S. E. Var. L. 1551.
62. King Ferdinand the Catholic to King Henry VIII.
His ambassador in England, Luis Caroz, has informed him
of the state of the negotiations in England. Is very well
satisfied with what he hears. The world shall know that
the King of England and he will not permit any one to
trample the Church under foot.
His ambassador will communicate to him his observations
more fully.—Burgos, the 3rd of January 1512. (fn. 1)
Indorsed : "To the King of England."
Latin. Draft, written by Miguel Perez Almazan. p. 1.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 6. f. 2.
63. King Henry VIII. to all Persons.
Ratifies the treaty between himself and King Ferdinand
the Catholic concluded on the 17th November 1511.—Westminster,
the 9th of February, 3rd Henry VIII.
Latin. Autograph. On one sheet of parchment.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 6. f. 3.
64. King Henry VIII. to All Persons.
Ratifies the treaty of alliance between himself and King
Ferdinand of Spain concluded on the 17th November 1511.—
Westminster, the 9th of February, 3rd Henry VIII.
Indorsed : "Ratification by King Henry of England of the
league and confederacy concluded with the Catholic
King Ferdinand and Queen Juana. 1511.
Latin. Autograph. On one sheet of parchment.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 6. f. 5.
65. Additional Treaty between King Henry VIII. and
King Ferdinand The Catholic.
Thomas, Earl of Surrey, and George, Earl of Shrewsbury, in
their quality of commissioners of the King of England, on the
one part, and Don Luis Caroz, in his quality of ambassador
of King Ferdinand, on the other part, have stipulated, in the
treaty concluded on the 17th of November 1511, that King
Ferdinand the Catholic and King Henry of England shall
bind themselves to assist one another in the defence of the
Holy Church against France, and to aid the common attempts
to be made to recover those provinces which by right belong
to the crown of England, but are occupied by the King of
France. To effect this purpose the King of England is to
send, in the course of April next, to the duchy of Aquitaine,
or into its immediate neighbourhood, an army consisting of
6,000 soldiers, commanded by a good general, and provided
with all the necessary engines of war. The object for which
this army is to be sent is the conquest of the duchy of Aquitaine.
King Ferdinand, on his part, is likewise to send into
Aquitaine or its neighbourhood an army consisting of 500
heavy and 1,500 light horse, together with 4,000 infantry.
This army is likewise to be commanded by a good general,
and to be provided with all the engines and other requisites
of war ; and its destination is to defend the Holy Church and
to aid the King of England to conquer his duchy of Aquitaine.
Each party is bound to pay the expenses of the equipment
and the sustenance of his army.
But the power of the King of France is great and daily
increasing. Taking this circumstance into consideration, the
contracting parties intend to increase their forces. It is therefore
concluded and convened by the above-mentioned ambassadors
and commissioners that the English army shall be
increased by 500 soldiers, so that the whole number of the
English forces shall consist of 6,500 men. King Ferdinand,
on the other hand, binds himself to increase his heavy cavalry
by 1,500, and his light cavalry by the same number of horse.
The total number of Spanish cavalry is, consequently, to consist
of 2,000 heavy and 3,000 light horse. The number of
Spanish infantry is to remain as stipulated in the last treaty.
The King of England, however, is to pay the expenses of one
half of the cavalry by which the Spanish army is to be increased,
that is to say, 750 heavy and 750 light horse.
This copy, signed and sealed, is to remain in the possession
of King Ferdinand.—London, the 16th of March 1512. (fn. 2)
[No signature. No seal.]
Indorsed : "Declaratory clause of King Henry VIII. of
England, concerning the number of soldiers whom
he and the Catholic King are bound to send to the
assistance of one another, for the purpose of carrying
out the stipulations of their league of 1511."
Latin. Draft. pp. 4.
S. E. Leg. Suelt.
66. King Ferdinand The Catholic to Luis Caroz De
Villaragut, his Ambassador in England.
After the battle at Ravenna, which exhausted the resources
of the King of France, the French were driven out of Italy.
They threaten, however, to return once more to Italy, and to
conquer the states of the Church.
Empowers him to conclude, with the ambassadors or
nuncios of Pope Julius II., the Emperor Maximilian, King
Henry of England, and the Doge of Venice, a treaty of alliance,
the principal object of which is to defend the Holy Church.—
Burgos, the 20th of July 1512.
Latin. Draft. pp. 3.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 6. f. 25.
67. Pope Julius II. to All Persons.
When our Father in Heaven, after his incarnation and
death on the cross, returned to heaven, He left on earth a
vicar, whose principal duty it is to preserve the flock confided
to him in the true religion, and to expel such sheep
from the flock as are infected and refuse to be cured. Being
himself this Vicar of God, he has warned all those whom "the
Devil has ensnared" not to fall a prey to his diabolical wiles,
and he is bound to exclude from intercourse with the faithful
all such as despise his patriarchal admonitions.
When Louis, King of France, aided Alphonso, late Duke of
Ferrara, who had been excommunicated, and who had been
deprived of his states as a rebel, he went, in spite of old age
and infirmities, to the camp of the Papal troops, in order to
animate them and to defend the rights of the Holy Church.
Went to Bologna. The King of France, however, not satisfied
with the states of the Duke of Ferrara, invaded the territories
of that city with a great army, and advanced even to its very
gates. Went from Bologna to Ravenna. The French took
Bologna, and forged false title deeds, pretending that the city
belonged to them. But this was not all, for they threatened
to conquer other territories of the Church.
The King of France persuaded Bernard de Carbajal, (fn. 3)
Guillaume de Brissonet, (fn. 4) Renatus de Prie, (fn. 5) and Federigo de
San Severino, (fn. 6) late cardinals of the Roman Church, to renounce
their obedience to the Papal See, and to convene a schismatical
mock council, cutting in pieces thereby the tunic of
our Lord, and dishonouring his bride, the Roman Catholic
Church. Exhorted them to desist from their impious designs,
and all the other Christian princes did the same. It was in
vain. They grew worse than before.
Concluded, therefore, with his most beloved son, King
Ferdinand the Catholic, and with the Doge and Signory of
Venice, a treaty, according to which his allies were to assist
him and the Catholic Church against all aggressors and
evil-doers. His beloved son, King Henry of England, quickly
consented to this treaty, and promised to aid him with all
his power in any war in which he might be involved. Reconquered,
with the help of his allies, Bologna. Alphonso,
late Duke of Ferrara, confessing his errors, prostrated himself
before him, and entreated pardon ; but Louis, King of
France, occupied other territories of the Church, took his
legate a latere prisoner, and received Bernard de Carbajal,
Guillaume de Brissonet, Renatus de Prie, and Federigo de
San Severino, who had been deprived of their dignity as cardinals,
in his states, and treated them as though they still
The King of France seduced the Biscayans and Cantabrians,
and other peoples of that neighbourhood, by false doctrines
and money, to become enemies of the Church of which they
had from time immemorial been most obedient sons.
Is, therefore, bound to pronounce the Greater Excommunication
against the Biscayans, the Cantabrians, and all their
favourers and abettors, who shall not within three days after
the publication of the present bull return to the obedience of
the Church of Rome. They cannot be absolved, except in
articulis mortis. The like punishment is pronounced against
all who assist the King of France against the Apostolic See
or its confederates, or who take service in his army, although
they may have bound themselves to do so by a solemn oath.
Curses, anathematizes, and vows to eternal damnation all
those who will not obey this bull, &c., &c.—Rome, in the
palace near St. Peter, the 12th of the calends of August, the
9th of his Pontificate.
A copy of this bull is to be sent to the Emperor, the King
of England, &c., &c.
Authenticated by Alphons Herera, secretary of Johannes
Ruffo, Archbishop of Cosenza, and Papal Nuncio.
Latin. Authenticated copy. pp. 14.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 5. f. 141.
68. King Ferdinand The Catholic to Martin De Muxica,
his Paymaster and Envoy Extraordinry to the
King Of England, and to Luis Caroz De
Villaragut, his Ambassador in England.
Sent first Martin Dampies, and afterwards Juan Sepulveda,
to give the King of England very detailed accounts of all that
has happened from the moment that the English army
landed in Spain until the day on which Sepulveda left. Incloses
for their information a copy of the instructions to Sepulveda.
After the departure of Sepulveda, the paymaster of the
English army and another English gentleman, sent by the
commander-in-chief of the English army, together with John
Stile, came to speak with him in the name of the said commander-in-chief.
Gave them a written answer, a copy of which
is enclosed. Sent, however, at the same time, another copy
of his answer to the Bishop of Siguenza, who was staying with
the English commander-in-chief, in order that he might show
it to him and persuade him not to permit the opportunity
of a certain victory to pass by without availing himself of it.
When the commander-in-chief had read that paper he wrote
a letter in answer to it, stating that he would break up his
camp, and join the Spanish forces on Monday next, with his
army, in order to undertake the conquest of Guienne. At the
same time he begged that he (King Ferdinand) would send him
the carts and animals which were necessary for the transport of
his army, together with the horsemen who were to serve as his
guides. Encloses the letter of the commander-in-chief.
Rejoiced much when he read this letter. According to
news he had received from France, the French army was
greatly weakened and disorganised. The combined Spanish
and English forces might have conquered as much of Guienne as
the rate of their marches would have permitted them to occupy.
The French were even intending at the approach of the
combined armies to evacuate the whole duchy, with the
exception of Bayonne and Bordeaux. Even Bayonne would
have surrendered within three months without being regularly
besieged, if the combined Spanish and English armies
had occupied all the country around. The places which would
have come into their possession would have afforded excellent
garrisons for the army during the winter, and the French
would not possibly have been able to succour Bayonne or
to provide it with provisions. Besides, the French forces
would have been obliged to occupy places so far distant
from one another, that the combined army would have had
excellent opportunities of routing them every day, and of
weakening them thereby. The siege of Bordeaux might have
been continued during the winter. If the French had
offered resistance to the combined armies, there is no doubt
they would have been entirely defeated, and the way to
Paris would have remained undefended ; so greatly superior
were the forces of England and Spain to those of the French.
Was very glad to hear that the English were ready at last
to march into Guienne, especially as the months of September
and October are a very good season for carrying on warlike
operations in the south of France. As soon, therefore, as he
received the letter from the Marquis, he gave orders that he
should be provided with the necessary animals and carts, and
sent him the horsemen who were to serve him as guides.
The Spanish army and artillery had marched to San Juan, on
the other side of the Pyrenees some days previously, in order
to form the van guard of the army, and to render the passage
of the mountains safe for the English troops. The Duke of
Alba had left San Juan and gone to meet the English army,
and he (King Ferdinand) had made preparations for taking
the field in person. It was his intention to cover the rear of
the Spanish and English armies. When affairs were in this
prosperous state, he received a letter from the Marquis of
Dorset, accompanied by credentials from the Bishop of
Siguenza, by which he learnt that the English had determined
not to remain longer than five-and-twenty days in the field,
and, that time having elapsed, to return immediately to
England. All remonstrances were useless. They persevered
in their determination, although he promised that the Spanish
troops should remain with them and assist them to garrison
the conquered places. At last, the English declared that
if he did not procure the necessary shipping for them, and
pay the fleet in which they were to return, they would go
by land through France.
Was very much astonished and offended at seeing such an
exhibition of fickleness. The English had changed all their
plans within a few days. The first letter, in which the Marquis
said he was ready to march with his army into Guienne, was
dated the [blank (fn. 7) ] September, and the other, in which he
said that he was about to return to England, was dated the
[blank] of the month of [blank (fn. 8) ]. Bearn, which is a part of
Guienne, and the town of Ax, (fn. 9) and all the other places round
Bayonne, might have been occupied without the least resistance
on the side of the French. The town of Ax being in
their power, Bayonne would have been isolated, and next
spring they might have conquered all they had wished to
conquer in France, without meeting with any serious obstacle.
As, however, in spite of the almost certain opportunity
of gaining an easy and brilliant conquest, the Marquis had
determined to return with his army to England, and as all
his efforts to persuade him to undertake the conquest of
Guienne had been ineffectual, he could do nothing but
signify to the Marquis how much he deplored his determination,
and then let him go. To retain him against his will
would have been of no advantage, and would possibly have
been attended with disagreeable consequences. Nor was it
possible during the five-and-twenty days, during which the
English had promised to remain, to undertake the conquest of
Guienne. The time would barely have sufficed to march
the armies into Guienne and back to the port where the English
were to embark, and thus no time for warlike operations would
have been left. To begin so great an enterprise as the conquest
of the duchy of Guienne, and to abandon it almost as soon as
it was begun, to conquer towns, and, as soon almost as they
were conquered, to give them up, would not have increased
the reputation of the King of England, or his own, and
would have been little in accordance with their sense of
honour. Such conduct would have been interpreted as
springing either from want of resources, or from lack of
energy. Either interpretation would have been very prejudicial
to them in their future enterprises against France.
Influenced by all these considerations, he wished the English
a happy return to their own country, and gave orders to
provide them with shipping and with whatever else they were
in want of for their voyage.
They (Martin Muxica and Luis Caroz) are to tell the King
of England that his commander-in-chief is doubtless a very
distinguished nobleman, but that it is to his behaviour from
the first day he landed in Spain that is owing the failure of
the splendid enterprise they had planned. He has never
from the beginning agreed with his (King Ferdinand's) views
of the manner in which the undertaking might best be carried
into effect. The King of England may be certain that, if his
commander-in-chief had not always opposed his plans, and if
the two armies had entered Guienne without delay by way
of Pamplona, the whole, or at least one-half of the duchy,
would already be conquered. If they had profited by the
consternation of the French after their first victory, they
might, perhaps, have carried out much greater things than
the conquest of Guienne.
Many Spaniards have their suspicions, or firmly believe,
that some of the persons who served in the (English) army
entertained a secret understanding with the French. Was
and is still unwilling to give credit to such assertions. Has
however, ordered enquiries to be made respecting the cause
which had determined the English to return to their own,
country. The result of them is as follows. It is said that as
the English had come with the intention of conquering Guienne,
they could not be persuaded that they ought to do anything
but straightway march to Bayonne, and lay a regular siege
to that town, not heeding the great inconveniences of such an
inconsiderate manner of conducting the war. They obstinately
refused to acknowledge that the war must begin with any
other operation than the siege of Bayonne. However that may
be, he cannot pass over in silence another circumstance. The
English had scarcely arrived, when the commander-in-chief
spoke to the Bishop of Siguenza, who was staying as Spanish
commissioner at the English head quarters, of a marriage
which he intended to conclude with one of the daughters
of the then King of Navarra. He said that this marriage
would facilitate the conquest, and that this was the reason
why he was inclined to conclude it. Messengers of the late
King of Navarra went frequently to the English commander-in-chief,
and negotiated with him, not omitting to render
him suspicious of the Spanish, and to recommend such
measures to him as were most detrimental to the enterprise.
Cannot tell whether this advice did, or did not determine,
the English commander-in-chief to reject his proposals to
invade Guienne with the allied armies by way of Navarra
and Bearn, but it is a fact that they would have encountered
no obstacles if they had done so. The whole of the period
during which the English remained in Spain had been employed
in debating the question how they were to march
into Guienne, and the result of the protracted debate has
been the utter failure of the enterprise.
Has inquired whether all the English captains shared the
opinion of the commander-in-chief, and has been informed that
the second officer in command and many other generals were
fully persuaded that his (King Ferdinand's) plans were the best.
On the whole, very different opinions prevailed in the English
camp about the manner in which the war was to be carried
on, but as the commander-in-chief had to decide on such
questions, nothing could be done.
The English army has returned to England. Nothing can
be done in Guienne during the winter. Don Luis Caroz, his
ambassador in England, has, moreover, written to him that
the English are placed in difficulties by the Scots and
by the French fleet. The King of England has, therefore,
asked him to send the Spanish fleet without delay to his
assistance. Under such circumstances he has thought it
best to conclude, in his name and in the name of the King of
England, a truce of six months with the French. Relieves
thereby the King of England from all danger. The French
have offered him this truce, which, however, relates only to
England, Spain, Scotland, and the high seas. It has no
effect in the Mediterranean Sea and in Italy. A truce with
respect to that part of Europe could not be concluded without
the consent of the Pope and the Venetians, who would
thereby be prevented from conquering those fortresses in
the duchy of Milan which the King of France still holds. Is,
according to this truce, at liberty to continue hostilities against
the French in Italy, and to aid the Pope and the Venetians.
The King of England is at liberty to do the same.
The best use he and his son, the King of England, can
make of the truce is to prepare another expedition against
Guienne and Normandy for next summer. Hopes that disputes
among the captains will not again prevent a happy
result of the enterprise, and that the conquest will, with the
help of God, be easily accomplished.
They (the ambassadors) are to make, in his name, the
following observations to the King concerning the English
army. Judging from the English soldiers who had come to
Spain, the English are strong, stout-hearted, stand firm in
battle, and never think of taking flight. A long time having
however elapsed during which England has had no wars, the
English do not know how to behave in a campaign. But
they are very excellent men, and only want experience.
Unaccustomed as they are to warfare, they show a marked
dislike to perform such labours as are inevitably entailed on
soldiers. They are inclined to self-indulgence and to idleness.
But their greatest fault is that in a combined action they
will never assist the troops, or act in concert with a commander
of another nation. More time is spent in concerting
any measure with them than the whole execution of it
In order to remedy the first-mentioned deficiency of the
English army, it would be well to practice a portion of the men
in the evolutions of regular warfare. After being thoroughly
drilled, and having acquired experience, the English troops
would excel those of any other nation, make England honoured,
prove a great security to the country, and be an effectual instrument
with which to conquer and defend such countries as
by right belong to the crown of England. A larger number
of pikemen in the English army would give it greater
efficiency in battle than it at present possesses.
With respect to the second deficiency of the English army, he
is of opinion it would be best that he (King Ferdinand)
should undertake the conquest of Guienne next summer alone,
employing only Spanish troops. At all events, no English
troops ought to be sent to him. Is ready to undertake
the conquest of Guienne on the two following conditions.
In the first place, the King of England, whose enterprise the
conquest of Guienne is, must pay him one half his expenses,
or, if he prefers it, the sum of money he would spend if
he were to send an English contingent. The expenses can be
calculated on the cost of the last English expedition. He
would not ask for any money if he were as rich as the King
of England. Thinks he will be doing much if he pays the other
half of the expenses of the army, those of the artillery,
and other things necessary for the war, and in addition
exposes himself to all the risk of a war with France. Would
certainly not do it were it not from love of his dear son.
The second condition is, that at the same time that he
invades Guienne an army of the King of England, sufficiently
strong to take the field with success, should march from Calais
into Normandy. Promises that the Spanish army shall be
sufficiently strong to effect the conquest of Guienne. Thus,
separated from one another, both armies will fight much better
than they would if they were commanded by one commander-in-chief.
The French would be obliged to divide their
forces, and the troops which they could send against either of
the invading armies would be inferior to them in numbers.
Is of opinion that the invasion of France ought to begin next
May. If the King of England wishes to reduce the conditions
of the enterprise to a formal treaty, the treaty must be
concluded without loss of time. His army is ready to invade
France, and no preparations are necessary, except that the
King of England must send the money destined to pay one
half of the Spanish troops. The King of England must also
send a power for the commander-in-chief, whom he (King Ferdinand)
will nominate, authorizing him to conquer in his (the
King of England's) name, the cities, towns, and fortresses of
the duchy of Guienne, to take their oaths of fidelity, to confirm
their privileges, and, in a word, to make all the arrangements
which may be necessary. Is ready to give the King of
England whatever security he may desire that he will deliver
up to him, or to whatever person he may designate for that purpose,
all such conquests as may be made by him in Guienae.
It is very desirable that the Emperor should at the same
time attack France in Burgundy or in Picardy. Is persuaded
that, if all this were done, the King of France would not be
able to refuse them anything they asked. But in case the
Emperor cannot be persuaded to make common cause with
them, the forces of Spain and England alone would suffice for
the enterprise of Guienne and Normandy.
Begs the King of England to do all in his power to preserve
the friendship of the Emperor for the future, and promises
on his side to neglect no means by which that object may
The King of England may rest perfectly sure that he never
will make peace with France without the express consent of
England. Would not have concluded even this short truce if
the King of England had carried on hostilities against France
either in Guienne or from the side of Calais. There was,
moreover, another reason which induced him to conclude this
truce with France, namely, that it was his intention to
induce the Pope to abandon the crooked manner in which he
behaved towards the Emperor and the King of England.
It is the fault of the Pope that the King of France has not
yet lost the fortresses which he holds in Italy, nor has it
been possible to induce the Pope to pronounce the King of
France to be deprived of Normandy and Guienne. As the
King of France, in consequence of the truce, will not be
occupied during winter with the affairs of Guienne and
Normandy, he will be at liberty to carry on the affairs of
Italy with more vigour. The Pope will thereby be placed in
a dangerous position, and be obliged to seek the friendship
of the Emperor and the King of England. In this
manner it will be easy to induce him to conduct himself
towards the Emperor and the King of England as he ought
to behave in the interest and for the welfare of Christendom.
Indorsed : "Instructions concerning what the Paymaster
Martin Muxica and Don Luis Caroz are to tell the
King of England with respect to the army which
has returned to England, the war with France, and
Spanish. Draft. pp. 15.
S. E. Cor. d. Cas.
L. 1. 2° f. 403.
69. The Knight Commander Juan De Lanuza, Ambassador
of King Ferdinand The Catholic.
Juan de Lanuza was sent as ambassador to Flanders and
England, and left Logroño on the 22nd October 1512. His
salary was 5 gold ducats a day, and 500 gold ducats a year
for the expenses of his household.
The entries of the payment of his salary continue until
the 26th September 1515.
Spanish. Original accounts of salaries. pp. 5.
|22 Oct. (?)
S. E. Pat. Re.
Cap. c. 1. Cas. d. A.
L. 2. f. 35.
70. King Ferdinand The Catholic to Juan De Lanuza,
his Ambassador in Flanders and Envoy to
In virtue of the credentials he takes with him, he is to speak
to the Emperor, to the Prince (Charles), and to the Princess,
Madame Margaret, as follows.
Knows how much they desire that Don Juan de Aragon,
his nephew, should take service at the court of the Prince
(Charles). Sends, therefore, Don Juan de Aragon to
He is to inform the Emperor and Madame Margaret that
he is henceforth to reside as ambassador at the court of the
He is to tell the Emperor that the tyranny of the house
of France is happily at an end, as the other Princes of Christendom
are united together and are resolved to put it down.
No other Prince is dangerous to their states or to the
interests of their houses. If it were possible to deprive France
of all the countries she has taken from her neighbours, and to
reduce her to her former position, the succession of the Prince
(Charles) would not only be secured, but he would be the
first prince of Christendom. Thinks it is highly desirable
that during his and the Emperor's lifetime Burgundy and the
towns in Picardy, of which France has deprived Prince
Charles, should be reconquered. For this purpose it is indispensable
that he (King Ferdinand), the Emperor, and the
King of England should remain always united in intimate
The alliance between him (King Ferdinand), the Emperor,
and the King of England has forced the French to abandon
the Duchy of Milan, with the exception of the fortresses,
which they still retain. As soon, however, as the French
began to retreat, the Pope, forgetting the services which the
Emperor, the King of England, and he had rendered to him,
and perhaps moved by still less honourable motives, discontinued
to fulfil his duties as a member of the league. He
went so far as to attempt to break up the Spanish army, from
fear that it would conquer Milan and deliver it up to the
Emperor, as is stipulated in the league. It is the intention
of the Pope to drive the Spaniards and the Imperialists out of
Italy. The worst is to be expected from such a Pope. As,
however, it is impossible for them to rely on France, they
must try to preserve the friendship of the Pope.
Two measures are of the greatest importance ; the first
is that, with the consent of the Pope and the Venetians,
the duchy of Milan should be given to the Emperor. If that
cannot be effected in any other manner, the possession of Milan
must be obtained in the name of Maximilian, the son of the
late Duke Lodovico. The Emperor, having the real government
of the duchy, would have it in his power to employ
its resources against France, and to obtain better conditions
with respect to his other claims If the Emperor does not
wish to give back the duchy of Milan to Maximilian,
he must at all events not betray his real intentions to the
Pope, the Venetians, and the Swiss, who are bent on
reinstating Maximilian as Duke of Milan. Should, however,
the Emperor wish to give back Milan to Maximilian,
he would do well to declare his intention at once, and to
give him the investiture. The Duke of Milan would then be
obliged to marry one of their grand-daughters. But even if
the investiture should not be given at once, the fortresses held
by the French must without delay be got possession of and
placed at the disposal of the Emperor. Their principal aim
must always be to annihilate the power of France in Italy.
The second measure of great importance which ought at once
to be adopted is that the Emperor should make peace with the
Venetians. Has ordered his Viceroy and his ambassador to
give all the aid in their power to bring about this affair.
Should nothing beyond the claims of the Emperor and of
the Venetians on Vicenza be the subject of dispute, the
Emperor would act wisely to content himself with a large
sum of money and the tribute the Venetians are ready to pay
him ; but, at all events, it is his intention to stand by the
He is to give the Emperor a very full account of what
has happened since the arrival of the English in Spain. When
the English troops were in Spain it was impossible for them
to march to Bayonne before Navarra was conquered, for King
John and Queen Katharine had concluded an alliance with
France, and had done all in their power to oppose the English
as well as the Spaniards. He is especially to enter into very
minute details respecting Navarra, according to the instructions
which he has given him. He is to dwell at great length
on the reasons which justify the conquest of that kingdom,
on the danger with which France has threatened Spain from
Navarra and Bearn, &c. Bearn and Navarra are the keys
of the mountains which divide Spain from France. Had they
been left in the hands of the King of France the French
might have easily entered Spain, and not only have cut off the
English and Spanish armies, but also have created serious
difficulties in his own kingdoms.
At first the English understood perfectly well that it was
necessary to make sure of Navarra and Bearn before beginning
the conquest of Guienne. It was settled with them
that the Spanish and English armies should march together,
first to Navarra, next to Bearn, and from Bearn, which
belongs to Guienne, to Bayonne. If the English had followed
this plan, there is no doubt the greater portion of Guienne
would have been conquered by this time. It was, however,
utterly impossible for him to prevail with the English to
carry out this measure. They had been made to believe before
coming to Spain that they had nothing else to do but to
march straight to Bayonne, and could not understand that
the war ought to begin in any other way. At last they began
partly to comprehend that his plan was the only reasonable
one, and the King of England sent them orders to do what he
(King Ferdinand) should bid them. Accordingly the commander-in-chief
of the English troops wrote to him that he would
consent to march to Bearn, and from Bearn to Guienne, fixing
the day when the English would be ready to march. Believed
him. Made in great haste all the necessary preparations for
the crossing of the mountains. The Spanish troops and
artillery had already crossed to the other side of the Pyrenees
some days previously, in order to cover the movements of the
English and to form the vanguard of the army. Promised
the commander-in-chief that the Spanish troops should
not steal a march upon him, and garrison all the conquered
places. Was ready to start and to take the field in person in
order to cover the march of the invading armies. The English
commander-in-chief having written to him and told him
that he was quite prepared to start on the day which had
been fixed, the Spanish captain-general sent him the horsemen
who were to serve the English as guides until the junction
of the two armies had been effected. When all that had
been done, the English commander-in-chief sent him a letter,
and told him that the English had decided not to remain
any longer in Spain, or in Guienne, than at the utmost five-and-twenty
days, even if some portions of Guienne should
then have been conquered. He likewise asked him to keep
the vessels for the return of the English troops to England
Was very sorry when he heard this news. The victory would
have been so easy. Had the combined armies invaded Guienne,
they would have found no resistance. Could not imagine any
other reason for the inconstancy of the English, excepting that
being unaccustomed to warlike enterprises for so long a time,
they were afraid of the hardships of war, and wanted to
return and seek rest in their own country. France is not a
country that can be conquered in five-and-twenty days.
Besides, the movements of the English army are so slow
that five-and-twenty days would scarcely have sufficed for
them to march to Guienne and afterwards to return to the
port where they were to take shipping.
It is clear that it would have reflected dishonour on him,
had he undertaken so great an enterprise as the conquest of
Guienne, and directly afterwards abandoned it. Answered
the Marquis, therefore, that the ships for his passage should be
in readiness. Thus the English returned to their own country.
Thinks the English army is incapable of acting in common
with the army of any other nation. The only use which can
be made of an English alliance is for the English troops to
carry on their warlike operations separately in one province,
whilst their allies attack the common enemy in another province.
If their warlike operations were to be combined with
those of any other army, negotiations between the commanders
of the two armies would require more time than the execution
of the whole enterprise if resolutely begun. Has told the
King of England that, if he intends to conquer Guienne and
Normandy, it would be best that Normandy should be invaded
by none but English troops, and Guienne be conquered by
the Spaniards alone ; but as the war would be an exclusively
English war, it would only be just and equitable that
the King of England should pay one half of the expenses for
the Spanish army. If both attacks on France were executed
at the same time, success would be almost sure.
He is to beg the Emperor to undertake the conquest of Burgundy
at the same time that he and the King of England
invade France. Promises to persuade the Italians to assist
the Emperor with money. If, on the one hand, France
were deprived of Guienne, Normandy, and Burgundy, and, if
on the other hand, the Emperor, the King of England, and
he (King Ferdinand) remained friends and allies, France would
be forced henceforth to obey them, and the succession of Prince
Charles would be safe.
In common with the English made war upon France in
the interest of the Holy Church. The English afterwards
forsook him. Did not like to continue the war by himself,
and it may be that the English, from the same reason, wish
likewise to conclude peace with France. As winter is
near at hand and will soon render warlike operations impossible,
he has thought it best to conclude for himself and for
England a truce with France, which is to last six months.
This truce, however, concerns only France, Spain, England,
and the high seas. On the Mediterranean Sea and in Italy
the war is to continue. Will try to conquer during the winter
the fortresses which France still holds in Italy.
Hopes while the truce lasts to decide in conference with
the Emperor and the King of England upon a plan for
conquering Guienne, Normandy, and Burgundy, and to make
all the necessary preparations for carrying out the enterprise.
Flatters himself that he shall gain over to their cause the
Pope and the Venetians. Will say to the Italians that the
war in Guienne has been interrupted, because the Venetians
did not make peace with the Emperor, and will thereby
induce them to offer better conditions to him.
It is well known that the French are always trying to sow
suspicion and discord between the princes of Christendom.
They may, therefore, perhaps have attempted to persuade the
Emperor that he (King Ferdinand) is willing to conclude a
separate peace with them. Declares solemnly that he never
will make peace with France, except with the knowledge and
consent of the Emperor and the King of England. If he were
to do so he would commit a great political error ; for as soon
as his alliance with the Emperor and England should have
ceased to exist, the French would no longer fulfil their
obligations towards him. Will always keep his promises to
the end of his life, and begs the Emperor to do the same.
Wishes immediately to know the opinions of the Emperor.
Longs to see Prince Charles in Spain. It would be of great
advantage to Prince Charles if he were known in Spain,
and knew the Spaniards and the ways of the Spanish government.
If the Emperor is in Flanders, he is to deliver his message
to him in person. Should, however, the Emperor be absent,
he is to communicate in secret his commission to Madame
Margaret. In case the Emperor should not be far from
Flanders, he is to go to the Emperor after having conferred
with Madame Margaret. But should the Emperor be staying
at a great distance, he is to send Luis Gilaberte to him, who,
after having delivered his message, must return to Spain at
He must write directly.
"Two thousand men as succour in Gueldres."
Indorsed : "Instructions for Mosen Juan de Lanuza."
Spanish. Draft. pp. 19.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T.c. I. L. 1.
71. King Henry VIII. to Thomas, Earl Of Surrey,
and George, Earl Of Shrewsbury.
Empowers them to conclude a treaty of alliance with the
ambassador of King Ferdinand the Catholic, in defence ot
the Holy Church against any aggression of France.—Westminster,
the 10th of November.
Latin. Autograph. On parchment. p. 1.
S. E. Cor. de Cast.
L. I.20 f. 144.
72. Martin De Muxica (?) to King Ferdinand The
Has written twice from Bermio to Almazan, and told him
that he had put to sea. Wrote a third time from Guetaria,
as he could not return to Bermio. Wrote likewise from the
last-mentioned place to the Bishop of Siguenza, asking him
whether anything had happened there. The Bishop answered
that Martin Dampies had arrived in the English camp, and had
brought letters from the King of England. The English army
was to sail on the night of the same day. The Bishop sent
his physician to tell him not to trust the English, and to keep
clear of them.
Put to sea next day, which was Sunday, in company with
the English. His vessel sailed among the ships of the English.
Did not salute any of them, and always kept at a
certain distance from the admiral's ship. Arrived on Thursday,
together with the fleet of the English, off Falmouth. Intended
to enter port the same evening, but was driven from one
side to the other. As the weather continued bad, the next
day he landed in a little boat between a mountain and the
cape of England. Went to a place near Falmouth, and took
horses there. Met Lord Felis (fn. 10) on the road, but parted with
him, and went by another road, as quickly as he could, to
London, where he arrived on the 6th of November. The
ambassador not being in town, he sent a messenger to him
to Southampton, where he had gone to see the Spanish fleet.
The Queen lived at a place about half a league from London.
Wrote to her, and told her that he had arrived with letters
from him (King Ferdinand) to her and to the King of England.
Went thither in order to deliver the letters. The King
sent to tell him that, as he was about to go out hunting, he
would see him next day ; and the Queen let him know
that she did not consider it proper to receive him before he
had seen the King. Thought it was sufficient that the King
and his advisers should know that letters and a messenger had
arrived from Spain, who was able to answer those who would
tell falsehoods. Determined, therefore, to wait until the
ambassador had arrived, as he wished to consult him about
the manner in which he must behave. Besides, the
Queen sent to him and advised him to wait, letting him
know that the King was already informed how shamefully
the English had behaved, and that he was very angry with
Nine days afterwards the ambassador arrived. Went in
his company to the palace, kissed the hands of the King
and the Queen, and delivered his letters. Spoke some time
with the King and the Queen on various subjects. Afterwards
explained to the councillors what the paymaster had
said to him (King Ferdinand), and what answer he had given
to him (the English paymaster of the army) and to John Stile.
Said to the councillors that he (King Ferdinand) had immediately
sent a courier to the Marquis, and showed them the
letters of the Marquis of the 7th and of the 11th of September. (fn. 11)
Delivered the letters in a Latin translation, which
was read in his presence and in the presence of the ambassador.
The councillors declared that they considered the
answer he (King Ferdinand) had given to be very good, and
the behaviour of the English to have been very bad. Did not
deliver the other papers, as there had not been time enough to
translate them into Latin. Will have next day, Friday, the
19th of November, another conversation with the councillors,
and on that occasion will deliver the other papers, or such
parts of them as seem fit for communication. Should even
the negotiations last till winter, all shall be discussed chapter
by chapter, according "to the inspiration of God."
Went on Friday to the palace, accompanied by the ambassador.
Were first conducted into a chapel, and then into
a large room, where they found the King and the privy
councillors, together with a great number of learned men and
members of Parliament which had just assembled. The
captains of the army which had been in Spain were introduced.
Among them were Lord Herbert, Lord Huyloby, (fn. 12) Lord Feliz(?),
a brother of the Marquis, many other captains, and the paymaster.
They were asked in English what reasons they had
for returning to England when they had been ordered to
remain in Spain and to begin the war. The captains were at a
distance from the others, kneeling, the councillors were standing,
and the King sitting on a bench, which was united to a
chair, (fn. 13) covered with brocade, and placed under a canopy. An
archbishop, standing near him, delivered the speech. That
done, the captains answered. The King communicated their
answer to the ambassador in Latin. The ambassador, however,
asked some privy councillors afterwards in Latin, and he
asked five privy councillors in French, what the captains had
answered. All the privy councillors gave him the same explanation
which the King had given, namely, that the captains
had alleged three reasons. The first was that they had
no provisions ; the second that the soldiers had mutinied and
demanded to return home ; and thirdly they threw all the
blame on the Marquis, saying that he had been the cause of
all that had happened. They were interrogated three or four
times more. At last they begged that, if they had committed
an error, and had merited punishment, they might at least
be permitted to stand up whilst their conduct was being
investigated. The King ordered answer to be made them,
that he had sent for the Marquis and for others, and that he
wanted to know the truth, in order to punish those who
deserved punishment. All the captains who were present were
ordered to remain at court.
Had brought his instructions with him. Read such
portions of them as seemed to be fit for communication.
Did not communicate the paragraph which speaks of the
one-half and of the other affair which was added. (fn. 14) The
ambassador will write more fully on this subject. The Privy
Council saw very clearly that the English were in the
wrong, and especially the Marquis. They read the passage
which speaks of the marriage of the Marquis with the daughter
of the late King of Navarra two or three times, and all of them
condemned it. They read likewise the letter of the Marquis
of the 7th of September, and the Privy Council said that the
letter of the 11th of September, was not written by the Marquis
but by the Bishop (of Siguenza), adding that the Marquis had
told them so. They wished to see that letter. Said he had not
thought it necessary to communicate it, as the portions given
had spoken clearly enough, but as they wished to see it they
might read it. Gave them the letter. They retired to hold a
council, which was attended by a great many persons of rank,
among whom was the Duke of Buckingham. When the councillors
had informed themselves of what had passed in Spain, all
of them were persuaded that the English captains had done
wrong, and had compromised their honour as well as the
honour of their country. They asked him and the ambassador
what they thought ought to be done. He and the ambassador
answered that they had explained all that had happened, and
that they were glad that so many had been present and had
heard the truth, because there are some persons who try to
give quite a different version.
A long conversation followed. The English said he (King
Ferdinand) was the true father of the King of England,
and that they wished to be informed what was to be done
in future. The King, they added, had the greatest possible
desire to obey him (King Ferdinand). Answered that he
(King Ferdinand) looked upon the King of England as his true
son, and wished to gratify him in all things. The wishes
of the King of England would already have been fulfilled,
if his (the King of England's) servants had willed it. The
conclusion was that the English councillors promised to
inform the King of this conversation, and said that the King
should speak with them (Muxica and Don Luis Caroz)
afterwards. Has formed a very good opinion of the discretion
of the ambassador.
Went afterwards to the Queen. She said to him and to
the ambassador that she had told the King and some of the
councillors that they ought to give money to him (King
Ferdinand) with which to carry on the war in Guienne, if
they wished to conquer that duchy. Is resolved to observe
his instructions strictly, even if the negotiations should last
a long time. The ambassador told the English the news
from Italy, in order to facilitate the negotiations. They
said they knew it already. It would be well to write
what the tidings are from Navarra. It is known in England
that the French and the late King of Navarra entered the
valley of Ronceval, but it is not known what happened
Fears the Spanish fleet will sail without waiting for this
letter.—London, 19th November 1512.
[Postcript in a different hand, apparently that of Muxica.]
Has sent another letter from Cartanum (?) by a servant
of the ambassador, and another letter on the 13th from
Plymouth.—No signature. (fn. 15)
Indorsed in the same hand in which the postscript is
written : "The letter which I wrote from England."
Spanish. An incorrectly written copy. pp. 4.
|19 Nov. (?)
S. E. Pat. Re.
Cap. c. Pont.
L. 2. f. 13.
73. Treaty concluded between the Pope Julius II., in
his name and in the name of his confederates,
King Ferdinand The Catholic, and Henry, King
Of England, on the one part ; and the Cardinal
Of Gurk, in the name of the Emperor Maximilian
and of the Duke Of Milan, on the other
part. (fn. 16)
When Maximilian, Emperor elect, declared that he was
willing to enter the league, and to send an army to Italy,
the following articles were concluded between the Pope and
the Cardinal of Gurk, ambassador of the Emperor elect :—
1. All the stipulations contained in the treaty of alliance
concluded the year before for the defence of the Pope and his
states, and for the purpose of reconquering the cities and
towns which have been wrested by force from the Holy Father,
are to remain in full force, except such articles as are expressly
abrogated or interpreted by this treaty. The Pope and his
allies, namely King Ferdinand the Catholic, the King of
England, &c., on the one part, and the Emperor elect and Duke
of Milan, on the other part, bind themselves strictly to fulfil
the said treaty of last year.
|2. This treaty is to last during the joint lives of the confederates.
If one of them dies, the other members of the
league are to continue it, and the heir of the deceased member
has a right to enter it. All the allies are bound to assist with
all their forces, and at their own expense, any member of the
league whose Italian possessions are invaded by an enemy.
If non-Italian dominions of an ally are attacked, the other
members of the league are likewise bound to assist him, but
he who receives assistance must pay all the expenses.
|3. If one member of the league attacks another member of
it, without being authorized to do so by the whole confederacy,
he is ipso facto excluded from the league, all the members of
which are bound to combine and to punish him. Should an
ally believe that he has just reason to complain of another
ally, the whole league is to decide their quarrel.
|4. The French oppressed the Holy Father and occupied
almost the whole of Romagnola. Although they were soon
afterwards expelled from Italy, they are still persisting
in their iniquitous designs. They are, besides, schismatics.
They are the authors of the schism, have received the schismatic
prelates in France, and continue the mock-council (fn. 17)
in the "synagogue of Satan." In order to put a stop to this
scandal, and give security to the possessions of the allies in
Italy, the Emperor is to discontinue the war with Venice and
Ferrara, and the allies are to send their combined armies to
make war against France. Raymond de Cardona, Viceroy of
Naples, is to be the captain-general of the allied forces. The
monthly payments for the sustenance of the army which were
agreed upon in the treaty of last year are, however, not to
be continued, except the allied armies should carry on the
war in order to wrest from the enemy any cities, towns, &c.,
belonging to Holy Church. In all other cases each ally is
bound to pay the expenses of the troops of his contingent.
The contingent of the Pope is to consist of 500 horse and
1,000 foot, that of King Ferdinand of 800 lances, 400 light
horse, and 4,000 foot, that of the Duke of Milan of 300 lances
and 3,000 foot. The army formed by these contingents will
invade France by way of Dauphiné or of Savoy, in order to
assist the Emperor elect in his enterprise against Burgundy
and Picardy, or to defend him if he is attacked by the
French. The allied army is to subsist on whatever is to be
found in France, and to do the schismatical French as much
harm as possible. The war against France is to last until
the Emperor elect has conquered Burgundy and Picardy,
and the league the provinces of Dauphiné and Provence.
King Ferdinand and the King of England are likewise bound,
at the request of the captain-general to attack France, if
they have not already conquered Guienne, Normandy, and
Provence is to be disposed of by the Pope. If the Duke
of Lorraine enters the league and makes war on France, the
Pope promises to give him Provence ; if on the other hand,
the Duke of Lorraine does not enter the league, the Pope is
to keep Provence for himself, as his portion in the division
Dauphiné and Lyons are to be divided between the Pope
and the Emperor elect. The Pope is to have that portion of
Dauphiné which is nearest Avignon. The Duke of Milan is
to have such portions of Dauphiné as it may please the Pope
and the Emperor elect to give him. They will then persuade
the Duke of Savoy to accept these portions of Dauphiné, and
to give to the Duke of Milan the equivalent of them in townships
and villages of Savoy situated near the frontier of Milan.
|5. All the members of the league are at liberty to continue
at war with France until they have destroyed or conquered
her entirely, no matter however long the war may last.
|6. The allies are to engage at least 5,000 Swiss, in order
that the Swiss Confederacy may be favourable to them.
|7. The Duke of Savoy, whose states are subject to the
empire, is not to permit the French to cross the Alps in Savoy
|8. The Emperor elect has a right to ask assistance against
the French from all the princes and imperial cities in Italy.
|9. If the Emperor elect undertakes to go to war with France
before the wars with Venice and Ferrara are concluded,
then the Pope binds himself to pay him a subsidy of 8,000
ducats, King Ferdinand 10,000 ducats, the King of England
10,000 ducats, and the Duke of Milan 6,000 ducats.
|10. The Pope binds himself to excommunicate the King of
France and all Frenchmen.
|11. Many reasons can easily be found which will fully justify
this league. Foremost amongst them is the fact that the King
of France will not obey the repeated exhortations and behests
of the Pope. The Holy Father will write to the Emperor
elect, and request him, in his quality of protector of the
Church, to make war on the schismatic French, and to enter
|12. If a member of the league dies during the war with
France, his successor becomes ipso facto a member of the
|13. In case the King of France enters into an alliance
with the Turks, or if the Turks attack any member of the
league without being the allies of France, all the members of
this most Holy League will, with their united forces, make war
on the Infidels ; and they will at the same time carry on the
war with France.
|14. As soon as France is entirely annihilated, or the war
with her concluded in some other way, all the members of the
league will begin a common war against the "dirty"
Infidels, the Turks, and wrest from them all their possessions.
Maximilian is to be the Captain-general and "Imperator" of
the whole Christian army. He is to have, as his portion of the
conquest, Constantinople, the whole of Greece, and the title of
Emperor of the Occident and Orient. The rights and privileges
of the Roman Church are, however, to remain intact.
|15. If any member of the league should raise obstacles to
the expedition against the Turks, or should try to delay it, he
will be forced by the other allies to do his duty, and he will
even be declared unworthy of the name of a Christian.
|16. The Pope will order a crusade to be preached in all
|17. No member of the league is allowed to permit rebels
of another member of the league to stay in his dominions.
|18. The members of the league are to ratify this treaty
within three months.
|19. All Christian princes can become members of the
|20. The conservators of this most Holy League are the College
of Cardinals, the Kings of Hungary, Poland, and Portugal,
and the Princes Electors of the Empire.
|21. This treaty is to be published when the members of it
may think fit.—No date.
Indorsed : "Articles of the League and Confederacy between
the Pope, the Emperor Maximilian, the Catholic King,
the King of England, and the Duke of Milan."
Latin. Draft or contemporary copy. pp. 10.
|19 Nov. (?)
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 1.
74. Treaty between the Pope Julius II., in his name and
in the name of his allies, viz., King Ferdinand The
Catholic and King Henry VIII. Of England, on
the one part, and the Emperor Elect, Maximilian,
and the Duke Of Milan, on the other part.
This document is a contemporary copy or duplicate of the
|S. E. Pat. Re.
Cap. c. Pont. L. 2.
75. Pope Julius II. Articles concluded between the Pope
and the Cardinal Of Gurk.
This document is a Spanish translation of the preceding
S. E. Pat. Re.
Cap. c. Pont. L. 2.
76. Treaty between Pope Julius II. and the Emperor
Pope Julius II. and the Emperor elect conclude the following
1. The contracting princes bind themselves to remain
friends and allies for all time to come.
2. They bind themselves to assist one another in defending
their persons and states against any aggressor, without exception,
and to undertake a common war against the Turks.
3. The Emperor binds himself to defend all such Italian
states as belong by right to the Church, no matter whether
they are at present in the possession of the Church or not.
4. The Emperor binds himself to show no favour to the
enemies of the Church.
5. The Emperor binds himself to recall his prelates from
the Council at Pisa.
6. The Venetians have obstinately refused to conclude peace
with the Emperor ; and when King Ferdinand the Catholic,
in this present year, succeeded in persuading them to conclude
peace with the Emperor, they broke it directly. They are,
therefore, excluded from this alliance, and are to be regarded
as enemies of the allies.
7. The Pope binds himself to excommunicate Venice.
8-18. Stipulations concerning Gueldres, Ferrara, and other
19. The College of Cardinals, King Ferdinand the Catholic,
the King of England, the King of Hungary, the King of
Poland, the King of Portugal, the Princes Electors, &c., are the
conservators of this treaty of friendship and alliance.
20. The Pope promises, on his word as Pope, to observe all
the stipulations of this treaty. Mathaeus, Cardinal of Gurk,
promises in the name of the Emperor that this treaty will be
strictly observed by him.—Rome, at the Palace of the Pope,
the 19th of November, 4 o'clock at night, 1512.
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 4.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 1.
77. King Henry VIII. to Edward Poynings, Doctor
John Yonge, Thomas Boleyn, and Richard Wingfield.
Power to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Archduchess
Margaret in the name of the Emperor and King Ferdinand,
in defence of the Church.—Westminster, 20th December.
Latin. Copy. pp. 3.
end of Dec. (?)
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 5. f. 86.
78. Henry VIII. to Johannes Descane.
Considers King Ferdinand the Catholic as his father, and,
like a good son, rejoices with all his heart whenever he hears
that the King of Spain is successful in his enterprises.
Confides without reserve in King Ferdinand his father, and
thanks him for all his good services, and especially for the
fleet he has sent him.
Begs the King of Spain to send, at the beginning of the
month of March next, a new fleet, well armed and well provided
with all the engines of war, to Plymouth, Yarmouth, or
Falmouth, where the English fleet will be kept in readiness.
Wishes the Spanish fleet to consist of ten galleys, six of
which are to be swift vessels, and four heavy ones.
Begs King Ferdinand that not less than 5,000 well armed
soldiers may be on board.
Has expressed in a letter to King Ferdinand his wish that
he (Descane) might be made commander of the fleet, and at
the same time that he might be permitted to act as English
envoy in Spain. Confides in him (Descane), and hopes he
will carefully superintend the armament, and arrive early
in March with the fleet in England. The soldiers must be
equipped in such a way that they may disembark and fight
Should galleys be more expensive than vessels of another
class, he will content himself with other ships.—No date.
Indorsed : "Instruction of the King of England."
Latin. Autograph. pp. 2.
End of Dec. (?)
S. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 6. f. 7.
79. Project Of A Treaty between King Henry VIII. and
King Ferdinand The Catholic.
On the 17th of November 1511 a treaty was concluded
between England and Spain against the King of France, by
which it was stipulated that a common war should be carried
on in Aquitaine. The principal object of the war was to
chastise King Louis, the oppressor of the Holy Church, and
to reconquer Aquitaine, stolen in defiance of all right by the
King of France from the King of England. The war was in
fact begun last summer ; but when winter approached the
English army returned to England, and the King of France
became more "malicious" and "nefarious" than ever. It is,
therefore, necessary to punish him. As the King of France
has a large army, this can be done only by combined efforts.
King Ferdinand the Catholic and the King of England consequently
conclude the following articles :—
1. The dominions of King Ferdinand being so near the
duchy of Aquitaine, and the King having had such great experience
in the war against France, he is better calculated
than any other prince to conquer Aquitaine. He is therefore
requested by the King of England to undertake the conquest
of that duchy. As King Ferdinand loves the King of England
with the love of a true father, he binds himself to undertake
the war in the duchy of Aquitaine at his own expense in the
beginning of the month of June, or at the latest before the
end of June next, if the King of England will at the same
time take the field in person against the King of France in
Picardy or in Normandy.
2. As, however, the war in Aquitaine will entail great expense
on King Ferdinand, the King of England binds himself
to pay him 100,000 crowns, or 20,000l. sterling, viz.,
50,000 crowns on the 1st of the month of [blank], and the
remaining 50,000 crowns in the month next following. King
Ferdinand is not entitled to claim a higher sum, though his
share of the expenses may amount to more.
3. The King of England promises to send to King Ferdinand,
or to the Spanish general in command of the army in Aquitaine,
a power to take possession of the conquered cities,
towns, fortresses, and provinces in the name of the King of
4. Both contracting princes bind themselves to arm a fleet
against the King of France. Each of these fleets is to contain
at least 5,000 armed soldiers. The fleets must put to sea
before the end of March, and continue at sea at least six
5. Both contracting princes will show favour to the council
assembled in the Lateran, and will oppose with all their
might the schismatic council of the King of France.
6. Neither of the contracting parties is allowed to conclude
peace, truce, &c., with the King of France, except with the
express consent of the other contracting party.
7. All former treaties between England and Spain remain
in full force.
8. Both contracting parties bind themselves to ratify this
treaty within [blank] months.—No date. No signatures.
Indorsed : "1511. Copy of the articles of a treaty
which the most Serene King of England sent to Spain
in the year 1511, respecting a confederacy and league
against France." (fn. 18)
Latin. Draft. pp. 22.