, the Earl of Airlie and the Earl of Crauford broke upon Lord Howard. This force all perished, including the earls.
The perjured King of Scots attacked the Earl of Surrey, at whose side Lord Darcy's son was following; near him Lord Maxwell, a Scot, with Lord Herries, his brother, were killed, and practically all the rest of the Scottish nobles, the list of whose names had not yet been received. In these two engagements no prisoners were made, no quarter given. The Earl of Hauewes and the Earl of Argyle, with a very great force attacked Sir Edward Stanley, who slew the greater part of them. Lord Edmund Howard, who led his brother's right wing, was assailed by the Chamberlain of Scotland. He was thrice felled by the Chamberlain to the disgrace of his soldiers, who were cowards, but Lord Dacres succoured him with fifty horse. The Chamberlain of Scotland alone got home alive, although like the rest he lost all his men.
After the performance of these feats the entire army of the Scots took to flight. The rout began at noon and lasted until night. The English halbardiers decided the whole affair, so that in this battle the bows and ordnance were of little use. Only one English gentleman, an obscure knight, fell; the rest of the killed did not amount to four hundred.
Of the Scots upwards of 10,000 men were captured and slain in flight, and as many were killed on the battle field.
At the time of this engagement Lord Lovel was at Nottingham with 15,000 men, on his march towards Scotland, the queen being already forty miles beyond London with 40,000.
The Scots numbered in reality 60,000 men, though there were said to be 80,000. The English were 40,000, though reported to be only 30,000; and this is the end of James, late King of Scots, of all mankind the falsest.
In the pouch of a noble Scot who perished, a written paper was found of the following tenor:
To the western seaport of Dunbar the King of France sent to James IV, King of Scots: first, 25,000 gold crowns of full weight; also forty cartloads of powder; two pieces of great ordnance called cannons; 6,000 culverins with shot for them; a ship laden with 400 arquebuses and 600 hand culverins, with shot for them; a ship laden with bombards and other engines, including 6,000 spears, 6,000 maces and the same number of pikes; as well as a knight, Dansi by name, with fifty men-at-arms in heavy armour, and forty captains to command the soldiers.
Tournai, the 22nd September.
[Italian.]
Sept. 22.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
661. Brian Tuke, Clerk of the Signet, to Richard Pace, Secretary to the Cardinal of England. (fn. 18)
After the king's letters had been written, he detained them for three hours, to announce the result of the parley granted to the citizens of Tournai. In the meanwhile another courier arrived from England with news that all the Scottish nobility fell in the battle, to wit, eleven earls, fifteen barons, an archbishop (St. Andrew's, I suppose), two bishops and the king's secretary, the French ambassador, Mons. de la Motte, and a great many other nobles.
The rent surcoat of the King of Scots, stained with blood, has been sent to Tournai, it was chequered in the English fashion.
The traitor Scots, who dare not face England when the king was there, and sought to destroy her in his absence, have paid a heavy penalty.
Yesterday this opulent, strong, fair and extensive city of Tournai surrendered. It might have been stormed, the English having battered down the castle, and forced one of the gates, of which they kept possession; but the king most graciously granted the abject and pitiful prayers of the besieged, who requested permission to surrender it to him and his heirs; and the emperor renounced all claims upon it in favour of our Most Christian king, who is to enter the city in triumph on the morrow. After thanksgivings to God there will be tournaments. The king on his entry receives 100,000 ducats, besides a great many other presents derived from the spontaneous civility of the citizens. The king is also to receive 10,000 ducats annually, besides the royalties belonging to the city.
We have now the city of Terouenne, which was called the king's treasury, and Tournai, on whose walls was inscribed La pucel sens reproche, that is, the unsullied maiden. The king's treasury is burned and this maiden has lost her maidenhood.
I am greatly fatigued, writing good and joyful news, thank God, in every direction.
We also took five other walled towns, which no one here thinks anything of because of the magnitude of other matters.
If, as is supposed, the queen be with child, we owe very much to God.
Tournai, the 22nd September.
[Latin.]
Sept. 23.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
662. Paulo da Lodi, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The day before yesterday I advised your lordship of the surrender of the city of Tournay, but without further particulars. I now report that I have heard that the city has capitulated to the king, with the consent of the emperor, that its condition, privileges and exemptions shall be preserved, and all the conditions which prevailed under the King of France. That the men of Tournay shall be bound to do homage to the king and take the oath of fealty, with the consent of the emperor. That the city, in consideration of the expenses incurred by the emperor and the king, shall pay down at least 100,000 florins, some say more.
I can write nothing for certain about the walls, as I have not yet been able to obtain a copy of the articles, I hope to have them and will send them at once to your lordship. They will contain numerous other conditions.
The king tells the emperor that he is making his entry into Tournay to-morrow, with great pomp from the citizens. No one has entered the city as yet, except a few men of the king. I believe he has sent some men in to-day.
Now they have won the city, I believe they will go in search of the enemy, who, from what I hear, are greatly increased in numbers, and are doing a great deal of destruction in Monsieur's country in many places, plundering and taking all they can lay their hands on. The neutrality between France and this country is considered broken.
After dinner to-day, I heard indirectly that the Swiss have come to terms with the French, saving your lordship; and Messer Jacobo confirmed this. I do not know how the emperor will take it. I will speak to the emperor and see what he says. The post is leaving now. I cannot do anything if he expresses astonishment about your lordship over the Swiss. I must leave you to reflect upon the matter. These last nights, I am told, the French about here have lighted bonfires everywhere.
Madame is to come to Tournay. It is said that the marriage with the sister of the English king will be confirmed shortly. The King of England told me that while I was at Lille to confer with Madame, he thought I had returned to your lordship, since he did not find me here, and he has sent his reply to your letter, with the good news. I thanked him suitably.
The king is as eager for war as a lion, and greatly desires to fight the French (el prefato Re e disposto alla guerra como uno lione et molto desidera combatere con li Francesi). I understand that the French are strengthening themselves, but I do not know what will happen about the Swiss.
It is feared that the king may go home this winter to obtain money. He will leave the camp here in the meantime with the emperor, and a good provision of money, but I cannot say for certain. In a fortnight's time I shall be better able to give the particulars.
It has been remarked to me that your Excellency takes no account of the servants given you by the emperor and Madame. I make a suitable reply to the best of my ability.
In the camp before Tournay, the 23rd September, 1513.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 24.663. Henry VIII, King of England, to Massimilliano Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 19)
Answered his most loving letters a few days ago, but now sends these present, which are practically copies.
Announces the surrender of Tournai on the 23rd.
From our city of Tournai, the 24th September, 1513.
[Signed:] Henricus.
[Countersigned:] And. Ammonius.
[Latin.]
Sept. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
664. Paulo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The French are not molesting the county of Burgundy at all, and the Swiss are not making any other league or obligation towards them. Don Petro Vier has spoken with me at length on this subject. He remarked that the King of England will now see how he can get along successfully without his king, as though trusting to the Swiss he had never chosen to keep his promise he had made for the payment of certain infantry. He will be forced to do so now, if he wishes for success, otherwise he will achieve nothing of importance. If that king wants to carry on this enterprise alone, he must spend more than he is doing at present, and even then he will do nothing without his king, who would make war with 15,000 infantry, 1,500 lances and 1,500 landsknechts if he had the promise of those 6,000 Biscayan infantry, since the Catholic king cannot incur such great expenses without the consent of the kingdom of Spain. I replied that the emperor had told me several days ago that they had come to an arrangement about those 6,000 foot. He said it was true that the emperor, seeing the King of England obstinate about not paying them, suggested that he should pay half, while the King of England paid the other half, but the Catholic king would not accept this because he does not want the emperor to send of his own in this, but to keep his money, and so the matter remained unsettled. It is three months since the man sent by his king here post for that arrangement has been here without ever being despatched. I remarked that it seemed very extraordinary to me that no remedy could be found for such a small matter. He replied that it was as he had said, the king thought he could get along without the Spaniards with the help of the Swiss, and now he recognises his error. Nevertheless, if that king is willing all will be well, even without the Swiss.
The king and his people have decided to hold a fine jousting here at the present time, and they are asking for the things required to make some show of rejoicing for these victories. When the jousting is over, the king will return to England to make arrangements for the war in the future, and in the spring he will return at once hither.
The Ambassador of England has also been to see me, and he spoke at some length about this news of the Swiss. He remarked that his king was acting like another Codrus, who made war solely for the benefit of his neighbours and friends, and not for his own advantage; thus his king has so far waged the war for the pope and for the benefit of your Excellency and not his own. Nevertheless, he hopes that the present pope and your Excellency will not be ungrateful, although he says that this pope is rather cold and he laments the death of Pope Julius. I replied that there was no reason to fear that your Excellency would ever be ungrateful to his Majesty, whenever it was in your power to prove your gratitude, and you deeply regretted that you had not the power to demonstrate your good will, as in that case you would have supplied something more than fair words to help the enterprise against the French, and because of your indebtedness and desire to avenge yourself for the injuries received. I asked his lordship to believe this and persuade his king of the same, assuring his Majesty that he would never find your Excellency ungrateful, as you acknowledged your great indebtedness for the immense benefits you have received from this just and glorious expedition against France, for which God Almighty will render him content, owing to the merit of the preservation of the Church and of your Excellency who have been scandalously outraged by France. For the rest, whenever it may please his Majesty to make proof of your Excellency's sentiments and gratitude in anything within your power he will find you generous and noble, and they will also find you more ready than they possibly expect. Any shortcomings on your part in the war against France have arisen from lack of power not of will. His Majesty will reap satisfaction and glory for having helped such a prince, just as much as for helping the Church, even if he derives no further advantages from this enterprise, although, if he keeps his spirit high, there is no doubt but he will achieve his desired intent.
With these and similar considerations I cherished his good will, especially as I also told him that if your Excellency obtains your fortresses and powers, can satisfy the Swiss and have a little breathing space, you will amply make up for past shortcomings.
In spite of the bad news, the ambassador was quite satisfied; and when I remarked that even with the fortresses of Milan and Cremona your Excellency could not be secure unless you also had that of Genoa he said that it was very important. We continued our conversation from the castle, where the emperor is, right up to the city, which we reached together.
With respect to the terms made by the city with the king, he told me that the city paid 50,000 crowns down to the king and then 10,000 for four years, and thereafter as to the King of France in the past, to wit, 3,000 crowns a year to make a fortress; he made no other remarks about it and said there was nothing else. He said this although the king has left 4,000 or 5,000 men as a garrison to guard the city. It is indeed a great, handsome, and powerful city, and from what I hear I believe they will make Mons. de Moluno or the Protonotary Mole its bishop.
This city has fine walls, ninety-eight great towers, about fifty to sixty paces apart in my opinion, the gates with double towers by very strong bastions, the ditches not very deep, and double walls, that is to say, a second wall in the middle of the city, with large gates and ditches and good towers enclosing the city. The remaining part outside is called “villa.” The market place is very large and handsome, and they will hold the tournament there. The houses about it are good, the churches very fine, and the people rich from what I hear. A fine river called the Schelde, flowing from Ghent passes through the middle of the town and supplies it abundantly with food and merchandise. On one side it has the frontiers of Hainault, on another those of Flanders, and on the third those of Artois. In front is the road to France. It has seven gates and no citadel.
They say that one body of the French is at St. Quentin; another which went to besiege Cambrai has retired, and a third is near Amiens. They say the king is ill in bed and the captains will not obey Palye and demand Angoulême as their leader.
Tournai, the 27th September, 1513.
[Italian; the words in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 27.
Potenze
Estere.
Svizzeri.
Milan
Archives.
665. Agostino Paravisini, Milanese Ambassador with the Swiss, to Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The imperial ambassador returned to-day. I have seen him and spoke about the peace and no mention being made of Caesar. He told me he had received letters from Caesar, and among other things he informed me in secret that he is to give the lords here to understand, in the name of his Majesty, that he is at one with the Kings of Spain and England, each of whom is sending ambassadors here for a good understanding and a new confederacy with them, while deciding on a good provision for them; but this is kept secret. He asked that your Excellency should write to the pope to get him to send his ambassador the bishop here, at once, to assist this business.
Zurich, the 27th September, 1513.
[Italian.]
Oct. 3.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
666. Hieronimo Morono, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Cardinal of England has written to me to confirm the victory over the King of Scotland, and the good progress against the French at Tournai. He adds that your Excellency will do well to urge the Swiss, if they make peace with France, not to give infantry against the King of England. I told him that I did not doubt you would do everything possible.
The English secretary here, in speaking of the good qualities and beauty of the King of Scotland's wife, gave a hint that she would make a good wife for your Excellency, especially as she is not barren, as she has borne a son to her late husband.
Rome, the 3rd October, 1513.
[Italian.]
Oct. 6.
Potenze
Estere.
Svizzeri.
Milan
Archives.
667. Agostino Paravisini, Milanese Ambassador with the Swiss, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The imperial ambassador went into the diet this morning and again announced that Caesar, the Catholic and the King of England wished to have a good understanding with them and would give as much as any one else for their Swiss troops. At his request, they appointed another diet for Sunday fortnight, when the ambassadors of the kings should be here, as well as the pope's.
Zurich, the 6th October, 1513.
[Italian.]
Oct. 9.
Potenze
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
668. Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Henry VIII, King of England. Regi britanno:
Accepimus Majestatis vestrae litteras [humanitatis et benivolentiae plenas] quibus nobis que ad earn diem auspiciis suis tam adversus gallos communes hostes, quam scotos [qui rupto foedere ejus regnum invaserunt] non minus fortiter quam feliciter gesta erant, perscribit. Gaudemus mirum in modum fortunam id, quod tamen dubitandum non erat, justae causae subscripsisse, et eam de communibus hostibus victoriam dedisse, que ab fortissimo exercitu et duce artis bellice scientissimo jure expectanda erat, sed hec quamquam preclara sunt, minora tamen proculdubio iis sunt, que de praestanti Majestatis vestre ac ejus exercitus virtute nobis pollicemur. Nam non modo superbos et feroces hostium animos domaturam Maj. vestram semper existimavimus, sed ita etiam cum eis acturam ut cum [insignibus] calamitatibus fracti, supplices pacem petierant preclare secum atcum putent, si illa impetrata regni particulam, qua spiritum [precarium] ducant, obtinuerint. Deo itaque opt. max. ut etiam Maj. vestra [litteris suis] se velle ostendit gratias et publice et privatim egimus, nec id tantum pro victoria parta, quam ut quod belli reliquum est, prospere et ex comuni sententia succedat, quod cum propter causam quam Majestas vestra fovet justitiam, tum propter exercitus fortitudinem et ducis in re bellica scientiam futurum quamquam [omnis] belli mars est comunis et varii illius eventus, nobis pro certo spondere posse jure videmur. Hec ad res [a Maj. Vestra] gestas [cui gratias immortales agimus quod nobis tam amanter litteris suis que prospera contigerant enumeraverit et simul rogamus ut in futurum nobis cum hoc officium continuet nam et nos si quis illius officii noticia dignum accident prestabimus].
Quod autem ad nos attinet, rerum nostrarum status hic est. Profligatis apud Novariam gallis, cum reliquias belli, hoc est, eos, qui cum illis consenserant bello persequeremur, nonnulli ex iis, quod eos facti peniteret facta deditione, in gratiam nobiscum rediere: non nullos qui adhuc contumaces et rebelles spiritus gerebant de bellavimus, inter quos Bernabas marchio [Malaspina], qui hoc bellum maxime aluerat, et alecsandrinis, ut a nobis deficerent, author in primis fuerat, expugnatis arcibus, quibus se continebat, vivus captus cum popularibus sceleris perfidie poenas luit: quo sublato [quibus e medio sublatis] res nostrae ex illa parte quiete [in tranquillo] fuere. De Venetis autem, qui soli in Italia gallorum partes fovent, et qui ex altera parte presidio, quod in oppido Crema validum [firmissimum] imposuerant, rebus nostris nocumento esse poterant, ita hac una pugna, que apud ulmum, qui locus in agro vicentino ab [urbe] Vicentia tribus milibus passuum distat, biduo ante quam hec scripsimus, gesta est [conserta fuit], res illorum accisse sunt ut nihil ab eis in futurum nobis timendum sit. Nam in hac pugna supra quingentes equites partim caesos, partim captos esse accepimus, peditum vero et equitum levis armature major etiam pars tendit ductoribus [majorem partem esse desideratam, ex ductoribus].
Rangonus et Hermes Bentivolus confossi vulneribus ocubuere. Manfredus, vulneribus confectus, vivus tamen est, etitem Mercurius equitum levis armature prefectus in cesarei exercitus potestatem venere. Tormenta vero omnia ad unum capta; qui pugne superfuere, trepidi et pallentes alii alia Patavium petiere, hos insecutus Cesareus exercitus nullum respirandi tempus nec animi resumendi dedit. Itaque, hac nobili pugna de nomine veneto actum esse putamus, etsi rebus nostris quam maxime valore esse non negamus, quod ab eis propter imperii propinquitatem nos minime lodi poterant, est tamen etiam in eo cur Maj. vestra nobiscum letetur cum hac cladi venetis illata spes, quam galli conceperant et post quod armis venetis cesareas et italicas vires sese distructuros; hac spe dejectis, multum de illorum animus detractum sit. Quod et si rebus nostris quam ac totius Italie quam maxime quam plurimos cecidisse nonnullos vivos in exercitus potestatem venisse tormenta que magna vis erat, omnia ad unam capta. Bartholomeum Alvianum qui exercitum ducebat turpi fuga saluti sue consuluisse et reliquos qui cladi superfuere trepidos et pallantes patavium petisse hoc insecutum cesareum exercitum nullum non modo consistendi sed ne respirandi quidem tempus aut animi resumendi dedisse itaque hac nobili clade de nomine veneto actum esse putamus in qua plurimum germanorum et hispanorum virtus enituit si ut existimamus victor exercitus victorie beneficio uti sciverit et perteritis institerit nec illis hostibus spatium vires resumendi prebuit quam rem et si quam maxime rebus nostris utilitati futurum esse non negamus quod esse ab Venetis ob imperii conserva plurimum ledi poterant est tamen in eo cur etiam Majestas vestra nobiscum letetur, cum hac clade Venetis illata non modo omnis gallorum spes, quam animo conceperant se armis Venetis cesareas, hispanas et italicas vires distenturos evanescat. Sed has quoque vires hispanas que huic bello addicte et obnixie erant, nunc sese in gallos versuras et bellum illis acre moturas sperare possit quod in conficiendo bello quod Majestas vestra cum gallis ipsis gerit plurimum profuturum nemo est qui nesciat.
Reliquum est igitur ut Majestatem vestram quam maxime rogemus ut huic operi tam felicibus auspiciis inchoato ac proprie absoluto tanquam fastigium imponat et tam justi et necessarii belli perfecti gloriam penes se esse velit. Nam non in ultimis laudem illius fuerit se Italiam provinciarum omnium nobilissimam a teterrimo atque fedissimo servitutis gallorum jugo quo multo annos premebatur ab ea libertatem vestre Majestati nos resque nostras maxime commendamus, quas ut in aere suo reponat etiam atque etiam petimus. (fn. 20)
[Draft.]
Oct. 11.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
669. Paulo de Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
To-day the king celebrated the tilting after dinner, which the weather honoured by a constant downpour, by no means slight. The king and Lord Lisle, his favourite, made a most distinguished entry, and ran very well. They were dressed in the most sumptuous manner imaginable. The king wore a vest over his armour which he has worn before, though it is of great beauty, of velvet of divers colours with embroidered stripes of gold, really exquisite, a white veil hanging down behind his helmet. The horse carried no armour and not many trappings, but it was all gold.
Lord Lisle wore a vest charged with stripes of beaten gold, considered a remarkable thing. Mons. de Gualana (fn. 21) wore an overvest of cloth of gold charged with bells of gold, and his horse likewise, of great richness. Mons. de Nanso (fn. 22) was dressed in blue and silver. The Bastard of Bourbon also was very sumptuous. The king's footmen wore doublets of gold and black velvet; his favourite's had white; those of Mons. de Gualana yellow and grey, and others had various colours. The judges of the tournament were Mons. de Berghesen and Mons. de Ramastin. I have not yet heard what the prize was. Those who ran the best course were the king, his favourite and Mons. de Gualana, but the king had the honour of having done best, and without flattery we all say that he has done excellently and broken many lances.
The king had his pavilion of brocade set up on one side of the tilting ground as a place for rest and privacy. The prince and Madame stood at a window … other nobles who were not tilting, and there was a crowd of people. The lances broken were really large. There were only the lists of planks, and no barrier at the sides, except that which kept off the multitude of bystanders. The rain indeed spoiled all the sport, but they did not give up on that account, and continued to run even without their shields; but the lists were very high.
At the conclusion of the tilting, the king, as the victor, was taken round the circle of the lists, without his helmet, in most honourable fashion. He was fresher after this awful exertion than before. I do not know how he can stand it. He is never still or quiet, he is so vivacious and pleasant (et era piu fresco che prima d'una fatica de Diavolo, non scio como la possi durare, non sta mai fermo ne quieto con la persona, tanto e vivido e familiare).
After the king had been round the lists, every one went away to his quarters. The king went to disarm, and then proceeded to Madame, where the prince was also, I hear. I believe he supped with them and that night he danced a long while. I have seen him dance magnificently in the French style, in his doublet and play the virginals and the flute in company most creditably, affording great pleasure to all those present. He is very popular with his own people, and, indeed, with all, for his qualities (io l'ho veduto danzare magnificamente alla francese et in zupone et sonare il clavacimbolo et li flavuti in compagnia, molto dignamente et con gran piacere de tutti li circumstanti. E amato molto da li soi et da tutti veramente per le sue vertute).
The day after to-morrow the king, prince and Madame will go to Lille, as the king is thus tactfully directing himself towards his voyage. He has already sent many companies, some by way of Ghent, who will go by water.
I have visited my Lord of Winchester in the name of your Excellency. He gave me a cordial welcome and spoke freely of the good will of his king towards your Excellency, saying that your fortunes were now common, and it is, therefore, necessary to see through the league arranged at Rome and include your lordship for one thing and in good time to take action. He told me that Madame works hard for this, and so they hope that all will go well. For the rest, he says that wherever he can serve your Excellency, he will do so gladly, and it is not necessary to commend your affairs to his king, because he considers you as a brother and loves you greatly.
I thanked him for his good comfort, and assured him that you would always try and do his king's pleasure and not show yourself ungrateful, and you were anxious also to do something for the good offices which that prelate had performed for you with the king. My Lord of Winchester also related what he had done with the king and the letters he had given him, telling him of the demonstration your lordship had made against your rebels. The king was very pleased at everything, and said that your lordship had done well to punish the evil doers as an example to the others. As regards the letters given to the king, he said he would see that an answer was sent; and so I left him, with the intention to take leave of the king as soon as possible in order to return to the emperor.
News has reached the king here that the Scots have made the son of their dead monarch king, and that the queen, in her grief at the death of her husband, said she would make war on her brother, to avenge the death of her husband. This is not considered likely, but we feel sure that the king, when he goes back this time, will arrange matters very satisfactorily on that side.
It is also reported that the English fleet, a fortnight ago, captured fifteen Scottish ships and three French, and the largest had withdrawn to Brest in Brittany; but some of the king's people here say they know nothing about it. I will try and find out the truth and inform your Excellency immediately.
Tournay, the 11th October, 1513.
[Italian.]
Oct. 15.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
670. Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Paulo di Laudi, his Ambassador in Germany.
We have received letters from the King of England informing us of his successes. We enclose our reply unsealed. You will seal it up and present it to his Majesty, offering our congratulations and speaking in accordance with what we have written.
Milan, the 15th October, 1513.
[Italian; draft.]
Oct. 15.
Potenze
Estere.
Germania.
Milan
Archives.
671. Paulo da Laude, Milanese Ambassador to the Emperor, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
On the 11th I wrote to your lordship what had happened at Tournay, and chiefly about the tournament and my conversations with the Bishop of Winchester and others. I directed them to Messer Francesco de Taxi, for him to send to Italy at the first opportunity. Since then, the king, the prince and Madame have been expecting at any moment good news of the emperor's return, but it has not yet arrived. Neither has any reply come, because it has not yet reached his Majesty, according to the advices of those sent by the king and Madame, but it is expected at any moment. Owing to this delay, I have importuned Madame to give me leave to return to the emperor, from the fear that he may not return; but she has refused to grant it, saying that I might mistake the way. She had no doubt whatever that his Majesty would return, and she would discuss the matter further with me another time, as she was fully taken up with attending to the affairs of the king. Accordingly, she directed me to go with her to Lille, whither the king and prince also went with her the evening of last Thursday, the 13th inst.,it being the king's intention to leave here the day after to-morrow, to return to England, if the emperor does not come back at once.
On departing from Tournay, the king leaves there the garrison I have written of before, of 4,000 English infantry and 1,000 cavalry, to stop outside the town in places hard by, in order not to straiten the food supply of the city too much. He afterwards left arrangements for the emperor for the maintenance of 2,000 other cavalry and 6,000 German infantry, under the command of his Imperial Majesty. These are to be quartered as near as possible about Tournay, in order to succour the city if the French choose to make any attempt. They say that the king is leaving 200,000 crowns for this purpose, and the emperor has 200,000 little florins from his own dominions for the defence of the country during the coming months. The king has also caused the city to swear fealty into his hands, and to wear his arms on a house of the town, under good custody. But this does not satisfy many wise persons, who would have liked the king to take 200 men of Tournay with him to England, as security for their French magnates. But the king did not care to do this, owing to his great kindness, and because he hoped the city would prove faithful.
On the road from Tournay to Lille the king had the rest of his camp in array. His Majesty himself rode a fine bay horse, on which he performed marvels before Madame and her damsels, on the road. Arrived at Lille, the king gave orders for his men to move on gradually towards Calais; and many are going through Flanders for embarcation, where a large fleet is ready to take away the king and his army.
Being in Lille for this short space, I saw the king yesterday after dinner in Madame's quarters, she also being present. They were standing alone a great while at a window in conversation, I believe about other matters than dancing. When they separated, I took leave of his Majesty to return to the emperor and commended to him your lordship's affairs to the best of my ability. His Majesty told me cheerfully that wherever he could do you a pleasure or a service he would always be delighted. As regards your letter he would have a reply made and sent. About other matters his Majesty did not choose to enlarge much, nor is it his habit; but he referred me to the Bishop of Winchester, who would talk about them more at length. And so I left his Majesty, talking with the damsels and some of his own people, as he did warily in the third (chel faceva cautamente in terzo), though not before I had thanked him in a fitting manner.
After leaving the king I approached Madame to take leave of her also, especially as I had heard that certain letters had arrived which cast doubts upon the return of the emperor. Seeing me standing sadly by, her Highness gave me leave, telling me she hoped that things would go well, particularly as the Catholic king has written that he means to assist the emperor and king once the winter is past, and he will come in the summer. For the rest, she has excellent hopes, but as the emperor's final decision about his return has not yet come, she did not know what to tell me. However, everything will be settled soon. She told me that she wished some one else would speak to Marnix, because she wished to take counsel about the affairs of the king, and she can have no one else. It is true she was perturbed because she had no news of the return of his Imperial Majesty, because of giving offence to the king; but it is nothing.
When I was speaking to Marnix afterwards, he told me nothing, except that they were expecting the emperor's decision about his return, which he considered certain, and he also hoped well of the Catholic king. He would say nothing more, but was very curt with me, because of his brother's affair, which is bitter in his mouth. However, he says that will not prevent him being a good servant to your lordship. I spoke strongly in your lordship's justification, saying in particular that your other servants had not been better treated than his brother, and I also had advanced a great deal of money, because I saw that you had not the resources at present, in the hope that provision will soon be made for everything, as now you are in great necessity because of the Swiss. I said a great deal more. He replied with many complaints, notably that your lordship has not treated all your servants alike, as I stated, but that his brother asks for nothing more at the moment, as Madame has provided him with a good position in her household, which will give him a living. I advised him not to allow his brother to leave your lordship, as in the end he would be fully satisfied. He said he did not know what else to do, and I could say no more, except that I was sorry he was going, as I know that Madame will not have accepted him; however, if he becomes aware of this afterwards, he ought not to take offence on that account.
I have found a courier here, an acquaintance of mine, who has just come from the French camp. He tells me that the king has 16,000 landsknechts only and quite 3,500 lances, divided between Guienne, Boulogne, Monterns, Peronne and Burgundy; and about 1,000 lances are going towards Boulogne and 6,000 infantry to take the King of England if they can; and that Robert de la Marche is going with many more men towards Liege, as they have misgivings about the emperor. They say, however, that he is already tired of the English, but he wanted a little of their money (el quale pero dicevano che era za stracco de Anglesi, ma che haveva voluto uno poco de soi dinari).
Ghent, the 15th October, 1513.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Oct. 16.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
672. The Protonotary Carracciolo and Hieronimo Morono, Milanese Ambassadors at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
We hear that the English army has not yet left Tournai, and that a merchant had come from Scotland who said that the King of Scotland was alive and he had spoken with him.
Rome, the 16th October, 1513.
[Italian.]
Oct. 31.
Potenze
Estere.
Svizeri.
Milan
Archives.
673. Bertho. Ticiono, Count of Clarasci, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
By a letter written to Monsieur de Thornon, Governor of Lyons, from a relation at the Court, he hears the following: that by the report of a servant of Monsignor de Aynay, who was present when the news of the agreement of the king with the Swiss was brought to his Imperial Majesty and the King of England, we hear this agreement greatly irritated and displeased their Majesties as well as all their nobles and captains in general, and all expressed their ill humour. The King of England remarked to the emperor:
My Father, I would give a million angels rather than you should have told me this. It has been a great mistake. However, it is necessary to devise some other remedy. And that the King of England afterwards sent word to the emperor by the Bishop of Winchester that this year and the next he did not wish to spend any more money in making war, unless the marriage and nuptials between his sister and the archduke were arranged and completed; and if his Imperial Majesty would do this, he would stint nothing in the world to please him and help him to recover the lands of the archduke. While the emperor was deliberating about this, the king would go and see the queen, leaving 30,000 men this side of the water under the emperor's command, and taking the rest with him. He added that if the marriage was made, he would cross the sea again next spring, bringing his wife and sister, and would devote himself to finishing off the expedition against France. He had no doubt that he would get back the Swiss by the same means that the King of France had employed to placate them, and lead them against the French. Even if he could not get them, there would be the landsknechts, who are more numerous. He pressed strongly for the conclusion and completion of this marriage. This person had these matters through his friend (El Re de Inghilterra disse a lo imperatore: Mom pere, se me havestovi communicato questo caso, io ve haveria inanti dato uno millione de Angelloti! Questo e stato un gran fallo. Tutavolta bisogna pensar de altro remedio et che da poi esso Re di Inghilterra fece dire a lo imperatore per el vescovo de Vincestre che lui non volea per questo anno ne per el seguente spendere piu denari in far guerra, excepto se le noze e il matrimonio de sua sorella in Monsignor lo Archiduca non se ultimava e adimpiva et che se questo sua Cesarea Maesta faria, lui non sparmeria cosa del mondo per contentarla et per aiutare a recuperare le terre del dicto Archiduca et che in questo mezo che se delibereria circa zio, lui voleva andar a vedere la regina et lasseria de qual dal mare al commandare de esso imperatore 30 milia homini et el resto faria passare cum esso lui, subjungendo che se el dicto matrimonio se faceva, che lui a la primavera proxima repasseria el mare et meneria sua moglie et sua sorella et che metteva diligentia de fornir l'impresa cominziata contra Franza et che non dubitava con il maidemo mezo chel Re di Franza havea placato Sguiceri de non rehaverli e recuperarli per la maidema via e recondurli ai danni soi. E quando pur non potesse haverli lhor, che non gli manchera li Lanzchenechi che sono in molto mazor numero, instando molto chel dicto matrimonio se concludesse e ultimasse. Le quale cose predicto ho havuto per mezo del amico).
Asti, the last day of October, 1513.
[Italian.]
Nov. 2.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
674. The Protonotary Carracciolo, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
His Holiness is in the greatest excitement about English affairs, know what has happened, if the king has started and what army he has taken, and he is anxious to know the decision of the Swiss.
Rome, the 2nd November, 1513.
[Italian.]
Dec. 31.
Potenze
Estere.
Roma.
Milan
Archives.
675. Francesco Sforza, to his brother, Massimiliano Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Yesterday morning the courier arrived with your Excellency's letters of the 25th. I went at once with the ambassadors to inform his Holiness of everything. The pope spoke quietly, but was very angry. He said that Caesar and he had never failed to perform every good office for you. The imperial ambassador with the Swiss had notified that the papal nuncios had suggested a league between his Holiness, your Excellency, the Florentines, the Swiss, and the Genoese. Caesar wrote that he strongly disapproved, and if the league were made, he with the Catholic and the King of England would make terms with France. The pope lamented that such a league had ever been suggested to him. He promised every effort to keep things in the right way.
We promised to obey, but begged him to consider the condition you were in and try to provide for your security.
After dinner we went again to his Holiness and found him very undecided and displeased. He complained that the imperial ambassador with the Swiss had obstructed his envoy's proposals to the Diet, which astonished him greatly, because the instructions of Messer Gori had been communicated here to the imperial and Spanish ambassadors and to the Cardinals of Sorrento and England and contained that he should advise them to a universal league and confirm the league which they have for the lifetime of the present pope.
Rome, the last day of December, 1513.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

1 Cardinals Carvajal, Réné de Brie, Borgia and Briconnet, deprived of their dignities by Julius II, on 24th October, 1511, for summoning a Council to Pisa against him. Creighton: Hist. of the Papacy, vol. iv, page 137.
2 The Spanish ambassador in England was, Luis Caroz de Villaragut.
3 George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury.
4 This is probably Edward Howard's letter to the king of the 12th April and possibly that of the 17th April brought by Arthur Plantagenet, who may be the captain referred to. Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, edited Brewer, Vol. i, nos. 3877, 3903.
5 Federigo di Fregoso.
6 Massizo from Spanish maciço.
7 Louis de Rollin, seignour d'Aymeres.
8 Louis of Orleans, Duke of Longueville and Marquis of Rothelin, taken prisoner at the Battle of the Spurs.
9 Venetian Calendar, vol. ii, no. 309.
10 A brief summary of this despatch is printed in the Venetian Calendar, vol. ii, no. 310. The original text of this summary is not classified with the original despatch, reproduced here in tranlation, but is in the series Potenze Estere, Inghilterra. The summary is not perfectly faithful to the original.
11 Jean sieur de Berghen op Zoom.
12 Claude de Seyssel, sent as ambassador to Rome. Lettres de Louis XII, vol. iv, page 199.
13 Thomas, lord Dacre; but he lived until 1525.
14 Richard Wingfield.
15 An abstract of this letter is similarly printed in the Venetian Calendar, vol. ii, no. 311. The summary is in the same classification as that of the preceding document, and is no more accurate than its fellow.
16 Venetian Calendar, vol. ii, no. 312.
17 Ibid, no. 316.
18 Venetian Calendar, vol. ii, no. 316.
19 Venetian Calendar, vol. ii, no. 318.
20 There is another draft for this letter in the Carteggio Generale. The first part is almost identical in both, and such additions and variations as exist are indicated by the words in the square brackets. At the end, however, instead of the passage beginning ‘Rangonus et Hermes Bentivolus’ and ending ‘totius Italie quam maxime,’ the text of the Carteggio runs as in the last two paragraphs above. See also Cotton MSS., Vit. B. ii, fol. 52.
21 Probably Guillaume de Guislain, groom of the chamber of Maximilian.
22 Henry, Count of Nassau.

Annotations

84 jacob.ellis - (Tuesday 31 Mar 2009 14:31:50)
Entry number 656, last paragraph, for 'make a company of fortune at' read "share the fortune of".
Corrigenda to this volume.
85 jacob.ellis - (Tuesday 31 Mar 2009 14:36:58)
Entry number 664, first paragraph, for 'king, as though trusting to' read "king, as through trusting to".
Corrigenda to this volume.


<--Previous:
Milan:
1499
Next:-->
Milan:
1514