Appendix

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Vatican Archives, Volume 2, 1572-1578. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1926.

'Appendix', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Vatican Archives, Volume 2, 1572-1578, (London, 1926) pp. 549-569. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/vatican/vol2/pp549-569 [accessed 19 April 2024]



1570. Vat. Arch Varia Polit. vol. xcix. f. 167. et seq.	I. Reflections on the Condition of England. “Truly deplorable is the condition of our country, not only because of the oppression to which the Catholic faith is there subject, but also, and much more so, because Catholic Princes, who with slight exertion might make a riddance of all this evil, not only afford no aid, but will not lend to Christ so much as the mere shadow and bare form of their name even for a brief while. I confess that they have no lack of occupation both at home and abroad, and perchance it is because they have too long neglected to promote the interests of their neighbours and brethren that they are now confronted with more business in all quarters. But though at another time we might hope to obtain more, yet at this time this alone we anxiously entreat; to wit, that they lend but the mere shadow of their name to Christ and His Church against the synagogue of the heretics. For should the Catholic and Most Christian kings recall their ambassadors from Elizabeth's accursed company, and desist from honouring her by their presence, this would seem to be an excellent beginning of the business itself. “For since the nobles of England recognize that Elizabeth is a woman, and not only so, but woman subject to many diseases contracted by her inordinate luxuriousness, and, it is said, vastly increased since her excommunication by the Apostolic See, insomuch that those who are next her person are suffused by a grievous smell issuing from her shin, they all begin to regard her with disfavour. And since, moreover, they expect no heir of her; nay, indeed, know that the succession to the crown will legitimately devolve upon the Catholic Queen of Scotland; likewise by the recent hostilities thoroughly understand the desires of the people; and cannot be ignorant that the neighbouring kings of France, Spain and Portugal are seriously bent on protecting the Catholic faith; if to all this there should be added an overt and public interdict upon commerce between the English and these Catholic kings, it could hardly be otherwise than that such also of the English nobles as are somewhat careless of the Catholic faith should nevertheless, for the sake of their own ease and peace, think seriously about applying a remedy to these evils as soon as possible. “We expected from the Christian Princes not indeed immense armies but at least some aids; and would that they had been denied us in the first instance, and that we had not so long based false hopes on the reedy staff of Egypt. (fn. 1) But since such are our sins and theirs that neither are they for the love of Christ minded to lend us aid that we deserve not; nor are we, sinners as we are against Christ, able to evoke any man's aid, we shall account it a great boon if they at any rate desist from rendering further service to their and our common enemy. For what, I pray, do they accomplish, or to what end do they labour? Elizabeth is on their track by land and sea as a foe. They wait upon an accursed and excommunicated woman with honours and gifts. She adds Germans to her French mercenaries, and detains by force the money of the King of the Spains (fn. 2) gotten by fraud; nor do they bestow the least word of censure upon her; nay, they send ambassadors to her, and receive with honour those sent by her: pondering which matter of late some of our people, on learning that a heretical man, ambassador of a heretical woman, had received an immense donation, were scarce able to refrain from weeping. “They will say, perchance, that they dread lest, if they should offend her, they should be yet more sorely hurt by her; the manner whereof they well understand, if perchance it shall be in her power to bring some greater calamity upon them; for since she aforetime omitted no occasion of doing them harm, what sort of reason is there to hope from her—worse as she grows day by day—better things in future? And then, how shameful it is that Princes so great should be so afraid of an heretical and excommunicated woman! I verily doubt whether any Catholic king, who had suffered even the tenth part of such wrongs by another Catholic king would bring himself to take it in good part. O Tempora, O Mores! Is it so then that the swords of the Catholic Princes are drawn only against Catholics? But to say nothing of swords-let them at least recall their ambassadors, lest all the Catholic world should pay the penalty of this most grievous scandal; to wit, that she, whose society plebeians are bound on pain of excommunication to avoid, is by Princes, who should lead others by their example, courted with the utmost reverence as still lawful Queen. And what of the new bait, nay rather an old one, which this Herodiadas (sic) is of late proffering She is again talking of nuptials: again she has sent Cobham (fn. 3) junior to the Emperor's Court, not that she is minded, it is said, to receive a man (fn. 4) into her house so much as to deceive men outside of it. Moreover she intimates I know not what hope of Catholicizing herself, to the end that by thus temporizing she may gain something. The Catholics that she has at home she ruthlessly slaughters: will it then be believed that she loves those that are abroad, and that she is minded, well nigh an old woman as she now is, to love, and so loving to be united in marriage with them? Verily she is the whore depicted in the Apocalypse, with the wine of whose prostitution the kings of the earth are drunk; and seeing that meanwhile she is drunk with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus, significant indeed is the figure of that whore; and yet more confirmed in this belief would they be who knew that in the time of Queen Mary, of happy memory, she would have lost her life for complicity in treason (fn. 5) but that one of the chief nobles of the land intervened to prevent it. Therefore, seeing that Elizabeth is now of evil odour not only with God but also with men; we demand in the first place that Catholic Princes cease to accord her regal honour; for so they easily may without any loss to themselves; and in the second place that on account of the very ancient league which the Must Christian King has with the Scots, he supply them with at least a thousand, if not more, soldiers, by whose aid the chieftains of the Scottish nation may expel Elizabeth's inferior force which at present tyrannizes over Scotland, so that access at least to the realm of Scotland may be open to Catholics. For at present mad indeed we should be deemed to think of sailing thither; for indeed the English nobles have been constrained to flee from Scotland; to wit, the Earl of Westmorland, the Earls of Northumberland, three Nortons, two Nevilles, Stafford and others their subordinates to the number of forty and more. And since the most noble Lord Seton, himself a, Scot, and almost the sole Catholic among the nobles of that nation, has of late [September, 1570] repaired to these parts (fn. 6) with the Countess of Northumberland, there is no way whatever left to us of entering that land, since none there are to receive us into their houses, and many indeed there are that would desire nothing so much as to lay hostile hands upon us. Nor yet on this account do we despair of all access thereto, since we hope that aid may soon be afforded by the French to the friends of the Queen of Scots; nor by God's grace, as soon as some opportunity shall present itself, shall we fail to fulfil the mandates of the Pope. “I find no little consolation in that the more destitute we are of human aid, the more pressing is our appeal to God, in whom no man ever placed trust in vain. Our cause has been not a little helped by this sentence declaratory of excommunication (fn. 7); for now the English nobles who went into exile in Scotland have rejected all the terms of peace earnestly and handsomely proffered them by Elizabeth; which otherwise they seemed inclined to accept, especially as they saw that the Christian princes make absolutely no account of them; unless perchance those may be deemed to have held them in some esteem who for these last nine months have neither afforded them military aid, nor been at pains to redeem the Earl of Northumberland from a most foul prison, (fn. 8) nor amid such indigence of so many soldiers of Christ have bestowed upon them so much as a single penny. I learn that a hundred gold pieces have been distributed among ten nobles, and also that there is hope of some greater largesse. But how was it that about a year ago there was not only clear hope, but a most clear letter of the Catholic King, by which to the zealous and all other English Catholics resident in Belgium royal alms were, I do not say promised, but shown to be deposited, so that we were in hourly expectation of payment thereof; by reason of which bruit alms were the more slowly afforded us from elsewhere. For at Rome also it was believed that we were provided for by the Catholic King. And lo! a whole year has now gone by, and never a single coin is distributed among all the Catholics, all the zealots that live here. Not that I do not think that the alms will eventually be distributed, but that I am quite unable to understand the postponement of distribution for an inordinate time. Of late it has been announced that the alms are speedily to be distributed. Meanwhile, forsooth, poor enough as otherwise we were here, we have been constrained to bestow at least six hundred gold pieces, that the nobles who had come from Scotland might be provided with raiment and rations for a brief while. And so, to return to the point whence this digression was made; since those Catholic nobles thoroughly understood the little, nay rather no account in which they are held by foreign Princes, while Elizabeth, indeed, earnestly exhorted them to return to their [homes], promising to restore to them estates and lands and all things, ay and to connive at their secret profession of the Catholic faith, assuredly it was no slight temptation to which those nobles were subjected, to prefer greatness at home to nothingness abroad. But since they learned that the Apostolic See had declared that same Elizabeth alike to have been and still to be excommunicate, (fn. 9) all talk about compromise has been abruptly terminated; and now they think of nought else but either to return to their native land openly professing the faith, or to suffer a glorious exile for the name of Christ. Yea, verily that most illustrious Earl of Northumberland, though he stand in daily peril of his life, will nevertheless, as we are well assured, choose rather to lose not only all his fortune, but even life itself than to be reconciled with the excommunicate woman. For we know that by Elizabeth he has been most earnestly solicited to return to his native land, his pristine honours being allowed him; so that it is a question of pretermitting the other fruits of that declaratory sentence; to wit, the honour of Christ, whose power is thereby publicly attested in the person of His vicar, the profitableness of souls which is conspicuous in some illustrious martyrs, and also a precedent which other kings and princes apprehend, seeing that the same thing may befall them which has befallen others of the same condition. Assuredly it concerns the matter very nearly that the nobles, who aforetime took up arms, now consent to no terms of peace; and moreover other three nobles of great repute have since betaken them from England to Belgium, lest for obeying the excommunicated [Queen] they should be compelled to undergo sentence of excommunication. And besides does not the Most Illustrious Earl of Southampton, (fn. 10) youth though he be, nevertheless rejoice to be in fetters for the cause of Christ, abating no whit his constancy in the faith? “I omit greater matters which can neither as yet be brought to pass nor safely be committed to writing. Certainly the Catholics here have derived much encouragement from this excommunication [of Queen Elizabeth]; and this they would themselves have shown before now but that they lost their opportunity this year, while awaiting from others aid which seemed to be promised them, in order nevertheless that performance might still be postponed until well nigh all hope of successfully conducting the business should be out of the question. “Excellently well would the Christian Princes have deserved of the cause if they had held out no false hope of lending aid. If they were not willing to give what was craved of them, it would have been an alms, and not the least they.could bestow, to have refused at the very beginning, that so it might have been possible, either to have recourse to craving aid of others, or at least to save the costs of passing from court to court of the said Princes. But enough of complaining. I pray God that the Apostolic See may never be dependent on human caprice, or the pleasure of Princes, but may continue as it began in the Lord, Who will ratify its decision when it shall seem good to Him. For it is meet that the members follow the example of the head, not that they take the lead of it. “We give thanks to God with all our heart that He has granted us such a father in the See of Peter as our most holy Lord Pius V.” (fn. 11) [Autumn, 1570. Brussels.] Latin.
Vat. Arch. Varia Polit. xcix. f. 166.	II. Memorial as to the Business of Scotland and England. “To remove the scruple which has caused his Catholic Majesty to walk so warily in the matter of his aid for the successful conduct of the enterprise of the Catholics of Scotland and England, so glorious as it is in the sight of God and likewise of the world, it will be necessary to apprise and convince the King of the following matters: 1. “That the Pope would fain in conjunction with his Majesty, and without any ulterior interest, undertake the protection of this cause solely for the glory of God, the reclamation of those realms to the Catholic Church, and the salvation of so many thousands of souls that are being lost for lack of the aid and charity which the Christian Princes should accord to God and those peoples. 2.“That his Majesty should deem it certain and make no doubt, that in this business it is the Catholic religion that holds the chief place in the Queen of Scotland's intent. This is patent to everyone that knows her comportment, and what she has suffered for refusing to condone the iniquities of her rebellious subjects and of the Queen of England with her faction of privy councillors, to wit, Cecil, (fn. 12) Bacon, (fn. 13) Knollys, (fn. 14) Melmur, (fn. 15) Sadler, (fn. 16) Hauert, (fn. 17) Bedford, (fn. 18) Northampton, (fn. 19) and other creatures and new nobles, of the Queen's making; who, marking the Queen of Scotland's good purpose to take, by common consent of the Catholic nobility of those two realms, an English husband (fn. 20) to unite the two realms in religion, league and perpetual amity, and to be no more beholden to one foreign realm than to another, do their utmost with all their might to prevent the arrival of any succour from abroad. 3. “That in regard of the foregoing there is no occasion for his Catholic Majesty to abide in that suspicion of the Queen of Scotland; to wit, that she will be wholly for the French faction because she was brought up, and was at one time Queen, in France, and also because of her blood-relationship with the house of Guise in France. 4. “That the Queen is deprived of the respect which was hers in France is very apparent by the sequel; inasmuch as, the foregoing having come to the knowledge of their Majesties of France, and of the kinsmen of the Queen that are there, they have discontinued the wonted aids to the kingdom of Scotland; and in particular, whereas they had promised in view of the present emergency to send thither 2,000 arquebusiers with all speed, they, after long procrastination, made excuse that they were unable so to do; so that for the said Queen and the rest of the Catholics, except the hope which they have in God, hope there is none left, nor any other support than that of the Pope and his Catholic Majesty, who, as this affair was of their initiation, will, we hope in God, bring it to a good conclusion by their own unaided efforts. 5. “For this King's encouragement it will avail much to let him know the Pope's large-mindedness, the aid that he has given and is still giving, and the hope, which he likewise has, that his Majesty will not fail to aid this fine enterprise in accordance with what the Queen of Scotland, or those Catholics, shall crave of him; and the demand which the exigency of the business makes upon him for aid in men and money. 6. “Before your departure from the Catholic Court you should see that to this end a letter is written to the Duke of Alba; and likewise to his Majesty's ambassador resident in England, instructing him to do all the good offices that he may in that realm with the Queen and her nobles, so as to make everything conduce to the desired good result.” [1570–1.] Italian. This document was probably intended for Ridolfi's instruction in view of his mission to the King of Spain in 1571. It was written before the writer had heard of the death of the Marquis of Northampton, 1570 or 1571, (fn. 21) perhaps before Cecil's elevation to the peerage, 25 Feb., 1570–1. See vol. i. of this Calendar, pp. 391, 393, et seq., 407, 410–11; Lettres de Marie Stuart, ed. Labanoff, vol. iii. p. 186; Papiers d'État relatifs à l'Histoire d'Écosse (Bann. Club), ed. Teulet, vol. iii. p. 99.
1576. Vat. Arch. Arm. lxiv. vol. 28. f. 17.	III. To the Emperor [Maximilian II].—Protest against the action of the senate of Ratisbon in regard of the Monastery of the Scots. “The Senate of Ratisbon, the more readily to acquire of your Caesarean Majesty the monastery of St. James of the Scots of this city, alleges that it was founded by Roman Emperors; and to this end produces a Privilege of Frederic II, of happy memory, wherein the most religious Emperor did rather decree that Scots a.lone should have possession of the same, or lordship of any sort over the goods of that monastery, therein to serve God and the saints. “Wherefore, seeing that, besides the religious that dwell therein, other Scottish Catholic priests are there in great straits; and to provide them with a decent living is preeminently a work of charity, not to say of justice, it is not believed that your Caesarean Majesty will ever deprive them; least of all in order to give the said monastery, for so long a time dedicated to and holden by the Catholic religion, to those that are of the Augustinian Confession. (fn. 22) Who, indeed, in order somewhat to cloak the usurpation of the monastery, assert that from Emperors and Kings your Majesty's predecessors, and from the greatest Pontiffs they have a jus protectionis therein; whereby they falsely suppose that all things are lawful for them, although by the Privilege of Emperor Ludwig produced in evidence thereof they are accorded no more than the right of protecting the said Scots from exactions and [forced] contributions and outrages; nor yet by the brief of Leo X, of happy memory, are they accorded aught beside the mere function of commending to the Senate John Scot, then abbot, when a certain Walter was obstructing his peaceful rule of the said monastery. “Wherefore as the very documents produced by the Senate serve greatly to support the cause of the Scots, and establish and confirm them as sole lords and administrators, and charge the Senate itself to protect them and their goods against others, it is not meet that the Senate should now be minded to turn them out and take their goods; but the Senate should rather give effect to their professed readiness to re-establish the administration under a new and suitable abbot. And so may your Caesarean Majesty, of your boundless clemency, piety and justice vouchsafe to compel them as soon as possible to surrender altogether the administration, &c, to a more lawful administrator; and likewise to bid them withdraw altogether from the church of St. Dominic; since by inspection of the very convention (so-called) which they allege as made or rather extorted, without the intervention of the chapter and the consent of the Order in general, and without the approval of the Apostolic See, to the enormous [loss] of the Dominican religion, and contrary to its privileges and juris dispositionem, there is no doubt of its notorious illegality and nullity, especially because, so long as the foundation made by the then Bishop of Ratisbon endures, they can make no pretension to other right therein. “As to the monastery of St. Augustine, of which they allege themselves to be the founders—besides that they prove it not, it would certainly be scandalous beyond measure if that which their Catholic predecessors gave and consecrated to the orthodox religion, should now be recoverable by them, against conscience and all right, and the will of the brethren of their Order, while they ought rather to be thinking of restoring what else they have occupied. Indeed there lack not many ways in which they may consult their convenience without occupying and profaning what belongs to others and especially to God.” (fn. 23) [July, 1576.] Latin. Endorsed Pro Monasteriis Scotorum et S. Dominici ac S. Augustini Ratisponen.
Vat. Arch. Arm. lxiv. vol. 28. f. 184	IV. Emperor Maximilian [II] to THE City of Ratisbon. “It has been communicated to Us in person that the monastery of the Scots here is vacant by reason of the recent death of the last abbot. And having been frequently solicited to cause another to be appointed, We, a few days ago, in the presence of the Most Reverend Father in Christ, his Eminence John Moroni, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, and Dean [of the sacred College], (fn. 24) Legate of his Holiness the Pope, and of the Reverend David, Our dear and devout Prince Bishop of Ratisbon as ordinary of the place, bade that they favour the said monastery with another competent and suitable abbot. We observe, however, that their love and devotion are being thwarted and totally obstructed, because of late, under pretext juris defensionis, you have set a secular administrator over the said monastery, and taken the treasure and seal thereof into your own hands; a thing which of your own authority it was by no means either seemly or lawful for you to attempt. And you know, or at least should know, that such defensionis jus (assuming that in this respect you may have something specious to allege) emanated from Us alone, and can by no means be extended to a similar administration of a spiritual foundation. “Wherefore We are minded, and gravely command you, that, as soon as you are apprised of Our Caesarean mandate, you altogether withdraw your hand from the said monastery and its administration, bid the presumed administrator quartered therein forthwith to depart, restore unimpaired the instruments and seal removed therefrom; and in fine neither disturb nor attempt to obstruct in the very least those who are concerned and charged with the administration and collation of this monastery and other spiritual goods and houses: wherein you will with due obedience fulfil Our grave command.” 12 July, 1576. Ratisbon. Latin. The proposed conversion of the virtually vacant monastery of the Scots at Ratisbon into a College of Jesuits was not carried into effect, as the Pope preferred to leave the monastery to the Scots, and appointed as its abbot Queen Mary's confessor, Ninian Vinzet or Winzet. (fn. 25)


Pope Gregory XIII.

1578. Vat. Arch. Nunt. d'Inghilt. vol. i. ff. 65–6 Ibid ff 61–66.	V. Summary of Correspondence as to English Affairs. Letters from Rome:— 1578. Grant by the Pope to Stucley of 4 pieces of artillery by way of the ship's armament. Orders to him to continue the voyage to Ireland; censure of his putting in at Lisbon; exhortation to him to act in concert with Geraldine. In consequence of Stucley's decision to go to Africa, instructions to him to resume the Irish enterprise on his return, and also to Geraldine, who is in Brittany, to repair to Lisbon to confirm him in fidelity. 1,000 crowns of gold are being sent by hand of [the Archbishop of] Nazareth to Geraldine, that he may go to Lisbon, there to await Stucley. The departure for Africa being regarded by the Pope as ordained by Divine providence, a good understanding with Stucley is recommended, and Captain San Joseffi (fn. 26) is bidden to for- get his disagreements with Stucley and be on good terms with him. After Stucley's death San Joseffi is directed how to administer his property, and to take care of the arms pending instructions from Spain as to their disposal. The necessary directions are given touching the privilege of Signor Horatio Pallavicino. San Joseffi is bidden to give Geraldine all the goods, munitions and arms for Ireland, and to return to Italy. Letters to Rome:— 1578. Stucley is in receipt of 1,800 crowns in money. He craves certain pieces of artillery. He receives 4 pieces with 300 balls and all furniture. San Joseffi craves 1,000 crowns d'oro in oro to meet the great necessary expenditure. Stucley is content with the 600 infantry given him by Paolo Giordano, and promises great things. San Joseffi craves money, his expenditure on munitions being doubled. He praises Stucley, and finds fault with the ship and some that misbehave and desert. Stucley praises San Joseffi, and finds fault with the ship as ill fitted for service, and therefore announces that he is going to Lisbon because here by these ports the soldiers are deserting. Sander thanks the Pope for the pensions, and incites him to expedite the war with England, and to wait no longer on Spanish procrastination; and in regard to this he praises the diligence and prudence of Sega. Allen reports the expulsion of his seminary from Douai, and its removal to Reims, and that it numbers 50 young men. The Earl of Morton in Scotland is divested of his state and regency. The Prince of Scotland is declared out of tutelage, and 24 councillors and 4 governors are assigned to him. A letter of Oberto Spinola. in which he shows at large that Stucley was minded to go to Lisbon, and the reasons why he ought not to go thither; that the business is of common knowledge even in England; that many brave captains have no mind to it; and that the ship is in very bad condition. Stucley writes to Sega how ill equipped and unsafe the ship is, and how that he is compelled by the King of Portugal to go to Africa. Stucley commends himself and his son to the Pope. Narrative of the ship's voyage from Port Hercole to Lisbon by order of Fontana, and how that Stucley with good promises from King Sebastian goes to Africa. Touching the vile ship and worse soldiers, and the question of what San Joseffi is to do with the munitions. Excuses made by Stucley for going to Africa. A recent account by San Joseffi of the late voyage, the great expenditure and dearth, with a request for money. Detailed account of the mutiny of the soldiers and captains against Stucley, of the origin of the rebellion, and of their imprisonment by the King of Portugal, and their pardon. Stucley's great vows to subjugate Ireland and England. Geraldine suggests that it would be well to send to Ireland some lettered persons, and he proposes Jesuits. A captain sent by Stucley to the Pope with his secretary to clear him of certain imputations. He is charged by his rivals, and spies of the English Queen, with having given pays to heretics. He says that he is constrained by the King [of Portugal] to depart. San Joseffi reveals Stucley's great inclination to accompany the King to Africa, and his attempt to wrest from him the Papal arms, threatening to fire on him. San Joseffi's refusal to surrender the said arms, or to serve the King in any manner. How Stucley got money from him by trickery. The ship sailed from Civitavecchia on 23rd January, and arrived at Lisbon on 18th April. Stucley wantonly squandered much money in ostentation. On meeting a ship manned by English pirates, Stucley, instead of capturing and taking command of her as the rest desired, confers with the masters, and sails in company with them for some distance; and she, after parting from him, engages and despoils the first Catholic vessels that she finds. Stucley gives free passage to two English ships, notwithstanding the manifest risk of their discovering the errand on which he was bound. Mendoza reports from England the English Queen's great matrimonial negotiations with Alençon. Stucley's property is on deposit at Lisbon in the keeping of a Portuguese. Touching his treachery and his desertion of his Italian soldiers in the African campaign, and his death: his deceitful dealing with.San Joseffi; the woeful plight of the Italian soldiers, and how they were succoured by San Joseffi, and of certain slaves escaped from the Moors. Captain Cleyborn avers his belief that Stucley is not bound on the enterprise of Ireland, and adduces the threats which he used to the Holy See, and the disdain with which he treated those soldiers and Sander. The English exiles from Flanders, fugitives in France, and reduced to extreme indigence, crave succour of the Pope. (fn. 27) Mendoza's report on the Catholics of England and some that were martyred. A writing on the pacification of Flanders by Giovanni Vinduiglio [Jean Vendeville (fn. 28) ] for the Pope's perusal; in which he shows the perils that are imminent by reason of the delay, and the means of effecting the pacification. The Bishop of Ruremonde's (fn. 29) defence touching the negligence imputed to him in the pastoral care of his church. He alleges chiefly the exile and the insulting behaviour of the heretics towards him on account of his servants and goods. Englefield reports the hope which the Catholics of England take of the happy accomplishment of that enterprise by Don John of Austria by reason of the prosperous course of affairs in Flanders; and on the other hand the obstacle in the way, i.e. the presumption in the minds of the rebels that the King will not succeed in completely subjugating Flanders. [1578.] Italian.
Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Portog. vol. i.	VI. [Robert] Fontana, [Collector Apostolic] to [Ptolemy Galli,] Cardinal of Como. (fn. 30) “When I knew the ship to have arrived, I, as the commissaries sent from Madrid with the moneys, and others to boot, are aware, sought by all means in my power to prevent her from entering the port of Lisbon; and in particular by forbidding the captain of Cascaes to allow her to enter, and by writing to the Marquis [Stucley] at—among other places—Cadiz; which letter, as it was returned, I send, that its tenor may be seen; and likewise by sending for this purpose to Cascaes the said Marquis's secretary, (fn. 31) who, however, lacked patience to await, but left shortly before, the arrival of the said ship within Cascaes on the evening of 18th April, 1578. And being notified thereof, to my great displeasure, by Captain Cliborne, an Englishman sent by the said Marquis, I, as it was exceedingly late, resolved to send his Most Illustrious Lordship word, by his secretary and the ship's captain, that I would go to speak with him at dawn of the following morning, and that meanwhile he was to pass no further: but they, as it was night and they found not the ship, would not pass the Tower of Belem. “I, meanwhile, went to the ambassador of Castile to notify him of the arrival of the said ship, and that she could go no further, being in so sorry a plight that it would take more than two months to repair her, craving of him counsel and aid. He made answer that he had received no letter from his Majesty in regard to her, and therefore he could not deal with the matter as ambassador. “On the morrow at dawn I accompanied Oberto Spinola, one of the commissaries aforesaid; and when we had gone more than a league beyond the said Tower [of Belem], we met the said ship coming under sail to enter, notwithstanding that she had already received one of my said letters forbidding her to enter; and after I had greeted his Most Illustrious Lordship and the rest, I besought him to strike sail and cast anchor, and he did so. And when we were closeted in his cabin, I first gave him to know why he should not have come to this port, whereat he seemed to marvel; and then I reported to him what his Majesty had said to me when I gave him news of the ship that was in Cadiz, after he had asked me inter alia what in particular was the Marquis's purpose in going at this time, and I had answered that I knew not at all; i.e. [he said] that, having the success of his Holiness' affairs at heart, he deemed that the ship could go no further, being of a build ill suited to navigate these seas, ruder as they are than those of Italy, and by reason of the contrary winds that will be prevalent, and because she arrived here already the worse for wear as the result of the long voyage; and also on account of the Queen of England's suspicion of the preparations which he is making for Africa, and of her knowledge of the Pope's purpose, as he was advised by his ambassador whom he has there: wherefore prudence taught us to believe that she would be in arms, so that so small a force would run a manifest hazard. And therefore he thought it would be well to postpone the departure for two or three months, which time would allow of his [Stucley's] joining him in the expedition to Africa; which was also an enterprise against the foes of the holy faith; and thereafter he might continue his voyage under better conditions, as well by reason of the good navigation as because he would find the Queen unarmed, as she would feel secure by reason of his expedition to Africa. “Whereto I answered that I had no authority whatever over these troops, nor knew I more of this business than that which I had told him in recommending them on the part of his Holiness; telling the Marquis that I gave him to know this, that he might think it over, and make up his mind what to do, and how to answer his Majesty. All which his Most Illustrious Lordship heard gladly, and said that he deemed it well that we were sought by him whom perchance we might have had to seek, with more in regard to this matter of a sort that made me suspect that he was inclined thereto, as I forthwith reported to the ambassador of Castile. Wherefore I deemed it necessary to remind him of the commission that he held, and of the promises which he should have made to his Holiness and the other whom he knew; and that in Africa the soldiers would fail him, so that, although he might wish, he would not be able to advance. As to which matters he made answer that he must first have the consent of the Catholic King, and be accorded aid by this King, though none the less resolved was he to do his every endeavour to procure ships and continue the voyage; and after telling me much to the disadvantage of the clerk of the Chamber, who had provided him with so bad a ship, and otherwise used him ill; still praising the Pope, the Cardinal of Como, the valour of his soldiers, and the good qualities of Commissary Captain Bastiano, with a parade of his great desire to gain those Provinces, he besought me to procure him an audience of his Majesty. And so, having saluted the bishop, the priests, captains and soldiers, and encouraged them all, I departed for Belem, where, by reason of the obsequies of the Queen (fn. 32) was his said Majesty; to whom I made known the arrival of the ship and the need of others, showing him the Cardinal of Como's letter, which I had from the Marquis, thereby to commend the troops to his Majesty's favour and courteous treatment, which he said he would gladly accord them. “And knowing that the Marquis desired to speak with him, he said that if I would bring him to the Monastery by night, he would summon him to his presence at eight o'clock. And on arrival there, while his Most Illustrious Lordship and I were walking in the cloister, I reminded him of what the King might say to him as to the expedition to Africa, and that above all he ought to insist that prompt despatch be accorded him in the matter of the ships and whatever else he had need of. I questioned him as to the qualities of James Geraldine; who, he told me, was a nobleman, a good Catholic and well affected, but able to do little or nothing; being but a private gentleman, and the less serviceable if his feud with a certain earl powerful in those parts continued. I also questioned him as to Baron d'Acres, (fn. 33) who, he said, was a good Christian, but no man of war, and that he would not know how to make use of him. As to his design in this enterprise he never said aught to me of set purpose, but only a casual word or so; and therefore I have done with him; subjoining merely that on being summoned he remained about an hour with his Majesty, and immediately afterwards in the same cloister reported to me the King's great insistence, and the promises in general which he had made him, to induce him to go with him to Africa; whereas he on the contrary had striven to persuade the King that this enterprise of his was more to the King's advantage, so that he ought to give up that of Africa, and turn his attention to this, and aid him; and that when the King finally asked him what he would have of him, he replied that for the time being he craved three things: to wit, a place at which to disembark and recreate the soldiers, ships for his voyage and change of certain moneys, and perhaps also a place in which to put the munitions and arms, in order to repair and cleanse them; and all this the King bade do, and accordingly that the Collector should speak thereof with Pedro d'Alcazzova. Wherefore the Marquis said that he would forthwith send to me the Commissary, his secretary, and Captain Cliborne with the memorandum of what was to be discussed. And so with them I went to the said Pedro and craved his answer as to the said matters. He told me that his Majesty was still of the same mind, that the troops could not at present go forward, but should go with him to Africa; and that after the fighting there was done, they would be better able to make the passage; reinforcing the reasons alleged above with another as if of his own motion, to wit; that the King was now at peace with the Queen, and was availing himself of her munitions and things for the war of Africa, so that he should in nowise do aught against her; and that the tarriance of the ship here was not otherwise defensible than by the report given out that she was on her way to Africa. “In reply to the said arguments I reasoned conclusively that there was nothing to hinder progress but lack of ships, and a ship being had, they would depart regardless of all else; nor did we desire the King to give us the ship, but only to let us hire her. At last he said that he would speak with his Majesty, and give me his answer; for which I returned to his house after dinner; and in fine he told me that, for the reasons already alleged, his Majesty was resolved not to give aught save as aforesaid, accompanying him to Africa being a condition precedent: and he showed that respect for the Queen would preponderate over everything else by saying that if the Catholic King would not discover himself, though the business concerned him, still less should this King do so, thereby showing that he had been told the secret, which is worse. “I replied that this enterprise would be impracticable after that of Africa, because the greater part of the soldiers would then be dead and done with. He answered that he might go with such as he might have; and when I told him that there would then be the same excuse on the score of the Queen, he replied: ‘not so, for then his Majesty would have finished his feat, and would have no more need of the Queen.' And when I told him that it distressed me in the last degree that his Holiness might come to know of this impediment to so holy an enterprise, he replied that the Pope would be satisfied when he was well informed. Nor did it suffice to reply that we craved no more than that we might hire one or two ships and leave him our own, which was better suited to his purpose, for he replied that they had not ships enough for their purpose, so that they were in quest of them. “Finding myself brought to this pass, I resolved meanwhile to write to Madrid and Rome the substance of what had happened as aforesaid; and lest I should omit some matter of importance, which might require a reply, I assembled in my house the purveyors and paymasters of Rome and Madrid; and engaged them in conversation as to the pays and other outlays that would be necessary, and as to the moneys and warrants which they carried, whether they were sufficient in view of the recent enhancement of the freight of the ships which they required. They found that they had neither money nor order for the said freight, which would amount perhaps to 2,000 ducats, and that the seventh pay of the soldiers was coincident with the end of July; nor was there any other order for them; and that they were in need of many munitions of divers sorts to the total cost of 7,000 crowns; and accordingly they made by letter a joint appeal to the Nuncio for the munitions and freight. “The Marquis on the 23rd inst. returned by night to his Majesty. Before he went in, I again in the presence of the said Commissary of his Holiness told him what befitted his duty; and as he answered in short that he had no mind to quit his Holiness' service, but that, should his Majesty constrain him, he had no power to resist the constraint; I made answer that the King would assuredly not constrain him, and that he might return with his ship to one of King Philip's ports; whereto he rejoined that the ship was not navigable, and that the soldiers, because they must needs land, and also because of the promises which they had received, would mutiny. On his return from the audience his reply to the Commissary aforesaid and myself was that his Majesty's ultimatum was that he must go with him to Africa, since he could not for the reasons aforesaid now continue his enterprise, though he might do so afterwards; and that he would despatch a courier to Rome to procure his Holiness' permission. On the following day, to wit, the 24th inst., the King sent for me, and told me that he had caused this matter to be well pondered: and that in effect it was found that, for the reasons aforesaid, which reasons he rehearsed more at large than before, founding himself not a little on the respect due by him to the Queen, as I believe he will cause write more in detail, his Holiness' holy purpose was at present impracticable; but that after some months it would fare better; so that meanwhile he was resolved to retain these troops in his Holiness' stead, and take them with him to Africa, because thence he would afterwards be able to continue his voyage, and he was minded to apprise his Holiness thereof. “I replied that to this I would never consent; but that indeed in such a case I deemed it necessary that he should forthwith despatch a courier, and crave his Holiness' leave, and endeavour to keep the honour and reputation of the Pope intact, and be mindful of the respect and reverence due to him; and that, pending the [Pope's] answer, no use should be made of the said soldiers. And he said he would do so unless before the answer came he must needs to depart in person, in which case he could not leave them behind. But I consented not to his so doing. I likewise reminded him that if his purpose was verily as he said, that the enterprise should afterwards take its course, he should now inform his Holiness how this might be; since these troops would for the most part die in Africa, and still respect for the Queen would be enhanced, as she might say that he had sent his soldiers against her (fn. 34); and therefore he should say precisely what aid he would give, or that therein he was minded to be liberal, in order that his Holiness might make a timely decision in this matter. He answered that he would do so, and that he would provide other soldiers in case these should fail; and that by that time he would not be concerned about the Queen, because, when the fighting is done, the army is disbanded and the soldiers go whither they please. I further informed him in the name of his Holiness' commissary that not only would he not pay the soldiers while they were thus detained, but that he intended to recover the advances made to them on account of the pay to be given them by his Majesty; to all which he agreed; but when I added that the said Commissary was also of opinion that his Majesty should take into consideration the other expenses and losses incurred in transporting these soldiers and the other troops that were on the way hither for this enterprise, he answered that that was not reasonable, because his mind was not to thwart his Holiness' purpose, but that what could not be done now should be done better at another time. “I told him furthermore that the said Commissary purposed to have in his own custody all the arms and munitions of the Pope pending advice from him. He answered that he was content that it should be so, and that I should speak with the said Pedro d'Alcazova; as I did, and he accorded me everything save only that his Majesty should pay the past expenses. Whereto I replied that in that case he ought not to make use of the soldiers, but should give us ships to return to Italy. He answered that this was too lengthy a topic to treat of now. At last I promised to leave that to his Holiness' judgment, adding that they must know what it cost to bring the said soldiers here together with the other people; but for all that he would not allow that his Highness was bound to make any specific statement as to the continuation of the said enterprise, but held that it must be reserved for discussion at that time, wherein we were not agreed. “Yesterday I conversed again with the Marquis in the presence of the said Commissary, and the answer he gave us was that he had no mind to serve the King without his Holiness' leave; but that in truth this had been a great stroke of good luck, because by reason of the ship's sorry plight and the lack of moneys and munitions it was not possible to go forward. I replied by offering to despatch a courier to the Nuncio of Spain, that he might see to it that nothing should be lacking in the event of his at last being minded and able to continue the voyage. His lordship is busy arranging with Pedro d'Alcazova for the disembarkation of the soldiers, to whom they have assigned quarters near Cascaes, and for their pay. They have asked him what stipend he personally had; he says that he replied that he had no fixed stipend, but that the Commissary provided him with as much as he wanted. Postscript.—“News is since to hand from some Bretons that James [Geraldine] is still in Ireland, so that what I wrote on the former occasion about those ships and soldiers can hardly be true. (fn. 35) The bishop of Killaloe says that the Marquis should not depart hence unless the said James is in Ireland before him, as otherwise they will all be dead in four days; and he complains that the Marquis does not discuss with him the affairs of that country, though he is well able to give him good advice. The other bishop, to wit, of Killala, who comes from the ship, also complains of him; and says that it is not possible for this force, or less than 3,000 or 4,000 men to do any good, for no one would stir to follow so small a force. I likewise mark little love and a lack of understanding between the said bishops and the Marquis, who is not in the good graces of any Irishman of consequence, nor yet of the other Englishman Baron d'Acres, who was loath to go on the ship with him; and I believe that under the pretext of doing better service by going to England, he is minded to part company with him, so that, if you permit me to say so, the little accord and less love that is between them, and the little stability and prudence which they evince, make me very mistrustful of them, besides that one of the Italian captains holds himself to have been somewhat wronged by the Marquis, and is loath to serve him. And as at present the soldiers have not gone far, I infer from the temper evinced by many of them that they will no longer suffer themselves to be led towards a problematical destination, but will go much more willingly to Africa. “Captain Cliborne, he too, acknowledges that he deems that to go with so small a force is to go to death, considering what has to be done; and he says that he would not go but in obedience to his Holiness; and as well he as many others expected that there would be plenteous supplies of moneys and troops here; and as to the moneys I deemed the supply to be certain; on which account, and also because the King has sent him no pecuniary aid for his sole personal account, and moneys are lacking, besides other reasons which may come under consideration on a survey of this affair as a whole, there seems to be no great difficulty in assuming that he remains here. “As to whether the Queen has armed or no, not only have I never been assured thereof either by his Majesty or by Pedro d'Alcazova, nothing more being said than that it is to be supposed; but ten days ago there arrived from Ireland a ship which reports that it is not true, and that affairs follow their wonted quiet course. “The Marquis has written his letters in my house, and has shown them to me, and besought the Commissary and myself to write in accordance with them. Let this be a hint to you that you may know how to comport yourself and reply. “There has come from Madrid Baron d'Acres, the Englishman, a person, everybody says, of much account, albeit he is, perhaps, no great soldier; to whom 1,000 ducats were to be given here: they will not be given unless the ship goes. (fn. 36) “And the five or six priests (fn. 37) that were brought in custody have been with me complaining that he [Stucley] has illtreated them; and protesting that, hated as he is in Ireland, they hold it for certain that he will lead them all to death. I have comforted and inspirited them as best I might. He holds two of them to be secular priests, but without reason they say. I will try to prevent him from doing them wrong.” [28 April, 1578. Lisbon. (fn. 38) ] Decipher. Italian.
Vat. Arch. Nunt. d' Inghilt. vol. i.	VII. Decipher of Letter of Don Bernardino de Mendoza, Ambassador in England. “I am greatly gratified to learn that here by God's grace there are still many of the Catholic religion who live as such, notwithstanding that they are punished if they are found at Mass. And what is astonishing is that they are young people born of men of this sect and apostates; who, or at least many of whom, have cunning devices and sure methods whereby they privily attend the two or three Masses which there are in all this court, and receive the communion with great devoutness, as I have seen them do this holy week; and sad indeed it is to lose so many, who might be good, for lack of some one to encourage and screen from punishment those that are found in this exercise; among whom there lack not some of the principal nobles, who profess, at least in secret, our Catholic religion. “In Flanders they have resolved to take the bells of the churches, and lock the doors of the monasteries, all but one, and that one guarded. “They tell me that two months ago two clergymen (fn. 39) were executed here for refusing to confess that the Queen was head of the church; which death and martyrdom they suffered so cheerfully, and with words so similar to those of the great martyrs of the primitive church, that the rest were greatly edified thereby. And six months ago an Irish bishop, Amchano (fn. 40) (sic) by name, whom the Queen keeps here in prison, was falsely charged by them with having to do with a girl eleven years of age, and was brought publicly before the judges; of which accusation he cleared himself, so confounding them that they knew not how to answer him save by sending him back to prison; where, they tell me, he is in great straits, which with his other troubles he very cheerfully endures. There are likewise many other priests in prison; and as I know that you will be glad to hear tidings of such great servants of God, and obedient sons of His Catholic Roman Church, I send them to you because other intelligence there is none that could make you glad.” [After Holy Week, 1578. London.] Spanish. Copy.
Vat. Arch. Nunt. di Portog. vol. i	VIII. Robert Fontana [Collector Apostolic] to [Ptolemy Galli, Cardinal of Como]. “Your Most Reverend Lordship's letter of the 18th inst. has afforded me the great consolation of seeing that you deem that I have so far travelled by the right road in this business; and from mine of the 22nd you will see that I was sufficiently beforehand with that lord [Stucley] to have set all right; but either he did not believe me, or his head is not so well balanced as it should be. I likewise see that the innate enmity that is between these two nations cannot entirely be cloaked or dissembled, so that to engender love between them, or that good understanding which would be necessary, seems to me a matter of the utmost difficulty. The bishop that brought me your letter went to that lord, as I had opened the way for him, and was satisfied with the welcome accorded him, but is vexed that he does not discuss affairs with him, as he might give him good advice; the other who came with him is likewise dissatisfied with the said lord, as he deems the business ill begun, and he thought to find here great preparations, insomuch that he, as it were, despairs of success. The Baron [Dacre], sent thence [from Rome] by you, is on such bad terms with that lord that he seeks, as it seems to me, occasion of not going with him; although some think that he would do better to shape his course otherwise. They now say that Geraldine is still in Brittany; whence his friend the bishop says that it is in no wise expedient that that lord should depart, unless he is there (fn. 41) prior thereto. “You will also see the letter which by my advice the purveyors have written him, as to lack of the needful, in such measure that I know not whether this new emergency here may be permitted by God for the best. The reason why I sent no courier before is that the Ambassador of Castile told me that the King would be sending one to Madrid on or before the 21st inst.; and to the same effect he likewise wrote, so that between evening and morning so much has passed that the business of sending this [courier] to Rome has begun. “The day before yesterday the troops were disembarked (fn. 42) at a place hard by here; and the said lord is busy with the question of providing them with moneys. Ten days ago there came from that Province a ship which reports no change in affairs there, but that they take their usual course, which is apropos of what I write in cipher. “The said lord has shown me his letters which he wrote in my house, and has besought me to write in conformity with them. Let this put you on your guard, that your answer do no harm.” [May, 1578. Lisbon.] Italian.
Vat. Arch Nunt. di Inghilt. vol. i.	IX. Maurice Chauncey and other English Carthusians to Pope Gregory XIII. Referring to their removal, under the protection of the Catholic King, after the death of Queen Mary, from Shene in England to Bruges in Flanders, and to their expulsion from Bruges and migration to S. Quentin, 27 April [1578]; where for lack of other accommodation they were reduced to lodge at an inn, and for lack of money to pledge such ornaments of their church as they still possessed. Craving therefore his Holiness' relief in their straits, and also his influence on their behalf with the King of Spain and his vicegerent in those parts, that they may at least secure a place where they may all live together, and daily pray God for his Holiness' and the King's welfare. [May–June ? 1578. (fn. 43) ] Latin.
Vat Arch Varia. Polit. vol. xcix. f. 165.	X. By Sir Thomas Stucley. Confession of a long course of disobedience to and misfeasance against the Roman Catholic Church by sworn submission to Queen Elizabeth, and by complicity with the Viceroys in Ireland in the spoliation of churches and destruction of monasteries, banishment, incarceration or slaughter of the religious and priests, and confiscation of revenues, with profession of penitence and a desire to be reconciled with the said Church. [1578 ?] Latin. Draft.