Milan
1527

Sponsor

Institute of Historical Research

Publication

Author

Allen B. Hinds (editor)

Year published

1912

Pages

474-517

Annotate

Comment on this article
Double click anywhere on the text to add an annotation in-line

Citation Show another format:

'Milan: 1527', Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts in the Archives and Collections of Milan: 1385-1618 (1912), pp. 474-517. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=92287 Date accessed: 03 September 2014.


Highlight

(Min 3 characters)

Contents

1527

1527.
Jan. 6.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
758. By letters from France of the 6th January.
We hear that the King of England is succouring the pope with 50,000 ducats and is sending a gentleman to the Viceroy with very strong protests; the king is also sending them a large sum of money, but everyone fears that it will not be in time. Many consider the marriage with England as good as made, but they are waiting for Bayart from Spain, to hear the emperor's final wishes. Everyone is of opinion that he will not make an arrangement of this character, and I hear that the king is quite content at this and hopes, by doing this, he will find a way to get back his sons. The Venetians are urging this marriage to the utmost.
[Italian.]
Jan. 11. Carteggio, Generale. Milan Archives.759. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
By the last of my numerous letters, dated on the last day of last month, I wrote of affairs here and chiefly of the decision of his Majesty to assist the pope at once with 30,000 ducats in cash. Since then, on the 4th inst., he has sent it by the Cavalier Russell, not without the hope of the continuation of a similar office for the preservation of the apostolic see, and with orders to employ his Majesty's name and authority for the entire advantage of that see. While they were standing between hope and fear as to the outcome of those affairs, owing to the arrival of the landsknechts and the Spanish fleet, a reply arrived from the emperor to the letters which I reported had been taken by a gentleman, despatched by the king here on the 21st October. This reply is dated the 4th ult. and its delivery was delayed until the 9th inst. by the indisposition of the gentleman. I am told that it expresses much gratitude for the exhortations of his Majesty in favour of universal peace. It bears witness to the necessity of such a peace owing to the disasters which have occurred and which may occur to the Christian commonweal, and, thirdly, declares the favourable inclination of the emperor to any good agreement, even to giving up not a little of his right. Lastly, in order to show that this is not a mere vain recital of words, he refers all controversies to the judgment and arbitrament of the king here. With regard to declaring his final decision about each of the articles presented, he does not think it advisable to declare it in this answer, but he will give it definitely in his instructions to Don Inigo de Mendoza, his ambassador, with very ample orders, so that no difficulties may remain to be discussed otherwise. Don Inigo arrived here two days before this reply, and he confirms and accepts everything, expressing his readiness to carry it into effect if the ambassadors of the opposite side are so disposed and have authority.
Accordingly the legate here sent for all the said ambassadors yesterday after dinner and imparted the above matters to them. He asked them if they were prepared for such operations, and if they were not, as he thought probable, he urged each of them with all despatch to advertise his prince, a thing that has already been done, so that all, being acquainted with this disposition, might set themselves to the universal pacification, and could provide and decide for what seemed best for them.
After returning abundant thanks for the admirable care of his Majesty and the cardinal, they all replied that it was necessary to advise their princes, because none of them had powers for so great a work, going to the heart of things. The Venetian ambassador, in order to call your Excellency to mind, said that everything ought to be done with your assent and participation, as one of the chief contracting parties. The French ambassador followed, saying that nothing else could be done, because his king, a thing he has not done hitherto, already called you Duke of Milan and his good ally. To this the cardinal replied that he had never considered you as anything else nor desired it, and when speaking of the princes and confederates of Italy, he always included you among the first. He went on to enumerate the good offices of himself and his king for the preservation of your Excellency, and much more to the same effect, according to what the Venetian ambassador tells me. He said that when he was speaking to his Holiness and the Signory he considered that he was also speaking to your Excellency, who from your indisposition had prudently referred your affairs to their action and advice.
They thanked him warmly and begged for the continuance of his goodwill. Thus, if Caesar does not first conclude some arrangement in Spain, since it is said that the agents of the league there have powers to conclude, while I believe that the Viceroy has also taken powers, I see a considerable likelihood that things will tend to the arbitrament of the king here, especially as the Cavalier Bilia writes to me that his Imperial Majesty remits himself absolutely to that arbitrament, giving authority to the king here to conclude and arrange the peace. I have, therefore, thought it right to advise your Excellency as soon as possible, so that in such event you may arrange with the orders of the other allied princes that this judgment agrees with our intent. I have not indeed omitted to suggest to these ambassadors that before the courier is despatched they should make every effort to discover particulars of Caesar's intentions upon the most difficult heads, such as Milan. They tell me that they cannot. I do not know if they are deceiving me. I am obliged to rely entirely upon reports, because they do not admit me to such discussions, since no letters have yet arrived from your Excellency for this Court. I do not know why and cannot see how it can benefit your service to neglect such an office.
Here they are so eager for this arbitrament and so enamoured of it that they are changing already, and, instead of hostility, they are more confidential with Caesar than with the league. The reason for all this is that they may have the means to constrain the King of France to this marriage. If that takes place, all will be well. However, your Excellency must act as you think best. I have informed Messer Francesco Taberna of everything.
London, the 11th January, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Jan. 19.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
760. Giovanni Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I have informed your Excellency before that the King of France has the friendship of the King of England in his hands. If England attacks Flanders by sea and land, while the King of France moves against Navarre and Flanders, and with the war in Italy, it is impossible for the emperor to hold out, and he will be compelled to accept a reasonable agreement, and in that case the alienation of the pope from the league would not do much harm. It is a maxim that the Most Christian king will have to decide definitely in the coming month of February whether he will have a true agreement with the emperor or make a matrimonial alliance with the King of England. The negotiations for this marriage have gone so far that if the King of France does not conclude it or puts it off he will make a bitter enemy, and what harm this enmity may do everyone can see. This decision largely occupies the minds of the French lords here, and we others cannot fail to think of it frequently.
Upon these grounds I pretended recently to the king and his Council that I had received information by means of a secret friend of your Excellency in England that the English king and York favoured the Duke of Bourbon, and that they were trying hard to have the state of Milan in deposit, treating for the agreement between the Most Christian king and the emperor, so that if the King of France did not accept the daughter of the English king in marriage, she should be given to Bourbon, with the emperor's goodwill, as his confidential friend, and he should restore the state of Milan to them and uphold it. He would thus have his son-in-law King of England, Duke of Milan, a friend of the emperor, an enemy of the King of France, and a man of no small influence and following in France, with the English, the natural enemies of France. They would have an opportunity of avenging themselves for the ancient and this modern injury. I spoke about it to the Most Christian king and his Council. They highly praised the legate, nuncio of the pope, Messer Andrea Rosso. It was not difficult to persuade the French that it was a reasonable prospect and something they should fear.
Although, as I said, I made it up, I am not without suspicion that such a thing might happen, as since the English do not want any great king as a son-in-law for their king, I do not know that there is any match more likely than this one for the moment, especially seeing the enmity between Bourbon and the King of France and the following that he has in France. I therefore repeat that by the month of February next we shall have a decision. For this the French lords of the Council in concert with the Most Christian and the Regent assert and vow that at the beginning of March they will wage war in Flanders and Navarre, and with this end in view they have made the marriage between the Duchess of Lansone (fn. 1) and the King of Navarre. I think they say this on the ground that they have decided, in case they do not come to an agreement with the emperor at once, they will conclude with the King of England, although resolutely and without any conditions for the rest of us. The King of France and the members of the Council say that they wish to conclude with the English king; yet I believe that they will first wait to hear what answer comes from the emperor about the affairs of your state of Milan. Your Excellency may rest absolutely assured that the King of France does not think of anyone else, and the opinions of his Majesty and the Regent are so well known to all that no one, however high in favour, would venture to suggest anyone else. I will not fail to augment this good disposition as much as possible, as well as the good opinion of the perseverance and faithfulness of the league.
The pope, in order to free himself and the Florentines from vexation, would agree to do what the Imperialists wished, both as regards the deposition and in admitting the Duke of Bourbon, if the Most Christian or indeed the Venetians should agree to this. He is most averse to either, and the Venetians have recently written here to represent to the Most Christian that on no account must he agree to any of the said proposals or to anything else that will in any way prejudice your Excellency. That he must not pay too much attention to the opinions of the pope if he asks for such a thing, as out of fear he would consent to anything. They are of the same opinion here. But if his Holiness sees the Venetians and the Most Christian persevere, and learns that the latter is about to conclude with the English king, I think he will be compelled to persevere in the league, if this news reaches him before he has done anything with the Imperialists, not only from the hope of support and assistance which they give him, but from fear of worse mischief.
From these divers judgments it seems that we must conclude that the necessary end to so many troubles must come from an agreement between the emperor and the King of France, to which the emperor will be driven by necessity of war. It is unlikely that he will bring himself to such an agreement without the intermission of the English king or the pope, because the Venetians are as much principal enemies and odious to the emperor as the King of France. But if the pope and the English King also appeared as enemies of the emperor, he would be forced to take one of them into his confidence, in order to treat for a settlement.
In this treaty one of the leading points will be the disposal of the state of Milan. It therefore seems to me that it will be advisable, for your Excellency, even if it is necessary to practice a little dissimulation, to keep on good terms with the pope and his ministers, assuring them in ways that your Excellency can easily devise of your steadfast devotion to his Holiness and your goodwill to his people. The same should be done with the English king, and I must say, with all respect, that your Excellency seems to have shown great neglect in never writing to him since you came out of the Castle, and in giving your ambassador, Messer Augustino, nothing to say to him. Yet it could do no harm to show that you rely upon his protection and to commend yourself to him. However, you must do as you think best.

Poissy, the 19th January, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Jan. 21.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
761. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
My last, sent by way of Messer Taverna, were of the 11th inst., with letters of the Cavalier Bilia. I wrote that by letters of the 4th ult. and by commissions to his ambassador, Don Inigo de Mendoza, the emperor expressed his willingness to entrust the arrangement of peace to the king here. I had the like information from the Cavalier Bilia, by letters of the same date from Granada. The ambassadors of the confederates, at the admonition of the legates here, wrote with all diligence on the 11th to their princes about the disposition of his Imperial Majesty. Long before this I hope that your Excellency has heard about this and that you will have taken action with those whom it seems necessary to approach, according to the exigencies of the case.
The Imperial ambassador has since been to Greenwich a second time to speak to the king and legate, and they had a long discussion together. From the account of the Venetian ambassador, of what he heard from the Cardinal, I gather that application was made on behalf of the emperor that the king here would renew a defensive friendship. His Majesty replied that he had no enemy. He held a single kingdom, which was very well furnished, and, thank God, at peace. He was therefore not disposed to make an arrangement for mutual defence with the emperor when such a friendship would bind him to render assistance to the various dominions of Caesar, which were so far away, involving enmity with almost all the Christian princes.
His Majesty then requested that Caesar would pay the sum of money which he owed to him. To this they offered excuses for the past and made plausible promises to pay as soon as ever it was possible.
On the third point of discussion his Majesty pressed the ambassador to state what powers he held upon the points which presented most difficulty and chiefly about Milan. The ambassador replied that he had two commissions, one which he brought with him from his Imperial Majesty, and the other which had arrived after he landed in this realm. In the first the emperor will not suffer to be questioned the jurisdiction and empire which belong to him, in depriving the Duke Francesco Sforza, as his subject, of the fief of Milan, as he committed a crime. The king replied that the emperor ought first to make quite sure if he has the same right to empire and jurisdiction over a duke of Milan as over the subjects of his own realms. Then, if his competence was admitted, it was neither proper nor just to begin by spoliation and violence. If in the second commissions of the ambassador his Imperial Majesty did not show more moderation, it was useless to talk about a composition of peace. The ambassador replied that if the parties concerned had powers to treat upon such a matter, he would show them, if they were not blinded by passion, that his Imperial Majesty is most moderate, for the effectuation of a satisfactory and universal peace. He did not unbosom himself any further.
Subsequently, that is to say on the 18th inst., the ambassador sent a courier to the emperor by water. Although this is merely official, to inform his master of his arrival and his first discussions with the king, yet rumour interprets it as sending for fuller powers of action. The cardinal here says that the ambassador has sent the courier to prevent the Viceroy from treating for peace. If I may give my own opinion, they will speak fair to all until Caesar can see which way things are going, and he thinks that he may possibly be relieved from the menace from the Turks. Even if he is forced to make peace, he does not desire it by any means but his own, or by the said Viceroy, especially as they say the orders of the league have gone to Spain. The truth about this will appear when the orders reach the ambassadors of the allies here, supposing they come. In any case it will be prudent for your Excellency to be prepared for any event, and to make your dispositions accordingly.
When I had arrived at this point, news arrived from France that his Holiness has been summoned to a Council by the emperor. Owing to this news all the ambassadors of the allies have been at this moment summoned to Greenwich to meet his Majesty and the cardinal. If I can draw some advantage out of this I will not neglect to do so. I have written before about the fearfulness of his Holiness. The Venetian ambassador, who is most careful of the dignity of your Excellency, tells me that they brought away nothing from their summons except that his Majesty imparted to them all the discussions with the Imperial ambassador, and the cardinal told them the same, expressing great goodwill towards your Excellency. They then told them of the intimation of a Council made to his Holiness, and that this was confirmed by their agent.
London, the 21st January, 1527.
Postscript: If Caesar really entrusts the arbitrament to the king here, I think that the allies may also consent to the same, in order not to show less confidence and friendship. We ought therefore to leave nothing undone to keep them all well disposed, and, above all, orders should be sent for the obtaining of what we wish.
[Italian.]
Jan. 26.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
762. Giovanni Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to the Cavalier Landriano, his colleague at Rome.
The man sent by the English king to the emperor (fn. 2) has returned again. He brought an ample mandate for Don Ignico de Mendoza to treat for peace or a truce with the league, by means of the king there. That monarch, in his excessive desire for this business, has induced the apostolic nuncio and the French and Venetian ambassadors to send to their princes for suitable mandates. They have sent full authority from here for this matter to the cardinal and the nuncio, with power to appoint substitutes, and the Venetians will do the same. The king here is also sending three ambassadors, the Viscount de Turenne, the Bishop of Tarbes and the President of Paris, who were already selected to go there for the marriage treaty, with full authority. Unless our master has previously made some arrangement with the Viceroy I think that some arrangement will be made in any case by the hands of the king and York, or else we shall have the victory through their assistance, because the marriage is considered on all hands as good as accomplished, and the king openly said as much to us ambassadors.
The French ambassador in England has the duke's interests at heart. I have thanked the king here for it, and have got fresh orders sent to him on the subject. The Venetian ambassador acts in the same way, by the direction of his Signory, and because of his affection for his Excellency. It remains for your lordship to keep up the heart of his Holiness, because for the sake of peace in his own affairs he will not make much difference between the duke and others in the state of Milan, as he has clearly shown both here and at Venice. We can be certain of the king here.
Poissy, the 26th January, 1527.
[Italian.]
Feb. 2.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
763. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Although I have received no reply to the numerous letters I have written to your Excellency, and must therefore doubt whether they have arrived, yet I shall continue to write, as I think I have done my duty if my letters to you reach the hands of Messer Francesco Taberna, your ambassador at the French Court, to whom I have always sent since I arrived here.
By my last of the 21st ult. I wrote at length of events here, and especially of the excellent disposition shown by his Majesty and the legate here for the support and defence of the apostolic see and the pope, as you will have learned in a more active manner by the arrival of the Cavalier Rosciello.
Since then advices have come from Rome and other places of Italy, by which we have learned the state of affairs there, and the difficulties about carrying on the war. With this their care and labour not only continue, but proceed with even greater fervour the more the exigencies of the situation demand. They encourage all those to whom the danger of this war is nearest, promising on their part every possible assistance. If those who are the hardest pressed show courage, it is hoped that they will beat off the first assaults, and hold but until they can receive the help which they have imagined here. We may therefore hope well for the common safety. Now is the time if ever to show fortitude, which has won your Excellency the admiration of all, especially of those who amid vexation, ruin and poverty omit nothing that pertains to a strong prince. The more the fire rages, the more folks realise that it will reach them unless they take care.
The king here, partly owing to the unfriendly feeling between him and Caesar, partly from fear of Caesar's greatness, cogitates night and day how he may remove it. Thus, if he was sure of this marriage with the King of France, he would have already declared himself openly as the mortal enemy of Caesar. He thinks he ought not to tarry any longer, but the King of France keeps hesitating, missing numerous opportunities, when the need is so great, and if Caesar's successes continue he may do but little or draw off and not risk anything when matters are hopeless.
Yesterday Don Antonio de Mendoza arrived here from Valladolid, sent by his Imperial Majesty on the 9th ult. According to this Mendoza's own account to the king here, he is sent first to visit Prince Don Ferrando and congratulate him on his creation as King of the Bohemians; secondly, to contrive that nothing is decided against Caesar in the diet summoned by the princes of Germany for creating a new King of the Romans. He also declares that Caesar is as well disposed to peace as ever and to submitting the arrangement to the king here. The proceedings of his ministers in those parts will show how much reliance can be placed on this. I regret that owing to the disturbance caused by those proceedings we cannot get them here to examine more closely into Caesar's wishes about the peace.
Until they are sure here of the said marriage they will pretend to believe that the emperor is willing to trust to their arbitrament.
London, the 2nd February, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 3.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
764. Benedetto Corto, Milanese Ambassador at Venice, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I have fully satisfied the English ambassador of your Excellency's goodwill in the matter of Madame Lucretia, and that the results will appear when the more important matter has been settled. I performed the same office with the bishop.
Venice, the 3rd February, 1527.
[Italian.]
Feb. 7.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
765. Copy of the 7th from Rome.
An ambassador of the King of England has entered to-day. He is thought to have brought a very large sum of money for his Holiness.
[Italian.]
Feb. 7.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
766. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Your Excellency must be on your guard because the mandates of all the allied princes have gone to England except yours, of which I hear nothing said. I now hear on good authority that York has the worst disposition towards you and his reason is that he does not wish anything to stand in the way of his marriage, and for his own glorification that Madame Leonora should be given to Bourbon and the state of Milan be conferred on them. I have this on the highest possible authority (da homo che non potria esser più grande).
This evening Messer Andrea Doria has arrived and the Chancellor Rosello with the money from England. I have not yet seen Rosello.
Rome, the 7th February, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 12.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
767. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Nothing has occurred except, as always, what depends on the wars. Letters also have reached me of the 25th ult. from Jo. Francesco Taberna, imparting to me the order of your Excellency to make the best arrangement possible with the king here, going with the other ambassadors of the allied princes, and in case of being late, because your Excellency only received information late, and some opportunity should arise of making a good arrangement, that I and the other allied representatives should not fail to promise what is proper.
I took advantage of the advices and these instructions, and, conducted by the Venetian ambassador, the unique and rare friend of your Excellency, I went to tell the legate here everything. I made what excuses I could, though indeed they are few, for your Excellency's delay in writing to his Majesty and his Eminence. The ambassador assisted me, both from his natural affection for your Excellency and by the express command of his Signory. The cardinal was perfectly satisfied and exhorted me to urge the sending of the mandates, as he said, ut detegatur animus Cesaris circa pacem et ut unus quisquam vestrum videat et tangat prius negotium suum antequam aliquid concludatur. He then turned to me and said, his Excellency the Duke of Milan may rest assured that if I and my king recognise that all the confederates will fight with determination, as they are doing, and especially Venice, for the preservation of his Excellency, we shall leave nothing undone for him that is possible, because we perceive that this is expedient for the security and liberty of Italy and of many other princes, and because we know the surpassing merits of his Excellency, as opposed to Caesar and the unrighteous plans and practices of the Imperialists against him, a long time before there was all this talk of a pretended rebellion, as I am writing, and his Majesty made a similar statement these last months to the papal nuncio and the Ambassador of the Most Christian. The cardinal went on to exhort your Excellency to be of good heart, as neither the justice of God nor your good friends would fail you. And therefore you owe your thanks to all those who are fighting for your preservation. They are all allies, but you are above all indebted to Venice, as he declared that he was sure, and would vouch for it to all the world, that the Signory was almost more careful for the preservation of your Excellency than for their own. He then turned to the Venetian ambassador and said that the Venetian government would never win such great glory and immortal name with posterity for any increase in their dominions as they would have from the loyalty, devotion and integrity they have shown to your Excellency. As a good friend of the Signory he exhorted them to continue in such divine offices, as in addition to the solid glory it was also expedient for her own preservation.
He said a great deal more, full of goodwill towards the whole league and especially your Excellency. Although this excellent disposition arises from the cardinal's most candid and facile character (la candidissima et facillima natura de epso Reverendissimo) yet we owe a great deal to the efforts of the Venetian ambassador, made at an opportune moment. I therefore beg your Excellency most earnestly to make some sign of gratitude towards all whom you may choose, by formal letters and grateful words. As I have pointed out, you should never neglect such offices, especially with matters as they are at present.
From what I hear, all the other allies, for one reason or another, will be obliged to show confidence and entrust much to the authority of the king here in the peace negotiations. I have always thought this, and for this cause and others your Excellency should express the same confidence, with all respect, and even greater indebtedness, dissimulating all you hàve heard about the ill will of York. And thus I come back again to the question whether time has really brought him again to a favourable disposition for us, as now seems likely, since the English king and York are the only ones who can testify actually to the machinations of the emperor in taking the state of Milan away from your Excellency, before there was any pretence of rebellion for the deprivation. Quite recently a secretary of York, a friend of mine, informed me that they had fresh advices from Venice reporting that your Excellency did not feel confidence in the king here because of the ill will of York towards you. The secretary added that judges often bluster against those in whose favour they are going to give sentence. In any case since the affair has gone thus far, it is expedient to show confidence like all the others, by letters, mandates and commissions.
They are daily expecting here three personages from France to treat of this marriage with the Most Christian king. God grant the best results. They are making preparations to receive these personages with great festivities and pomp. I will inform your Excellency of what ensues so far as it comes to my knowledge.
Every one has always thought that Caesar did not desire that justice which by his words and letters he has hitherto professed. I think that even if it were otherwise your Excellency would not lack either reasons or patrons to uphold your innocence. It should be remembered that Caesar refused the help of Germany in the enterprise of Italy, in order to acquire for himself and not for the empire, and therefore he sent the army into Italy not as emperor but as King of Spain and other realms. Your Excellency must not neglect to solicit, as it will help greatly.
Before I received the letters referred to from Taverna, I learned from advices which had reached the Venetian ambassador previously that Taverna was sick of a fever.
London, the 12th February, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 12.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
768. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Ritio, Secretary of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The thing which I wrote the day before yesterday to your Excellency for Venice will greatly please his Holiness, about the sending to England, but I must warn you not to mention in France or in England who has disclosed this, but to pretend that you have heard it by way of some Milanese, who has heard it from Bourbon, in order to stir up France more. In England do not utter a syllable about it, in order not to incense that madman (quello furioso), but merely profess that you place all your trust in him and for the rest negotiate according to the time. I do not know if York credits me with this evil opinion, because I comprehend that his Holiness is trying with all his might to break this project of York, both for his own honour and because he considers it better for Italy and your Excellency that his Holiness and the Viceroy should have the management. I am quite sure that this will happen if an armistice or truce ensues. If the Viceroy receives this authority he has sent word to his Holiness that he will do with the state of Milan whatever the pope wishes. I believe this, as it will be a blow at Bourbon and because he will have a large present from your Excellency, whereas if the business remains in York's hands he will not receive a farthing.
Your Excellency has heard all; you must do as you think best, but to send to England is necessary. It must be a dexterous person, capable of giving York the impression that all the confidence of your Excellency depends on him.
For good reasons I have addressed this to the Magnifico Ritio.
The Cavalier Rossello, in the name of his king, has begged his Holiness to make Cardinals the Datary, the Auditor of the Chamber and Gambara. His Holiness hesitated about the last, but promised that he would not fail him about the ether two.
I think il Speciano would be suitable for England.

Rome, the 12th February, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 13.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
769. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Augustino Scarpinello, his ambassador in England.
We have written many letters, but we understand that they have not arrived, so we have decided to give a summary account here of all that has taken place from the day when we came out of our castle of Milan, so that you may have information of everything and communicate it to the king and the Cardinal of York, as possibly they will have wondered at so much tardiness and will have attributed it to negligence or lack of respect, though it is neither the one nor the other.
Know then that we came out of the castle of Milan according to the capitulation made with Bourbon, of which we send you a copy. We were half dead from our long infirmity and the trials we had suffered, so that no wretchedness could equal ours. We could not send a special envoy to his Majesty and the Cardinal of York, as we ought to have done, in order to acquaint them with all that had taken place up to that time, and to commend ourselves to his Majesty as our chief protector, and also to York. Meanwhile we waited to see if Bourbon would keep the promises made, otherwise we should be compelled to join the league, as you will have heard. You will know that it was all a trick. We went to Crema to recover our health, and remained there until the 18th of October last, when our city was recovered.
God knows what anguish we suffered during that time, because our state was in part occupied by enemies, and the rest was held by the army of the league, so that we could with difficulty obtain enough for our own livelihood with that of those who suffered with us in the castle. Afterwards, on coming here, it has been necessary to undertake the defence of the city and maintain it at our expense, as well as Lodi, without money of any kind, as we could not avail ourselves of our revenues, owing to the state of the times, and because everything was consumed. With great labour we managed to find a way of sending Taberna to France, although that was absolutely necessary. We have carried on our affairs at Rome and Venice as best we could.
At this moment by your letters and many other advices we have learned of the plan to put our state in deposit or agree to its going to Bourbon, of the offers made in France by the Auditor of the Chamber and the reply of the Most Christian king and the Signory, as well as what his Holiness will accept from his fears about Rome and Florence, owing to the coming of the Viceroy with the fleet to Naples and the descent of the landsknechts into Lombardy in great numbers. We have also heard of the negotiations of the Viceroy and the General of the Observantines with the pope for an armistice or truce and the coming of Sig. Cesare Ferramosca to Italy to procure the general peace, and quite recently the ample authority held by Don Ignico de Mendoza, the imperial ambassador at the English Court, to make the universal peace at the arbitrament of the king there, owing to which the Cardinal of York asked all the ambassadors to get mandates for that peace. As we also are to take part in that peace, such being the intention of the allies and of the said king and cardinal, we send you an ample mandate, which you will use as required, so that our case may not remain unresolved.
As in this conclusion it may happen that the king and York will persist in their design of being the depositaries of our state, you will beseech his Majesty and the cardinal not to seek or accept any such thing, because under the cloak of justice a very great wrong will be done to despoil us of that to which we ought of right to be restored, and not to suffer us to be maltreated under the shadow of their protection. We have always persevered in the customary demonstration, but being absolutely without money and our sickness and persecution have prevented us from making a proper demonstration. You will beg them never to consent to our state going to Bourbon, as it would be a wrong to deprive one of his ancestral inheritance in order to give it to another, to whom it does not belong by right or in any other way. Such a thing would throw Italy and all the rest of Christendom into greater confusion and peril than ever, from which his Majesty and the cardinal would suffer inconvenience and trouble of mind.
There would be other difficulties which we omit because they are known to everybody. But if they will take us into their protection, which was a powerful cause of our restitution and maintenance until the time of our sickness, which was the beginning of our misfortunes and sufferings, and will see to our preservation and restoration, we shall be most grateful and we and our state shall always be at their disposition, while they will do a thing that will always be remembered, and they will earn the title of protectors of justice and of the cause of the poor oppressed, to which every one is bound both by divine and human law, especially great princes like his Majesty and the cardinal, to whom we are writing the enclosed as your credentials. We are also writing to the Venetian Ambassador Venerio, so that you may be able to use it.
You will inform us immediately of what you do, advising us of what we must do in order to induce his Majesty and York to protect us. Meanwhile you will keep up a good understanding with Taberna, and you will not fail to do what he reminds you, as all will be for our service. You will also commend us to the papal nuncio, asking him to remember us in his actions, as he will not contravene the wishes of his Holiness, who displays the most paternal kindness towards us.
Cremona, the 13th February, 1527.
[Italian.]
Feb 14.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
770. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Messer Antonio Venerio, Venetian Ambassador in England.
Rejoices at appointment; thanks for past offices which he is begged to continue, especially now that negotiations are on foot for a universal peace by means of that king. Whatever he does for the duke will be done for a good son and friend of the Signory.
Cremona, the 14th February, 1527.
[Italian; draft.]
Feb. 14.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
771. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Cavalier Rossello left this morning for the Viceroy, to protest and Buster (a protestare et bravare). I do not know how he will return. He seems a great enemy of the Spaniards and still more of the Viceroy.
Rossello said that on behalf of his king he had reproved the King of France, adjuring him in God's name to leave his hunting and ceaseless pleasures and attend to the war, so that that enterprise may not be endangered, as the loss and dishonour would be his alone. The king replied that he was going hunting for a couple of days more, but when he returned he would attend to business.

The Cavalier Casale assured me of the goodwill of his king and the cardinal, declaring that he had extracted from Rossello in confidence that they do not want any one at Milan except your Excellency.
Rome, the 14th February, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 16.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
772. Tomaso Banastre, Milanese Ambassador in Spain, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I hear that the King of France is trying to have the daughter of the English king, and that the marriage is practically concluded. If this is true it would be very unfortunate to grant them what they ask, namely, that the state of Milan shall be placed in their hands as a deposit. But here they laugh at it and suppose that the French ambassadors publish this about Milan in order to make them easier here about giving them Queen Leonora.
The English ambassadors here have always taken part in all that the ambassadors of the allies have done, but they have never communicated anything of what they are treating with his Majesty or others of the Council. This shows us that they are not proceeding with that straightforwardness that the present necessity requires. From what one can gather, his Majesty would agree to satisfy Italy in all that is reasonable, that … should abandon France, to which his Majesty could not be hostile.
Valladolid, the 16th February, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Feb. 20.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
773. Benedetto Da Corte, Milanese Ambassador at Venice, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Ambassador of England sent me yesterday morning some letters which arrived from Rome in the handwriting of his brother. In these he reports the goodwill and entire disposition of his king for your Excellency to remain in free possession of your state, and there was no difficulty in this except that the opinions and plans of his Holiness did not agree. I was glad of this, especially if they undertake the arbitrament. It seems to me that this report agrees very well with what Landriano wrote and with what the Chancellor declares that Roxello said. I must remind your Excellency not on any account to forget to send the mandate, as the doge has reminded me of it more than once. I mean the mandate to go to England.
The same English ambassador has sent me the report made by the man sent by the English king to Caesar, who is said to have brought that ample mandate to Don Inigho de Mendozza. I enclose a copy. It seems to me a great theme without a principal verb. I never saw a paper more full of milk and honey than this, because at the end, with all its verbosity, it leaves nothing in the mouth. In my belief this sugary paper indicates an unhealthy mind, a prosopopoeia without juice.
Venice, the 20th February, 1527.
[Italian.]
Enclosure.774. Copy of the Reply made by the Emperor to the King of England.
With respect to what we the doctors, ambassadors, almoners and councillors of the most high and mighty King of England have presented and set forth to the emperor, his Majesty has ordained the following reply:
Firstly, his Majesty has heard the good speech and the straightforward and cordial demonstrations of the king, clearly showing his desire, zeal and affection to bring about a universal peace for the welfare of the Christian faith, the expulsion of the Turks, infidel enemies of our holy Catholic see, and the extirpation of the heretical sects, to which his Majesty, as he has recently declared, has always been disposed, the more so because of the unfortunate events which have occurred so lately in Hungary. These are such that no king, prince or potentate can consider himself safe from harm, or far from the conflagration, since they have pushed so far with so great a force that one may say they are lodged in the heart of Christendom. If no remedy is provided it is within their power to finish the malady in whichever member they choose. Although the archduke, his Majesty's brother, seems at present nearest to the danger, nevertheless if he has no means of offering a reasonable resistance to the Turk the way is open in every direction.
For this reason his Majesty approves of the king's advice to use all diligence to send promptly powers for discussing and arranging the said peace and a proper remedy for the expulsion of the Turks and the defence of the Christian faith. For this purpose his Majesty is now sending most ample powers to his Ambassador Don Inico Mendoza, to devote his attention, with the king's assistance and advice, with all the others who have sufficient powers for this, all good means for a peace or truce, both universal and special, as may be arranged between them. In order to arrive more briefly, his Majesty is sending to Don Inico ample instructions upon all the present matters contained in the paper of the said king. His Majesty cannot make a more ample declaration here, because this reply will not go very safely through France, seeing the trouble that they cause at every moment to his Majesty's men and goods, and because it will not be quite advisable to declare in detail all the intentions of his Majesty upon the points proposed, without knowing what his opponents are prepared to agree to in order to achieve so sacred a work.
However, the king may rest assured that if the others are ready to meet him in the manner hoped in order to arrive at a universal peace, his Majesty will behave in such a manner with each that they will recognise that he is placing the universal good before his private advantage. With regard to what the king writes, that the ambassadors with him declare that his Majesty's offers are all show, seeing that he has not laid down his arms, but has sent his viceroy to Naples with a great power.
No sinister interpretation must be placed upon this. The ambassadors cannot think his Majesty so simple as to lay down his arms while his enemies remain armed, or neglect to strengthen his army as much as he can, seeing that his enemies strengthen themselves every day. But if they desire a general laying down of arms on all sides for a good peace or for a long truce, so that their common forces can be turned against the Turks, they will find his Majesty acting in conformity with his words, if they lay down their arms simultaneously. But if they act otherwise, they may be sure that his Majesty will be compelled by every possible means to maintain his camp both by land and sea, and if possible increase it, in order not to lose such good troops, which are so well tried, who might serve better against the Turks than against any one else. His Majesty has such confidence in the king that because of the true friendship and blood relationship between them he will not counsel or persuade him, as he has no doubt that the king will have due care and respect for his honour and safety, such as the mutual friendship between them requires.
With respect to the unfortunate incident at Rome against the pope and his palace, the king has the best reasons for assuring himself that it happened without his Majesty's knowledge or consent. That is the truth, and his Majesty regrets and deplores it as is only right, and has made his excuses to the pope and elsewhere, as may be seen by the copy which his Majesty sends to his Ambassador Don Inico.
Dated at Granada, in the Council of the emperor, on the 29th November, 1526.
[Italian.]
Feb. 22.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
775. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The difficulty in the negotiations with the Imperial ambassadors consists in the security his Holiness requires for the fulfilment of their promises. They talked of putting Gaeta, the castel de l'ovo and Pavia in the hands of the English ambassadors, or to deposit 200,000 ducats at Rome. They asked the English ambassadors to promise for them, but they refused.
The English ambassadors have declared to his Holiness that they will not consent to the suspension. They want him to wait until Rossi has gone to Venice and returned. The pope has sent Messer Jacopo Salviati to Ferramoscha, this evening to tell them what the ambassadors said, and so they will put off the decision until to-morrow.

Rome, the 22nd February, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Feb. 25.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
776. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The English ambassadors decided to rest satisfied with an armistice, provided that his Holiness acted with great caution and that the Venetians should intervene. Accordingly they sent Rosello to Venice to advise the Signory to enter, according to what they told Ferramoscha. But Rosello will not speak about it; he will merely advise the Signory to refuse the armistice and assist his Holiness with money and troops in the enterprise of Lombardy. In the meantime Lange will come with money, and the sea and land forces will gather what fruits they can in Naples.
Messer Paulo d'Arezzo brings word from Spain that the emperor, confident that Italy is entirely in his power, has no mind for peace, and does not desire it with the King of France. He is endeavouring to get his Holiness out of the league or to unite the King of England with him. This point has greatly troubled the mind of his Holiness, because he observes that the emperor's designs differ widely from the fair words of his agents here.
Every one believes that they will think no more of an accord, but if Lange does not come soon, with something substantial in his hands, and if the Germans and Spaniards move on, his Holiness will certainly come to a decision. The Most Christian and the Venetians must change their style, give help and render service, and I hope they will do so soon. In that case we shall soon emerge from this kingdom, which is all in a ferment with the government of the Viceroy.
His Holiness is minded that the treaty for the peace shall not rest in York's hands, but he cannot show this openly because of the help he has just received from that quarter. Both directly and indirectly I find his Holiness well disposed towards your Excellency, and he has again written to England to dissuade that fantasy of York, and that it will be better to break in France. I fancy that they want war more than ever.
Rome, the 25th February, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Feb. 26.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
777. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Augustino Scarpinello, his Ambassador in England.
By way of Rome Bannisio has sent yours of the 21st ult. directed to him, and three others of the same day and of the 2nd and 12th inst. have since arrived from Taberna, our ambassador in France. We need not send a long reply, as we have already acquainted you with all the events here, with answers to your numerous letters previously received, and we sent you the mandate for accepting the peace, and we have written to the king, the Cardinal of York, the papal nuncio and the Venetian ambassador. We believe that all this will have reached you, and we will not repeat it, but merely touch briefly on what is happening at present.
The proposals for concluding the peace between his Imperial Majesty and the other Christian princes, and the desire to be arbiter of all the differences has aroused astonishment and mistrust in many, because that peace is not necessary, and it should be accepted by every one on reasonable conditions, and because of the favour which that king and York have displayed towards the interests of the emperor and Bourbon. It may also be that Caesar is only pretending to confide in that sovereign and York. We are assured that they laugh about it, asking how comes it that so much vain glory falls on those English, and that it is all a device to gain time and see what the troops of the Viceroy and the others here in Lombardy will achieve. The situation is described below. When a favourable opportunity occurs you will not fail to explain these views to the king and York, begging them to open their eyes, and not allow Caesar to make himself so great that he will be able to cause them trouble and dismay. They must know that the confidential relations are not sincere, and they should not fail to do two things among others, one, to clinch the marriage with France, the other not to separate from the league, even if the pope makes an armistice with the Imperialists, as if his Majesty stands firm, the Most Christian King and the Signory of Venice will do so also. We need not speak of ourself, as we shall not deviate one jot from our devotion to them and following their wishes.
With regard to our affairs, we are confident that once his Majesty and York have seen through the policy adopted by Caesar, and have observed the sincerity of our actions, they will take our part and will not fail to favour our right, holding us in greater account than they have done hitherto and more than they do Bourbon. He has no right to enter into competition with us, and he ought not to solicit that our state should be left to him, because all these are offices incompatible with the name of defenders of the right and relievers of the oppressed. If they act in defence of the right, they will render us eternally obliged, if it is possible to add to the indebtedness we have already incurred for past benefits. If, owing to our adverse fortunes, we have not been able to do what Ave ought and what we desired, you will assure the Cardinal of York that we shall not fail, and we will make up for the past and the future.
You will impart to us all the advices you hear, both of the state of affairs there and what hopes we may entertain, according to which we shall base our action.
Cremona, the 26th February, 1527.
[Italian; draft.]
Feb. 26.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
778. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
By ill luck Rossello has fallen from his horse and broken his leg. They have sent on his instructions and commissions to Venice.
This evening the Cavalier Casale offered to go to Venice instead of Rossello, but his Holiness did not wish it.
His Holiness says that by the last advices from England York seemed to have entirely separated himself from Bourbon. His Holiness promised me to perform every good office, but according to the report of Messer Paulo da Rezo they scoff at this contrivance of York in Spain and do not attach the slightest importance to it, and the emperor does not desire peace with France.

Rome, the 26th February, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Feb. 28.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
779. Gio. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
His Majesty says he has again written to his ambassadors in England to arrange the marriage any way, and he hopes soon to have a conference with the King of England about the enterprise of Flanders.
Poissy, the last of February, 1527.
[Italian.]
? Feb.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
780. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Cardinal of York has written with the utmost spirit, urging his Holiness not to sign any treaty with the Imperialists and offers strong and immediate assistance from his king. He brings forward so many arguments that it is impossible to answer them. His Holiness has read the letter, but it has done no good. Sig. Renza is here in despair; he also besought the pope, but it produced no effect.
[Italian.]
March 1.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
781. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to Augustino Scarpinello, his Ambassador in England.
We have heard that the pope has made an armistice with the Imperialists for a year, for the King of France for two months, and for Venice for one, if they will accept. We have declared to the pope that we shall not deviate from the league or do anything without the knowledge and consent of the King of England, York and Venice. You will assure his Majesty and York that we shall not accept this armistice unless his Majesty and the other allies do so, and ask them what we must do, since we have decided to live under his Majesty's protection.
Cremona, the 1st March, 1527.
[Italian; draft.]
March 2.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
782. Benedetto da Corte, Milanese Ambassador at Venice, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Your lordship may have heard how the Cavalier Rossello, when coming here from Rome, fell from his horse and broke his leg, so that he had to be taken back to Rome in a litter. He has sent an English gentleman in his place, who arrived here yesterday. He went to the Collegio this morning and set forth the reason for his coming, to wit, that his king desired the welfare of Italy, but principally wished for universal peace and tranquillity in Italy. The Most Christian was not averse from a truce, and the pope inclined to one, so his king urged the Signory to agree to it, or else not to make provision for war so tepidly.
The Signory made a warm reply, declaring they would make every effort to put things on a good footing against the enemy.
Venice, the 2nd March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 3.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
783. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The French ambassadors, who were going to England for the marriage, were driven back by bad weather. This has delayed matters somewhat, but it cannot be long before something definite is seen. To give my own opinion, though it may cause offence, I cannot understand what reason moves your Excellency not to send or write to that king or the Cardinal of York, because it seems so necessary at this moment and not doing so may cause so much harm.
Poissy, the 3rd March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 6.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
784. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The English ambassadors here have performed a fresh office with his Holiness on behalf of their king, to help him with money and succour, but as the distance is great and the need immediate, it has done no good. The light must come from France if we are to return alive.
They write from England on the 11th ult. that the king and cardinal are extremely incensed, and swear they will make war and that a remarkable one, always with the reservation that the marriage with France takes place.
Rome, the 6th March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 11.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
785. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
After the arrival of the ambassadors of the Most Christian for the conclusion of this marriage, they spent two days in discussions with the cardinal before they had audience of his Majesty. They then had audience and returned a second time to the cardinal. We have not yet heard what they arranged. However, it is whispered that there are some difficulties about the conditions which are demanded on this side, though not without hope of a favourable issue, because both parties desire it, and never cease labouring to forward it. Here they adopt the pose of a giant, in wishing to marry without a dowry, but giving up their claims.
Subsequently, on the 9th inst., the cardinal assembled these ambassadors as well as the papal nuncio and the Venetian envoy and informed them that he was solicited by the Imperial ambassador to assemble and treat for peace or a truce. He therefore asked them, if they had their mandates for this purpose, to produce them, so that they might make some start in the matter. The nuncio thereupon produced his, which, as I have stated before, is very ample and adequate for contracting a peace or a truce in the presence of the king here, with any agents on behalf of the confederate princes, in general terms, without expressly mentioning one of them. The one of the Most Christian was then produced, in the setting forth whereof mention was made of the capitulation of the league and of the allies therein, but it only gives powers to the ambassadors to treat for peace with the assent and assistance of the nuncio and the Venetian ambassador, without mentioning any one else. Lastly, the Venetian one was shown, sent from France by the ambassadors of the Most Christian, which is worthy by its tenor and effect of the virtue and prudence of the Venetian Senate. They give the ambassadors ample powers to treat and conclude peace and union with the consent and assistance of the nuncio, the French ambassadors, the ambassadors of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, and of the Florentine Republic. At the reading of this the cardinal said: And how can this be managed if there are no ambassadors of the duke or Florentine Republic? The Venetian ambassador replied that the ambassador of the duke was here and a mandate would reach him soon. He promised this freely. As the Florentine Republic was under the special commendation of his Holiness, the nuncio could promise for them. This was accepted by the nuncio, and the cardinal then began to sound the opinions of all the representatives about the composition of this peace. The French ambassadors said they had no instructions to treat for peace unless they did so simultaneously for the marriage, as it was principally for that they had come. The cardinal replied that they ought not to impede the universal benefit for the sake of that private matter, which could afford to wait. Some more was said, the nuncio and Venetian ambassador in particular stating that they could not speak of a composition unless the French ambassadors consented. With this the meeting separated.
On the following day, the 10th, the cardinal took the nuncio and Venetian ambassador with him to Greenwich to audience of his Majesty. With his first resolve and desire to propose some general advantage, the king said a great deal about his excellent intentions for the quiet of the Christian republic, urging and praying them to write to the ambassadors of their princes at the French Court, to induce the king there to agree to direct his agent here to treat for peace or a truce, as the state of public affairs may require, and not to let slip an opportunity now their opponents are favourably disposed. He hinted that he found the Imperial ambassador not disinclined to accept the proposals first conceived by his Majesty and the cardinal, and set forth to the ambassadors, as I wrote in my last. He grasped the hand of the Venetian ambassador, saying: And you will be pleased because Francesco Sforza will remain Duke of Milan, for giving some pension to the Duke of Bourbon. The ambassador bent and kissed his hand, saying that such was the desire and intent of his Signory.
This all happened as related, and was reported to me by the Venetian ambassador himself, the best of all your Excellency's friends. I have thought it right to inform you so that you may make the necessary provision for what is occurring here. I see no reason why your Excellency should not provide opportunely, like all your colleagues in this affair, as if it happens that they treat in no other way, you must not alone show that you fear danger, which I do not think advisable at any time, and especially if there are proper safeguards. If they treat, as seems likely, I can have no illusions as to the manner in which they will deal with your affairs, if your Excellency's own agent does not take part, with secret instructions upon what you wish to have done, or if the allied princes do not direct their agents what is to be done for you. We see that they have left you out in their commissions and mandates, although the Venetian ambassador tells me that before their arrival the other ambassadors always negotiated very properly, without leaving out the other confederates, especially your Excellency. Then again, if not with their consent, at least with their knowledge, the idea was mooted some time ago of handing over the duchy of Milan to Bourbon. Although this notion now seems directed into better channels, as the king and cardinal here have already assured the nuncio and Venetian ambassador twice, yet they are proposing to charge your Excellency with a new and heavy pension, in satisfaction of Caesar and Bourbon. Accordingly I do not think it safe to commit oneself to everybody without due precautions. As I am not present at the negotiations I cannot testify or pass opinions on the operations of these agents, but I think that some of them would like to gratify Bourbon, and I therefore work as hard as I can, but it needs a stronger arm than mine and some dissimulation.
Also on the 9th inst. Salamanca, Ambassador of the King of Bohemia, entered this city, with a most splendid company of about thirty on horseback, all in cloaks of their prince's livery. The Imperial ambassador went to meet him with all the Spaniards here, and a knight of their order here named Lord Ros, sent by the king some distance from the city to conduct him to his lodging, prepared for this Salamanca by the Spanish merchants here. He dismounted and forthwith sent one of his secretaries to ask audience of the cardinal. That prelate was occupied until late with the ambassadors of the allied princes, and on the following morning he had to go to the king at Greenwich. So he postponed the audience until to-day. It took place before dinner; it has not yet come to my knowledge what Salamanca brought or what he took away from his first interview. If I can find out, I will send word, as well as of his further proceedings, although it is supposed that this first audience did not go beyond generalities.
London, the 11th March, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
March 13.
Carteggio,
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
786. Benedetto di Corte, Milanese Ambassador at Venice, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The English ambassador who has returned from Ferrara brings Word that the duke there cannot break his word to the emperor. However, he will proceed with reserve except where he is obliged.
Venice, the 13th March, 1527.
[Italian.
[1527.]
March 18.
787. Marc Antonio Venier, Venetian Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 3)
Returns thanks for his letter dated the 14th February. Has done everything to further the duke's interests with the king and cardinal. The duke is now in favour both with the king and cardinal, which result will be confirmed by the duke's power lately received. The duke will have been acquainted with everything through his ambassador, Don Augustino.
London, the 18th March,
Signed: Servulus Ex. vestrae. Marcus Antonius Venerius.
[Italian.]
1527.
March 18.
788. Uberto di Gambara. Papal Nuncio, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 4)
Has received the duke's letter thanking him for his services. The duke's ambassador here, a man of great ability, is acquainted with his proceedings and has received from him an ample reply to the statement made in private in the duke's name.
London, the 18th March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 19.
Potenze
Estere,
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
789. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 5)
The Magnifico Salamanca and his two colleagues, sent by the King of Bohemia, had audience of his Majesty at Greenwich on the 14th. One of them delivered a public oration after the German fashion (magna voce et lateribus ut par est Germanis.) He set forth the genealogy of the Turk and his power, the peril which thus threatened the Christian commonwealth, the calamity which had befallen the kingdom of Hungary, and its loss through the forays of the Turkish garrisons in Belgrade and other places. Recourse was therefore had to the King of England, as defender of the faith and kinsman of the King of Bohemia. The reply on behalf of his Majesty was to the effect that he had never ignored the power of the Turk, and therefore of late years, in the midst of victory over his enemies, he abstained from pursuing them, and ceded many of his rights and made peace. Having done so he laboured incessantly to pacify the other Christian princes, as he considered this the only way to meet such danger. The loss of Hungary, both by reason of the public detriment and the personal loss to King Ferdinand, grieved and still grieves his Majesty, as it should. Even before that loss he did not fail to express his readiness to give assistance, so that if all men, and especially those whom it most concerned, had done their utmost, Hungary would not have been lost. In the next place he considered the recovery of that realm to be beyond the forces of him, the King of England, even if united with those of any other sovereign; and that the undertaking required a confederacy of all the Christian powers, which, so far as he could comprehend, was impeded solely by the emperor. Therefore the King of Bohemia should apply to his brother alone, and exhort him to this union, and finally to desist from such obstinate prosecution of that hatred which he bears his enemies; and that he should rest content with the numerous kingdoms which God had given him, and respect those of his neighbours; together with many other expressions to the same effect uttered in accordance with the candour and sincerity of his Majesty of England.
On the 15th I received your Excellency's letters, which were of great importance, on account of the king and the legate, who are well inclined to you. I presented the letters on the 16th with the power, on the advice of the Venetian ambassador, who was with me at the Court that day, and also the letter of credence, apologising for the delay in the performance of so necessary an office, and beseeching the king to persevere in the support of your Excellency.
The king replied that he was sorry that the reasons which prevented the duke from performing so loving an office were so sound, and that in England such measures as he deserved had been taken for his preservation. At this point Cardinal Wolsey said to the ambassador: Nonne intellexisti ab oratore Veneto et nuncio Apostolico, hanc Majestatem statuisse quod omnino dominus dux tuus sit dux Mediolani? I replied that I understood it most perfectly, having written accordingly to the duke and now presented myself to the king to return such thanks as in my power. Although aware that such extreme benefits and graciousness exceeded all gratitude, I was there nevertheless to kiss the king's feet. When I was in the act of prostrating myself they raised and graciously embraced me, the two together repeating that the duke was to be at ease, as they would not fail to do what was necessary; and they expressed openly their good disposition towards the duke's maintenance.
Recent advices from Rome are full of suspicion lest the pope make truce with the viceroy for one year, to be continued for three more at his Holiness's option, and the pope alone and the kingdom of Naples and Sicily to be comprised in the suspension of hostilities, without mention of Lombardy and Milan. This arrangement is at variance with the terms hoped for from the emperor, who could only be induced to agree by three motives, dread of the Turk, the necessity of the defence of Flanders and the kingdom of Naples. These motives alone caused that slight disposition towards peace of which the emperor assured England. This present suspension of hostilities gives the emperor fresh power, and while England is thwarted in pacific negotiations, the emperor becomes master of Italy. Fresh Spanish troops will reinforce the veterans of Spain and landsknechts, accustomed to serve without pay, but living by plunder, who will ransack not only the confederates but the whole world.
Cardinal Wolsey asked me whether the truce would be advantageous. I replied that it would be injurious for the whole league, and especially for those who had been despoiled of their signories and territory, and that whether the pope made the truce or not, he, to the detriment of the losers, would not again take the field. Cardinal Wolsey replied: Per Deum, nos cogimur resumere nobiscum si Caesar recusaverit honestam pacem, adding that some suspension of hostilities was necessary, so that during the interval peace might be negotiated, and also lest any engagement should intervene to retard the wish for peace, as entertained by one side or the other and he said he strongly suspected that victory would render the King of France insolent.
The cardinal also said that the Frenchman would not willingly make peace. Remarked that if the king and cardinal were possessed of any sure means for making a fair peace they should not lose the opportunity.
It is supposed that the French king is averse from peace for the sake of accomplishing one of three objects, either by war to make himself master of the kingdom of Naples, to release his sons without paying ransom, or to recover the kingdom of Navarre for his sister. Should he succeed and obtain the kingdom of Naples, Italy would be no less in danger of his domination than of the emperor's. But to make peace is to ruin the world. The pope, perhaps suspecting these French projects, has withdrawn, but he ought not to produce this mischievous result. The Venetians should not second the French so strongly as to prevent a fair peace, for the apostolic nuncio says that owing to the Signory, the English will agree to whatever France chooses, and should the pope withdraw Venice will continue the undertaking.
I think we must do as the Venetian suggests in case of need, but not to upset an honourable peace, as I told the ambassador.
They are still endeavouring to overcome the difficulties about the marriage. On the day before yesterday the Most Christian's chamberlain arrived; his instructions are not known. By a letter from the apostolic nuncio it is learned that the Most Christian will adjust these difficulties.
The duke's letters to the king and cardinal were opportune, as also the power. The letters to the nuncio and to the Venetian ambassador were also to the purpose. The last has been and always is intent on the duke's preservation. He requests the duke to continue to show gratitude and trust.
With regard to the duke's hint as to what means can secure the protection of the king and cardinal, is of opinion that at present the means are few, by reason of the duke's want of power; but as for the king, it would be requisite to supply him with horses, arms, hawks and the like, and offer Wolsey the pension of 12,000 ducats, as proposed by the league, giving in like manner a pension to Vuncifil, who is held very dear by the king and cardinal, but the duke is so overburdened on every side that he knows not what he can promise. Requests him to notify his commands and will do the best he can. Recommends Martin Grippa, now in the service of the Nuncio Gambara.
At this very hour the king with his, or rather our cardinal, aware of the inconvenience that would ensue from the pope's secession as aforesaid, has determined to supply his Holiness with the sum required for the expenses of two months, lest he pursue the course towards which he is said to incline. In the meantime the result of the marriage and the peace will be witnessed, although France, as already stated, desires war.
London, the 19th March, 1527.
Postscript: Requests the duke to have the letters for the king and cardinal addressed fully on the outside with all their titles; it would also be well to write occasionally to the Secretary Bucintorch, as it may be of great use.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
March 21.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
790. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 6)
The king and cardinal had determined to defray the pope's, expenses for two months more, lest he should make a perilous truce with the Viceroy. Went to Cardinal Wolsey with the nuncio to lay before him the state of the pope's affairs, and the general mischief which would ensue were he to make such an arrangement.
The cardinal replied angrily that he was very dissatisfied with the pope for not having due respect in his resolves either for his confederates or his friends, and above all for the King of England, who has always most piously revered and does revere his Holiness and the apostolic see, having furnished such subsidy as was deemed expedient by him for the time; giving no little hope of not failing the said see. The nuncio said he did not believe that the pope would do anything without the consent of his Majesty and his confederates, and was of opinion that should his Holiness have done anything it was not without the knowledge and consent of Sir [John] Russel. The cardinal rejoined: Neque Ego neque Rex meus dedit talem facultatem roscello, unless he found his Holiness's affairs in some great need, it being said at the time that the pope wished to interpose his Majesty's name and authority for some fair suspension of hostilities, with the consent of all the confederates. But the need being now at an end, and the consent of the confederates lacking, I cannot but blame his Holiness's counsel, and regret having promised my king so much with regard to the pope's good faith.
Discussing thus the disadvantages of the business and their remedy, the cardinal, who together with his king are born but for the common weal, and intent on the freedom of Italy, said he would contribute money for the pope's expenditure during two months, provided his Holiness and the other confederates promised not to make any arrangement with the emperor without the king's intervention. Then turning to Messer Joan Joachino and Monsignor of Austria, the one ambassador from the King of France, the other his envoy who arrived lately, and who were then perhaps on other business, the cardinal said to them: Rex vester est in causa hujusmodi incommodi si sequetur, not having chosen to consent to the peace nor yet to wage so brisk a war as to prevent the confederates from being compelled to make terms with the emperor. Joan Joachino, after commending the support given by the king and cardinal to the pope, said that the necessity for the pope's secession appeared to him less than his wish to withdraw from hostilities, but that were he so to do, the King of France promised himself victory, the result of the war, more especially if the kingdom of Naples, being such as were reported, and because the king could spend an additional four millions for the undertaking; and that if he had not hitherto inclined towards peace, it was with great reason, as his affairs were not at so low an ebb nor those of the emperor so prosperous as to make France surrender; the emperor's tenure of his realms being uncertain, as well as the amount of money it was proposed to give him in accordance with the treaty of peace.
The cardinal rejoined that the results of the present war and of others which preceded it were not such as to justify so high a tone, and that if the affairs of the league were such as represented by Joachino, he thought the pope's bias would be different from what it is. He added: I am well informed that the Most Christian king is in close and constant negotiation with the emperor, and has determined at any rate to marry Madame Eleanor. In God's name be it so. My king is perfectly satisfied with this, as it satisfies and pleases the Most Christian king, being very certain that for the princess of England there will be no lack of a good and fitting marriage. But should the Most Christian king, as we perceive, make an agreement with the emperor, we request him not to desert his friends and confederates, most especially my king, who, although not expressly named in the confederacy against the emperor, has nevertheless incurred his enmity through what he has done for the especial benefit of the King of France. The cardinal added many other things worthy of his loyalty towards this king and the other confederates. The two French agents in reply positively denied this negotiation, promising such good faith as is due from their king to his confederates and friends, most especially to the King of England. The cardinal continued exhorting them to use their good offices with the king for the peace, this being the object of the war, nor should recourse be had to arms either from too great hatred or from the hope of personal advantage. The nuncio having heard the offer of pecuniary supply on the aforesaid conditions, went again to the cardinal, urging him that, in case the King of France should refuse to promise, not to make terms with the emperor without the intervention of England, his Majesty would be content with the mere promise of the pope and of the Venetian Signory, and thus the affair was settled.
Concerning the current difficulties about this marriage, understands that England promises to give France the same dowry as was promised to the emperor, payable should France not inherit the crown of England. To avoid all future cause for war between France and England, England is willing to cede her claims upon France for 50,000 ducats yearly to the children born of the marriage, France also conceding salt for the use of England.
The Most Christian king replies that he does not care for any other claim than his own on his realms, nor will he accept the proposal. Neither, were he inclined to do so, would his subjects allow him to render the kingdom tributary for 50,000 ducats annually, though by reason of his friendship and brotherhood with the King of England he is willing to grant him the salt during that king's lifetime. The English ministry replied that they did not seek to render France tributary, but that the children born of this marriage should have subsistence upon revenues derived from their paternal kingdom. The matter has been debated hitherto with small hope of adjustment, unless the Most Christian king make such a fair concession as lies in his power.
Does not know how to interpret the Frenchman's boldness in refusing peace coupled with the aforesaid negotiation with the emperor, unless it be a feint to lower the terms of the marriage, nor whether France wishes for war, being able without it to get back his sons, on paying the ransom offered through Paolo da Reggio. Thinks King Francis has a higher aim than security for the freedom of Italy when boasting openly that he will attack Naples on his own account.
Advices have been received in London from Spain, dated the 13th ult., those of the nuncio to the effect that negotiations are on foot, but with no foundation, and that the Spaniards will neither allow the emperor to depart thence, nor give him money, save for the recovery of Hungary, the funds to be dispensed by Spanish treasurers and not otherwise.
Asks for provision for his hard case.
London, the 21st March, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
March 21.791. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. (fn. 7)
Letters have been received from the English ambassadors at Rome, and also from the pope, stating the necessity of the latter for his making terms with the Imperialists, and promising mutual assistance, according to a copy of the article enclosed, which show that the agreement is to that effect and not a truce as entitled. Thereupon the king and cardinal desired the nuncio to send again to the pope, acquainting him with their contribution and exhorting him not to resist and risk his person, as the emperor might be compelled to make fair terms. Should there be no necessity for the agreement the pope is to declare what he can stake for the present venture. The king and the confederates will then decide and either supply the pope with forces, or consent to his providing for his own need. The king will do his utmost to conclude the marriage with France, and if that be effected there will be no lack of means to enforce a fair and general peace. Should the marriage not take place it has been determined not to abandon the Most Christian king but to league with him and the Venetian Signory in order to stay the exorbitant power of the emperor, whether the pope be agreed with him or not. As England has opposed the supremacy of France, so will the King of England resist that of the emperor.
The duke will appreciate the magnanimity of the king and cardinal. Considering the pressure in the kingdom of Naples, and the small success in and Lombardy, had thought it difficult to get the peace out of the clutches of the emperor, whose ambassador in England, with the ambassadors of the King of Bohemia, were urging it. Subsequently he began to hope that therein the king and cardinal would seek the duke's restoration. But as the pope makes peace from fear and in his own interests or present security, knows not what to say, unless God provide through the King of England.
Much surprise caused by the omission from the articles of any place for the duke and that no mention should have been made of him. The affair of the marriage seems to be drawing to a close.
Requests the duke to send him money and to write frequently to Cardinal Wolsey.
London, the 21st March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 24.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
792. Joan Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
By the enclosed from Messer Augustino Scarpinello, to whom I will send either to-day or to-morrow what I have received from your Excellency, you will understand the state of affairs in England. As I had a long conversation yesterday with the Most Christian king I can add to this that the difficulty in the way of the conclusion of the marriage is reduced to two articles, first, that the king here considers excessive and too burdensome the pension of 50,000 ducats a year which the king there demands in acquittance of all his claims upon France; second, that the princess being still under twelve years of age, the English king refuses to hand her over to the king here, as being too dangerous, since she is his only daughter and the heiress of his kingdom, because it would be in the power of the Most Christian not to consummate the marriage, and to marry her at his pleasure, or to keep her in his hands. The Most Christian on his part thinks it equally inadvisable to enter upon this marriage and offer such an affront to the emperor and Madame Leonora, unless he is sure of the event. Accordingly, after looking all round the question, his Majesty has made up his mind, and says that he has written so to his ambassadors, that as he considers the hesitations of the English king reasonable, and those on his side not less so, he suggests making the marriage, but not to fetch his wife home until she is of age for the consummation, provided that in the meantime the English king openly engages in war against the emperor. England agreed to this, promising to do it on the calends of June next, while the king here is most anxious to start on the calends of May. As regards the pension, his Majesty says there will be no difficulty, as the Cardinal of York has already agreed to lower the demand, and agree that it shall only pass to the children of this king and the princess. His Majesty feels convinced of a conclusion, since they have arrived at reasonable terms. Besides this the king there has declared that he means to help the pope with money, and that he will never come to any agreement with the emperor separately from his Holiness and the league.
Poissy, the 24th March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 27.
Potenze.
Estere.
Inghilterra.
Milan
Archives.
793. Augustino Scarapinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
By my last of the 18th and 21st, I reported the good results that ensued from your Excellency sending your mandate in resolving the king and legate here, who are very desirous of the preservation of your Excellency, and will see that it is effected in the future, if a chance presents itself, as is hoped. I also wrote about the position of affairs here, and especially the marriage, and how the king and cardinal, on hearing of the necessity of his Holiness, had decided to send him contributions for his war for two months more, and they had already made provision for carrying it into effect.
News has since arrived from his Majesty's ambassadors at Rome and from the pope himself speaking of his necessity in making an agreement with the Imperialists. If this is true, it is a solid agreement and friendship, with a promise of mutual assistance etc., according to one copy of the terms which has arrived, and not an armistice, as they call it. When the king and cardinal heard this they immediately commissioned the nuncio here to write again to his Holiness, repeating his Majesty's decision to make the contribution already mentioned, and urging him to resist if he can, without running into manifest peril of his person or other things dear to him, because in the meantime the king may be able to force an honourable peace. And if such necessity does not arise, his Holiness shall signify what he proposes to do in the future, and what he can conveniently publish in the press in the meantime, so that his Majesty and the allies may decide and make good the forces that the pope requires or else give him assistance adequate to his requirements. His Majesty adds that he wants an interval of two months, to make an adjustment, if it is possible, and an honourable peace, at the conclusion of this marriage with France, in the event of which he will not fail to take steps to extort an honourable and universal peace. Even if the marriage does not take place, he has already decided not to abandon France, and with the Most Christian and Venice he will bring out all his forces to resist the overweening greatness of Caesar, whether his Holiness comes to terms with the emperor or not, just as his Majesty resisted the overweening greatness of France in the past, and will do so again in the future. He will no more consent to that of Caesar. The whole world is indebted to such high minded spirits as his Majesty and the cardinal, especially your Excellency, who has suffered from overweening greatness, and you may employ your offices to assist such divine and high-minded projects, animated solely for your own good.
I have always considered it extremely difficult to obtain an honourable peace from Caesar; but when I heard of the pressure of the Kingdom of Naples, the poor success of the landsknechts in Lombardy and his ambassador here, together with those of the King of Bohemia press for peace negotiations, I began to hope for it, and at the same time that the king and cardinal here would undoubtedly secure the preservation of your Excellency, as I wrote more at length in my last. But now I do not know what to say, when his Holiness, either from fear or for other personal reasons, grasps at this peace merely for his present security, unless God provides otherwise, as I hope He will owing to the decision of the king here.
I was greatly astonished that the articles of the treaty not only did not leave a place for your Excellency, as for all his principal allies, but did not even mention you.
The marriage business, mentioned above, besides the testimony of his Majesty, already quoted, is tending towards a conclusion, according to the account given by both sides. May God allow what is best to take place. I send word of everything so that your Excellency may arrange your actions according to what seems most expedient. I hear nothing to add except to try for some relief for my misery. I am writing at the expense of the cardinal.
London, the 27th March, 1527.
[Italian.]
March 28.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
794. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Letters from England of the last day of February state that the king and cardinal have received the pope's thanks for the money brought by Rosello. They again offer to lend his Holiness 100,000 ducats to support the war. They want neither truce nor peace and desire no other duke in Milan than Francesco Sforza. The French ambassadors are crossing and a part of their train has already entered the island.
Rome, the 28th March, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 1. Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
795. Benedetto Corte, Milanese Ambassador at Venice, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The English ambassador showed me a letter from England, from which it appears that the Cardinal York, in conversation with Don Inigho, told him roundly that if they want a real and substantial peace, one of the most important conditions is the full restitution of the Duke Francesco Sforza to Milan, and then, by God's grace, he hoped all the rest would follow to the satisfaction of everybody.
Venice, the 1st April, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 9.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
796. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Benedetto da Corte, his colleague at Venice.
My last were of the 27th ult. in anwer to letters of the 27th February. We hear by way of France that his Holiness has already come to terms with the Imperialists, without any consent from his friends and allies or any consideration for them. This has led to the hastening on of the negotiations here, and so, in the name of the Holy Spirit, according to the account of the French ambassadors and the legate here, they have already decided upon this marriage and a perpetual friendship and alliance, both defensive and offensive, between his Majesty and the Most Christian. They have also arranged the manner and time of these events, so that nothing now remains except to draw up these treaties in a proper form. That task is left to the cardinal, so that they hope it will be ready in three or four days for the signatures of both parties. When that is done two persons, one French and the other English, will be sent to declare war on the emperor in case he will not agree to peace on the terms expressed in the articles of the league concluded in France these past months, for the restitution of the sons of the Most Christian and of the Duchy of Milan to the Duke Francesco Sforza, our master. They add that arrangements have been made for a conference between his Majesty and the Most Christian about Whitsuntide. If these decisions are carried out, as is confidently hoped, they will repair the inconvenience caused by his Holiness. If the pope had only waited two months longer, as they gave him the means to do from here, there can be no doubt but that a reasonable peace would have ensued.
I have imparted all this to your lordship so that you may inform his Excellency, and urge him to keep up the courage and fortitude that he has shown hitherto in all his adversities, in order to gather the proper fruit of such immense labours, especially for his own preservation and the few things which have remained to him after so great a shipwreck. But from this I firmly hope that the recovery of all the rest of his dominions will spring. I think that now his enemies have come to terms with the pope, they will turn all their forces against his Excellency, and therefore he will need his pristine vigour to support himself for the carrying out of these excellent and vigourous resolutions. In this I hope he may count upon the usual protection and support of the Signory, in which alone we live and hope that we shall conquer, steering our course solely by that benign star. I cannon help taking comfort that the king and legate here become daily more zealous in their agreement with the desire of the Signory for the preservation of his Excellency, as they never speak of the affairs of Italy without first referring to his preservation. This is all due to the Signory whose good will becomes every day more clear to all the world by the action of their ambassador here. I have nothing to add except to beg your lordship, in case new negotiations are entered upon between his Majesty and the Most Christian for waging war, as well as with the Signory, to send this or a copy to his Excellency (keeping it dark from his Holiness), so that he may know all, and to urge him not to neglect anything that may give the king and cardinal a good opinion of him. I know that the Signory communicates everything to your lordship, but I have thought it right to send these advices.
London, the 9th April, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 16.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
797. The Cavalier Landriano, Milanese Ambassador at Rome, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The agreement has been made between the pope, the viceroy and Florence. The Sig. Datary will leave to-morrow morning for France and England, and will then go to Spain.
Rome, the 16th April, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 17.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
798. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
On the 27th ult. I wrote of events here up to that date, referring to what I write daily and at greater length to Taverna. Since then, by advices received by the French and Venetian ambassadors, we have heard of the accommodation which has taken place between his Holiness and the Imperialists. This is certainly unfortunate, as it removes the slight hopes that existed of some common peace. To remedy this disadvantage they have hastened on the conclusion of the negotiations here. According to what both sides say, these are already in form and agreed, and it only remains to sign them and carry them out. The present state of affairs requires that this should be soon, and there are not lacking those who wish to hasten on the treaties. Thus with respect to this marriage there is a condition among others that the Most Christian shall contract it himself, or promise to make it with his second son, the Duke of Orleans, and this in order not to exasperate Caesar over the peace, leaving him a way to settle the marriage with his sister. The second treaty is for a perpetual friendship, defensive and offensive, between the Most Christian and his Majesty; the third, about the manner of making war, should it become necessary. The other more special conditions are not known to me or to those friends who are able to inform me. There is an arrangement that after the treaties are signed two persons, one English and the other French, shall go with all speed to Caesar, to exhort him to universal peace upon the conditions contained in the articles of the league made in France, notably the restitution of the two sons of the Most Christian and of the Duchy of Milan to Francesco Sforza, with a reasonable sum. If Caesar refuses these terms, they will declare war on him. Similarly they have arranged a conference between his Majesty and the Most Christian about Whitsuntide, with the determination to make every effort to induce Venice to resist the overweening greatness of Caesar. For this purpose they have a new league in view. The decision is excellent and should bring forth the desired remedies if carried out with the speed that present difficulties require.
Again, as it seems expedient not to irritate his Holiness, because of what he has done, but rather to soothe him and keep him as friendly as possible, so that when the necessity is removed, which induced him to make that agreement, if it was necessity and not done with deliberation, he may withdraw from Caesar, his Majesty and the legate are writing to him in friendly fashion, taking all in good part, so that his Holiness, in due time and season, may recognise the common advantage of Italy and the offices of his Majesty towards the apostolic see. But as these are only words, and therefore do not suffice to produce the results desired, the carrying out of this decision and the treaties are necessary, especially about immediate war. The Most Christian must not delay any longer to cause a large force of Swiss to descend into Italy, and must not wait until the flickering flame left in that province is quenched. He should reflect that everything there is under the jurisdiction of Caesar and friendly to him, except the corner held by the Signory and your Excellency so that the situation requires the greatest despatch.
With this new league which they propose to make between the Most Christian, the king here and Venice, they will come and ask for that pension on the state of Milan that was promised on the kingdom of Naples in the articles of the league made in France. In that case you should approach the Signory of Venice, because Taverna will approach the Most Christian, having been advised by me, so that he may not agree to your Excellency being so burdened, but will lay the burden on another state; and if the burden cannot be avoided to have it on condition that they shall contribute here to the defence of that state, and the present war and what may occur in the future, and that the pension may be extinguished by degrees as may best suit your Excellency. The Venetian ambassador, who is equally zealous about pressing these requests, says that there is need for the arm and direction of his Signory and of the Most Christian to avoid their pressing requests here. This same ambassador, from conversation he has had with the French ambassadors on the subject, considers they are inclined to one of the two, or that no pension at all be promised, and chiefly for protection alone without contribution, as it will stand in the aforesaid capitulation, provided that they promise it upon any state rather than Naples, as if they were not in peaceful possession. Your Excellency will be able to provide for this event with your customary prudence, and if this new league is made you can try to be included in it as a principal. I have written about all this to the same effect to Taberna, but it is necessary for the provision to be made speedily, so as to forestall the said events, the pension and the league, and that we may not be walking in darkness.
This courier has been delayed to allow time for the papers of the treaty to be properly drawn up and recognised so as to please both parties. They propose, please God, that the king here shall sign and swear to the treaty on Easter Sunday, the Cardinal celebrating the mass. It is whispered that the Cardinal may proceed to France to arrange with the king and his Council there certain things to be done by their Majesties, so that when they meet for their conference they may have nothing but festivities to think of. However, this is only a whisper, not a decision. It only remains to pray God that this alliance and friendship with the arrangements made, give birth quickly to those good results for which your Excellency may thank the Almighty, for having so conciliated the king here and the cardinal that in all their conversations and arrangements they declare and persist that your Excellency must be restored to the Duchy of Milan. I have sent word of all that I have been able to gather so that your Excellency may make your dispositions to suit the things which have been done up to the present and which may follow hereafter.
You must not neglect, although the King of England and York are of the disposition which I have indicated above, to take every means to keep them of the same mind. I think that your Excellency could not show your gratitude and esteem better than by sending his Majesty horses and arms of various kinds, and by giving a new pension of 10,000 ducats to the Cardinal, since to fail in supplying him with the one of 4,000 that was given to him is bound to render him hostile, while to assure him of the same pension would not oblige him to serve your Excellency more. I also think it advisable to transfer the pension given to Anztil and Thomas More, who is most powerful with the King of England and York and to confirm the pension promised to Brianthel. Your Excellency will decide according to your pleasure and give the orders that seem good to you in order to incline people to do the utmost for you in the matters which they have to nogotiate (et fare nova pensione de Xm. ducati a questo Reverendissimo poco che de li IVm. che se gli dava non se puo manchare senza inimicarcelo et assicurarlo de la medema pension e non se astringeria a majore obligo verso v. ex. et parimente me pare doverse transfundere quella pensione che dava Anztil et Tomaso Moro, qual e potentissimo presso il Re de Angliterra et Eboracense et confirmare la pensione promissa a Brianthel, et de tutto piacera a v. ex. deliberare et ordinate quello gli piacera presto ac tale che se dispongano le persone ad quanto sia suo beneficio in le cose che haveno de trattare.
London, the 17th April, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
April 23.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
799. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The agreement between the Most Christian and the English king has at last been signed. The king here thereby undertakes to invade Flanders with 20,000 foot, and 2,000 lances, and the English king with 10,000 foot and 3,000 horse. They will form a common fleet, on which 2,000 men will be at the cost of the king here, and 1,000 at England's cost. The king here is sending the ratification to-day and within eight days it is said they will celebrate the league by bonfires and festivities.
Each king is sending a person to Spain to declare to the emperor that if he wishes to enter the universal peace, he must give up the Most Christian's sons for a reasonable ransom, and deliver the state to your Excellency in Italy. The king will take Madame Leonora and the second son, the Duke of Orleans, will take the princess of England. They will bring back the reply in a month or they will declare war, and the French and English kings will confer near Calais or Boulogne, to arrange about the marriage and the war.
Paris, the 23rd April, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 29.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
800. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I wrote that the king here was to swear to the treaties on Easter Sunday, and that done, they would forthwith despatch two individuals, to wit, the Bishop of Tarpe on behalf of France, and Master Poyns on behalf of the king here to intimate the aforesaid matters to the emperor. They would have done so, had not the legate been slightly indisposed with fever, on which account they have waited until now. The cardinal is already thoroughly convalescent, thank God, and they have appointed to-morrow for the signing of the treaties by both parties. On Sunday next, which will be the 5th prox., his Majesty will take the oath with all pomp and ceremony, the Cardinal celebrating mass on that day, and then others are to make triumphs and festivities. As they recognise the necessity of resisting with all speed the overweening greatness of Caesar, the two persons mentioned will not wait to admire these triumphs, but will start forthwith early on Monday morning, and will travel with all diligence. They have orders not to stay more than two days at the emperor's Court for the answer about peace or war, on the conditions mentioned, this most just sovereign insisting that the Duchy of Milan must belong to Duke Francesco Sforza, and declaring again orally that he will devote all his strength for this purpose, and will not otherwise consent to any peace. The French ambassadors told me this. They were with his Majesty yesterday for these arrangements. They also said that they had found him so determined to resist the greatness of Caesar that nothing more could be desired, giving a firm hope that he will wage war not only with the forces arranged between him and the Most Christian, but will also contribute towards the defeat of Caesar's forces in Italy.
It is also reported that before the month is out the cardinal here will cross the sea to confer with the Most Christian King, who will come to Boulogne or Motreuil, a few leagues away, where they will arrange what is to be done and decide on everything, so that when the Most Christian confers with the king here, which will happen soon after, they will have nothing to think about but triumphs and festivities. His Majesty will cross the sea for this conference. The marriage will be made alternative, as reported, so that if Caesar desires peace, he shall not have to complain that his sister has been repudiated by the King of France.
For the war here, the ambassador promises 20,000 infantry, including 10,000 Swiss or landsknechts from Guelderland or the Black Forest, and 700 lances. The king here promises 6,000 archers and 3,000 halbardiers, and a number of ships, but I am not sure how many. The commander will be the Duke of Suffolk by the choice of the Most Christian. The king here will lend a good sum of money to the Most Christian for the operations of Italy. I have sent word of all this for the comfort of your Excellency, and that you may keep yourself safe in order to enjoy the fruits of this sowing. I believe firmly that the mercy and aid of God are with you.
The constant efforts of the Venetian ambassador here for the preservation of your Excellency surpass all commendation. If you were here yourself you could not do or say more. His representations to the nuncio have been most efficacious in inducing him to serve you. In all his actions he has never failed to give proof of his great devotion. I therefore beg your Excellency to consider him as your good servant, as every day he shows himself more worthy of your favour, and never ceases his good offices to induce the Most Christian to make a close union with the king here, so that each may desire the same as the other, and we hope this will be the case after the mission mentioned above.
London, the last day but one of April, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 29.
Carteggio
Generale
Milan
Archives.
801. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza. Duke of Milan.
On Saturday a man of this king arrived from England. According to his Majesty he brings word that the new league between the two kings has been proclaimed at London. The King of England has selected Mons. Point, his great gentleman, and two heralds, who will accompany M. de Tarpe, this king's gentleman, to Spain, to make the demands of the emperor I wrote of, and to declare war in case of refusal, without further delay. The king again speaks of the conference to take place between their Majesties, about Whitsun, and the English king promises the greatest things.
Paris, the last day but one of April, 1527.
[Italian.]
April 29.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
802. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I am dying of hunger and in a prison, and I see no way of escape unless I receive speedy and adequate help from your Excellency.
London, the last day but one of April, 1527.
[Italian.]
May 8.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
803. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Joan Francesco Taberna, his colleague in France.
On the last day but one of last month I wrote that on the following Sunday both sides would swear to the treaties, and they would then send to the emperor to demand peace, and that in everything due regard was had for the claims of his Excellency, as among the first conditions were the restoration of the sons of the Most Christian and of the Duke Francesco Sforza to the Duchy of Milan. Subsequently, on the 3rd inst., your lordship's letters of the 23rd ult. arrived. They have rejoiced me exceedingly for every respect, and most of all because they tell me that your letters have been prevented for other reasons than I supposed. I thank God that you show so much goodwill to satisfy my desire for your letters etc.
The departure of the courier has been delayed until now. Your lordship must know that on the 5th inst. the king here and the French agents swore to the treaties and other engagements between his Majesty and the Most Christian, in the chapel of the royal palace of Greenwich, with pomp and ceremony, the Bishop of London celebrating, as the cardinal was not yet strong enough. By a public oration they announced the alliance and perpetual peace between the two sovereigns, without entering into any particulars about the peace or the other treaties, not even about the marriage. Not a word is said about this last. It is stated that all is arranged prospectively, as they did not wish to publish what has been signed, settled and sworn until they have Caesar's answer. God grant the best result. In what is of more importance namely, the alliance, the results will follow for which it has been made, according to the account given by the French ambassadors and that of the cardinal to me, the nuncio and the Venetian ambassador. In this alliance are named the pope and Venice, and Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, as you will hear more fully from his Majesty. It will therefore be advisable for his Excellency to write to his Majesty and the cardinal thanking them for remembering him so well amid all their affairs, and for their care for his perservation, which he has heard of by the orders given to the Bishop of Tarpe and the Knight Poyns, who are going to the emperor. If he wishes to be included in the alliance he should send provision for ratification at the same time that the Venetian Signory sends, so that if we are asked for this ratification we may not be behindhand, as in all our other affairs and offices. The Venetian ambassador asked the French ambassadors for a copy of the articles of the alliance. They refused to do this before they present it to their king and a copy has been made for all the ambassadors of the allies at his Court. Thus his Excellency should ask for it, as we shall do the same here.
I understand that they have allowed twenty days here to receive Caesar's answer. It is certainly too much, because they ought not to delay so long the necessary provisions, if Caesar does not want the peace which they demand of him.
London, the 8th May, 1527.
Postscript.—The festivities and triumphs and the sumptuous apparatus with which this most powerful king has entertained the French ambassadors have surpassed all the splendours of modern or ancient kings.
[Italian.]
May 10.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
804. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
By my letters of the 29th ult. I wrote of the negotiations between the king here and the Most Christian. On the 5th inst. in the royal chapel of Greenwich palace the Bishop of London celebrated the divine offices with great pomp and ceremony, as the cardinal was too weak from his late sickness, and the king here and the agents of the Most Christian swore to many engagements and treaties and then, by a public oration, they announced peace and a perpetual alliance between the Most Christian and the king here, without publishing any details of the alliance or making any mention of the marriage or of the other contracts, said to be numerous, between the two kings, although by the account of the French agents here and of others of this part who should know they have arranged and sworn to the marriage and settled all the other differences. The announcement of these things, and especially of the marriage, has been postponed until it has been consummated, or perhaps in the conference which is to take place between their Majesties, and also to avoid giving cause of offence to Caesar, there being no reason for the marriage of his sister if he accepts the peace on the conditions demanded, as in that case they will be satisfied here with a marriage with the Most Christian's second son.
After this publication, in the hall where the king's table was prepared, in the presence of the cardinal, the Bishop of Tarpe, the Viscount of Turena, and the other agents of France, and many princes of this country, he sent for the nuncio, the Venetian ambassador and myself and told us that in this league the pope, Venice, and Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, were not mentioned, as he had informed the French agents two days before, but with matters concluded there they will arrive at the end desired.
On the 9th they sent the two envoys mentioned to the emperor. They will wait to see what the emperor will do and they give him twenty days to reply, which is not much to decide so great a matter, as a good part of the time will be spent in going and coming. The best remedy would be to hasten on the levying of the Swiss, promised by the Most Christian for the war, so that it may be known that they mean to wage open war on the emperor. I am doubtful about the event, because they do nothing with great expence, especially if the King of France fails at all in his promises. I do not speak as an expert on war. If they want promises all the members of the league can give them.
It is considered certain that when the envoys return the king here and the Most Christian will meet to confer, and the cardinal will cross the sea some days before.
Now is the time for your Excellency to write to the king and Cardinal about their consideration in these treaties and to explain the reason for silence and such long delay in writing, so that they may not attribute it to ingratitude instead of your difficulties. You may also consider making some offering to the Cardinal of York, otherwise your affairs will have little reputation.
I also beg you to send provision for the ratification, together with that of the Venetian Signory, so that the Venetian ambassador and I may both be ready.
London, the 10th May, 1527.
Postscript.—The king here has shown the greatest magnificence in providing festivities and banquets for the French ambassadors. He is now leaving two large halls built with triumphal arches about them, and other most sumptuous preparations, including four great repositories, full of gold vessels. In one he is giving a supper after a banquet, in the other they are to have combats, comedies, dancing and music, for which the arrangements surpass the magnificence of all ancient and modern princes in like matters.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 19.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
805. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Mons. Tarpe and Mons. Point have not yet left for Spain nor is the capitulation of England published. I think they are expecting the English ambassadors in three or four days. Mons. Tarpe left post yesterday to return to England; they say here for some special affairs of the king. In a few days we may have a better clue to all these intricate actions with respect to England and Spain, as the lords of the Council here promised that everything would be cleared up in four days.
Paris, the 19th May, 1527.
[Italian.]
May 19.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
806. Augustino Scarpinello, Milanese Ambassador in England, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
On the 10th I wrote that of all the treaties and negotiations that have been discussed these last days between the French agents and the king here, they had only published a perpetual peace and confederation, naming therein both these kings, the pope, Venice and your Excellency, the most powerful result, it seems to me, of our desire for these treaties. Many are of opinion that some arrangements have been signed but not published. I also reported the despatch of the Bishop of Tarpe and the knight, Poyns. Since their departure his Majesty as a sign of his good intentions, has forbidden any ship or merchant vessel or the merchants themselves to send to Flanders to the fair of Berghas, whither many ships were all in readiness to go, which from what they say, would have taken goods to the value of more than 400,000 ducats.
In addition to this, the cardinal, who is very diligent and ready for all expedients for the public welfare, having heard the arguments in favour of attacking Caesar first in Italy and then elsewhere, and also perceiving that the people will make war in Flanders unwillingly, has decided to contribute ready money first for the war in Italy for 10,000 foot. He has written about this decision to the King of France and is awaiting a reply. In this way he hopes to induce his Holiness to do what he can, without burdening the King of France and the Signory of Venice, though promised by their agents in the new articles, because he considers it would be too heavy a burden. He adds that he does not wish your Excellency to be constrained to do more than you are able, and he does not wish anything to be owed to Caesar and that you shall be bound to pay him anything. However, he does not wish such a proposal to be divulged before everything is arranged with the King of France.
Certainly the benevolence and care shown by his Majesty and the cardinal for the preservation of your Excellency are very remarkable, and therefore you should express your gratitude. This decision of the cardinal gives an assured hope of victory. It only remains to solicit its execution, as the state of affairs requires.
By advices of the last day of last month, we hear that Antonio de Leya has started from Milan to attack your Excellency.
In order to proclaim peace the cardinal here is making his preparations to cross to France.
London, the 19th May, 1527.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
May 22.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
807. Mart. Agrippa to Gio. Angelo Riccio, first secretary of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Asks for information whether Syrona is at Milan, or having been in the service of the Protonotary de Gaborra, papal nuncio in England, since the beginning of these negotiations he has little or no knowledge of his own private affairs at Milan.
London, the 22nd May, 1527.
[Italian.]
May 23.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
808. Joan Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The war which they propose to wage here by the Most Christian and the English king will not be made because they would profit little, as the time is so far advanced when they expect the reply from Spain. Accordingly the Most Christian remarked yesterday that the English king had told his people that he was ready to pay 10,000 foot in Italy for which he was bound in the capitulation made with his Majesty. The king here sent to him, to-day accepting this decision. Therefore, if necessary to conquer the enemy, they will have besides the above provision 10,000 Swiss, the 10,000 of Count Piero, and 10,000 landsknechts, or it will serve to relieve the expenses of the Most Christian and the Venetians on the side of Lombardy, besides the maintenance of another principal army in Tuscany of30,000 foot. In any case the Most Christian shows a determination to win. The Most Christian tells everyone that he has made a start and that he is sending to those parts in diligence 100,000 ducats. Again, on hearing this news from Rome, the Most Christian has sent to stimulate the English king. That monarch does not wish at this moment to fail to maintain his name as defender of the Church, while the king here will uphold his title of Most Christian with all his strength. He hopes to kindle England greatly. He expects to come soon to the conference with York, and to meet the English king in the middle of next month, that conference being made by himself, his Majesty not being invited. He says then that if he is not to make war in this quarter, he would like to betake himself to Lyons, in order the better to attend to things there, and if necessary reinforce there, so as to make sure of victory.
Paris, the 23rd May, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
June 3.
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
809. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
I learn that the Kings of France and England are agreed that for the war in Flanders, besides the troops required in Italy, France shall put 20,000 foot and 1,000 lances into the field, and England, shall pay for 10,000 others. In this case they could be sure of victory. I believe it, because France does not make public this undertaking of England, possibly in order to gain some contribution from the Venetians. I have written about it to your Excellency's ambassador at Venice so that he may advise the Signory.
Paris, the 3rd June, 1527.
[Italian; deciphered.]
Carteggio
Generale.
Milan
Archives.
810. Advices from the Imperial Court gathered by a gentleman of the Duke of Savoy, who recently left his Imperial Majesty to go to his Excellency. (fn. 8)
His Imperial Majesty told the French ambassador in the presence of the English that he had learned he had practised with the Princes and Free Towns of Germany to confirm them in the Lutheran opinions, because the Most Christian would help them.
His Imperial Majesty asked the Most Christian for help against the Turk. The King of England, being similarly requested to act against the Turk, said he would do as much on the Most Christian.
The Turks had declared war against Christendom, except the King of England and the republic of Venice.
[Italian.]
Aug. 25.
Potenze
Estere.
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
811. Francesco Taberna, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Since my last of the 19th, the Cardinal of York and the lords of the Council of the King of France, who have remained here, have been negotiating together every day. Of this only the Venetian ambassador and I know what your Excellency will see by the enclosed copy of the articles, which we are also sending to the Venetian Signory, so as to confirm them to these treaties. I have not been sent for and have taken no part. The Venetian ambassador alone was asked once only to the negotiation of these articles and nothing in that agreement has been communicated to him save the negotiations made between the king here and the Cardinal of York; not even of the reply to be made to the emperor, which they say has not been made as yet, and they want first to know the decision of Genoa.
Among the articles there is one about your Excellency, the last, not very much to the purpose both because of the charge which they impose and by the form of the words. Your Excellency will see that they require consideration, especially as they were drawn up by the Cardinal of York.
The man of Count Francesco dalla Somaglia told me he had been informed by the secretary of an ambassador that the Cardinal of York remarked that wishing to come to an agreement with the emperor, they would never stand out for the state of Milan (volendosi accordare con lo Imperatore mai se restara per il stato de Milano).
He also told me he had heard that a commission had been given to Mons. de Lautrech to take possession cautiously of Lodi and Cremona, if he could. He promised me he would write clearly about it all to the count his master.
As I have received no letters from your Excellency since the 12th ult. I do not know your wishes. It seems the proper course not to intervene in these new conventions, where they are only seeking to lay burdens on your Excellency, and do not seek my help much. In this I believe I am fulfilling your wishes, as you have sent me no reply about the news I gave of the orders sent by the Venetians to their ambassador here to consent to this charge imposed by the English king, as I wrote on the 2nd ult.
The 25th August, 1527.
[Italian; from the decipherment.]
Aug. 29.
Potenze
Estere,
Francia.
Milan
Archives.
812. Giovanni Francesco Robio, Milanese Ambassador in France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
Your Excellency will have heard by my letters of the 5th and 26th inst. that I wrote about the conference between the Most Christian and the King of England. I need not repeat this except that the general opinion persists that the King of England may not mind if it does not ensue, and the English ambassador thinks so. It is stated that the Grand Master will go to the English king, but these matters will not be cleared up until Mons. de Langhe (fn. 9) writes or returns from England.
As regards the arming of the Most Christian, the Venetian ambassador was assured of it to-day, when conversing with the Grand Master, (fn. 10) in this way, that if the Turks winter in Hungary, as he is sure they will, his Majesty will undoubtedly arm most powerfully both by sea and land, to defend Christendom against the Turks, with the assistance of the English king and the King of Scotland on the side of Italy, if necessary, and if not, he will do some other thing. The Most Christian himself and the Grand Master have said precisely the same thing to many people, except the last words, to wit, that if it was not necessary against the Turks, he would do some other thing. I have an idea that he wants this report of arming to get abroad, and some believe that he expects in this way to move some of the powers of Italy to seek an understanding with the Most Christian. The Venetian ambassador told me that he conjectured from the way the Grand Master spoke that the Most Christian would soon sound the Venetians. I do not believe much in this for several reasons, but I would not omit to report it, so that your Excellency may be on the alert, since you have joined your fortune with them in great measure. I certainly believe that if the Turk fell upon the emperor, they would arm, but from my knowledge of them here, they will act with reserve if the emperor is equal not superior, or even suffers some slight reverse; but in any event it will be difficult for the Most Christian and the English king to agree about doing anything important, because neither of them wishes it (in ogni evento se puotriano male accordare il Christianissimo et Re Anglico nel fare cosa importante, perche la non vorebbe de uno canto et e l'altro da l'altro).
Nantes, the 29th August, 1527.
[Italian; from the decipherment.]

Footnotes

1 Margaret, sister of Francis I, King of France, and widow of the Duke of Alencon.
2 Osborne Etchingham or Ichingham. Spanish Cal., 1527–9, page 18.
3 Venetian Cal., vol. iv, no. 68.
4 Ibid, no. 69.
5 Ibid, no. 70.
6 Venetian Calendar, vol. iv, no. 74.
7 Venetian Calendar, vol. iv, no. 80.
8 Undated, but among papers of July, 1527.
9 William de Bellay, Lord of Langey.
10 Anne de Montmorenci.


<--Previous:
Milan:
1526
Next:-->
Milan:
1530