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1516.
24 Jan.
S. E. Pat. Re.
T. c. I. L. 1. |
244. Treaty between King Henry VIII. and Charles,
Prince Of Spain.
1. Peace and friendship is henceforth to prevail between
the contracting parties, their subjects and dominions, without
any exceptions.
2. Neither of the contracting parties is to do, nor to permit
anything to be done by their subjects, to the prejudice of the
other contracting party.
3. Neither of the contracting parties will henceforth show
favour to the enemies of the other contracting party.
4. Each of the contracting parties is bound to include the
other contracting party in all treaties and alliances with other
princes.
5. If the subjects of either of the contracting parties injure
subjects of the other contracting party, those who do the
injury are to be punished, but this treaty remains in full force.
6. Letters of marque and reprisal are not to be granted,
except in case of denial of justice.
7. The inhabitants of Tournay, St. Amand, Mortagne, &c.,
are at liberty to carry on commerce in the dominions of the
Prince of Castile. If they are injured by his subjects, reparation
is to be made to them.
8. If the subjects of the Prince of Castile be injured in
England, Calais, or Tournay, the King of England will see
that justice be done to them.
9. In case the Prince of Spain should find it necessary
to forbid provisions to be exported from his dominions,
Tournay is to be excepted from that measure.
10. Neither of the contracting parties will suffer the rebels
of the other contracting party to stay in his dominions.—
Brussels, the 24th of January 1515.
Latin. Copy. pp. 8.
Printed in Lanz-Actenstuecke und Briefe zur Geschichte
Kaiser Karl V., and in Rymer's Foedera. |
Feb. (?)
S. E. Pat. Re. T.
Cap. c. l. Cas. d.
Aust. L. 2. f. 44. |
245. Memoir on the Last Acts and Intentions of King
Ferdinand The Catholic.
The principal object which King Ferdinand always had in
view was the general peace of Christendom, and a war with
the Infidels.
If King Ferdinand could have obtained a reliable peace
with the King of France on condition that the King of
France should renounce all his pretensions on Naples, and
abandon King Jean of Navarra, he would willingly have
accepted it.
[The following paragraph is crossed.]
King Ferdinand knew by long experience that the
French always have disturbed and will disturb the peace of
Christendom ; that they conquer and tyrannize over as many
countries as they can, the states of the Church not excepted ;
that they have an instinctive hatred of the Spaniards ;
that they are striving to render themselves masters, first
of Italy, and then of the whole world ; and that they are
aware that it is Spain which prevents them from carrying out
their designs. King Ferdinand, therefore, formed a league of
Christian princes for the defence of the Church and of the
states of the allies against the encroachments of France. The
French were driven out of Italy, and King Jean d'Albret
and Queen Katharine lost their kingdom of Navarra, because
they sided with France and favoured the schism. When
that had taken place, King Ferdinand, desirous to render
a general peace of Christendom possible, twice concluded
a truce with France. Seeing, however, that France could not
be induced to live in peace with the other princes of Christendom,
and that she was preparing for a new invasion of Italy,
King Ferdinand proposed a new league, in order to defend Italy
and the Holy Church. That league was really concluded, and
the French would have been prevented from conquering
Milan, if all the allies had done their duty. The Pope,
however, reconciled himself with the King of France, induced
to do so by fear and not by friendship. A reconciliation of
the King of France with the Swiss took place also.
When matters were in this state King Ferdinand resolved
on two measures, in order to prevent the French from rendering
themselves masters, first of Italy, and then of the whole
world.
In the first place, he exhorted the members of the league
to remain firm. He asked the Emperor to win over the Swiss
to their cause, and to take the field in person in Italy. He
ordered his Viceroy of Naples to make a junction between
his army and the Swiss, and promised to pay 15,000 ducats a
month to the Swiss. The result of his efforts was the conclusion
of a new league.
The other measure which King Ferdinand decided upon
was of no less importance. He concluded a new treaty of
alliance with the King of England. This alliance rendered it
impossible for the King of France to undertake anything
against the kingdom of Naples or against any other state,
even if it should be found impossible to persuade the Swiss to
enter the new league for the defence of Italy. The Emperor,
the King of England, and King Ferdinand, when united,
were sufficiently strong to resist the King of France.
In order that the Spanish and Imperial armies in Italy
should not remain idle, King Ferdinand ordered his viceroy
to undertake an enterprise against the Gelves. (fn. 1)
Hieronymo de Vich wrote from Rome, on the 19th of
December, that, according to what he could learn and
according to what the Pope had sworn to him, only general
affairs, such as the general peace of Christendom and the
war with the Infidels, were spoken of at the meeting of his
Holiness and the King of France at Bologna. The King
of France refused to conclude a general peace with the
other Christian princes. His Holiness, therefore, proposed to
the King of France a general truce to last during five years.
The King of France, however, replied that he would be rendering
himself ridiculous if he were to conclude so long a truce,
and then find that the enterprise against the Infidels would
not be taken in hand. He declared himself ready to accept a
truce for eighteen months, and, if the war with the Infidels
should really be undertaken, he would extend it during all
the time the war lasted, and for six months longer. The Pope
hoped the King of France might be persuaded to conclude a
truce for two years, and begged King Ferdinand to use his
influence with the Emperor and the King of England, advising
them to ratify the truce.
The Pope and the King of France wrote at the same time
to King Ferdinand, confirming all that Vich had written
about the meeting in Bologna.
Hieronymo de Vich wrote further in the same letter, that
the bastard of Savoy had said to the Cardinal of Santa Maria
in Porticu that the King of France wished to conquer Naples,
and had told the Pope so when he saw him at Bologna. He
pretended that Naples belonged by right to him, as the treaty
between King Louis (XII.) and King Ferdinand had never
been carried out.
The Bishop of Enna, (fn. 2) Spanish ambassador in England,
wrote, on the 11th of December, that the King of England was
fully aware of the danger which would result if the French remained
masters in Italy. He (King Henry) sent, therefore, one
of his servants to the Swiss, begging them not to reconcile
themselves with the King of France, but, on the contrary, to
march into Italy and drive the French out of the country.
He offered them a certain sum of money. The English envoy
to Switzerland and the Cardinal of Sion wrote to the King of
England, saying that his message to the Swiss had arrived just
in time to prevent them from entering into an alliance with
the King of France. As soon as they were informed of the offers
of the King of England they gave up, they said, the idea of
becoming the allies of France. They werefully determined, they
added, to form an army of 20,000 men, all picked soldiers and
trustworthy officers, if the King of England would give them
security for three months' pay. They would promise to march
into Italy, and, if necessary, into Provence, and there to give
battle to the French. Thus, the King of England and his
confederates would have it not only in their power to wrest
Milan from the French, but also to make war on French soil.
The Cardinal of Sion wrote to the King of England, stating
that he (King Henry) must at once provide for the money to be
paid to the Swiss. If the Swiss should decide, in their Diet, to
make war upon the French, the money must be ready at hand.
If that were not the case, the Swiss would lose their confidence
in the King of England, as they have already lost all confidence
in the other princes of Christendom. They would immediately
make an alliance with the King of France, who is constantly
soliciting their friendship, and assist him in carrying out all
his plans, to the great prejudice of the other Christian princes.
The Cardinal of Sion begged the King of England not to let
this opportunity pass without taking advantage of it to lower
the pride of the French, and to secure the peace of Christendom.
The King of England asked King Ferdinand to contribute
towards the payment of the Swiss. The King of England
said he was ready to conclude a treaty with the Swiss, and to
bind himself to pay them, in his name and in the name of King
Ferdinand, the sum of 180,000 crowns, being the amount of
the pay for the three first months, if their expedition against
the French should last as long. The King of England said he
would make himself responsible to the Swiss for the whole
amount, but he begged King Ferdinand to pay back to him
80,000 crowns within eight months ; so that England would
thus contribute 100,000 crowns and Spain 80,000 crowns to
this enterprise.
If the enterprise was executed in less time than three months,
a deduction, pro rata, was to be made from the 80,000 crowns
which King Ferdinand was to contribute ; and if the Swiss
should not give battle to the French, King Ferdinand was to
pay nothing at all ; for the King of England had expressly
stipulated with the Swiss that if they did not actually fight
the French, they were not to have a single maravedi.
The battle was to take place in Italy, or when the French
were on the retreat from Italy.
The King of England said he was determined, as soon as the
Swiss should give battle to the French, to attack France from
the north, provided that King Ferdinand made an invasion
from the south. The King of England thought that it did not
matter whether the French or the Swiss remained victorious
in the battle ; for even if the French were to beat the Swiss,
it is clear that they would suffer heavy losses, and be weakened
in consequence.
The Bishop of Elna begged King Ferdinand to send an
answer soon to the proposals of the King of England.
Hieronymo de Vich wrote from Rome, on the 11th of
January, saying that the King of France distrusts the Swiss,
because he knows that they are disposed to accept the offers
of the King of England. The King of France is aware that
his army is not sufficiently strong to resist an attack by the
Swiss, especially as the French are hated by the Milanese,
whom they have treated badly. The King of France, therefore,
has recalled his troops which have been hitherto garrisoned
in the county of Brescia, for the purpose of assisting the
Venetians against the Emperor. He has united them with his
other army, not wishing that the Swiss should find the French
troops in Italy divided. The King of France is leaving Italy,
in order to avoid personal danger. He is going to Susa, accompanied
by a body of troops, and from Susa he will continue
his journey with post horses. He says that he is going
to see his mother and his wife, and to procure money, and
that he will soon return to Italy. The French are so weak
in Italy that they cannot resist the Swiss, or any other power
that attacks them there. The Pope regrets that he has been
so courteous towards the King of France, and says he has been
influenced by fear, and not by friendship.
All these letters from Rome and England arrived when
King Ferdinand was prevented by his last mortal illness from
answering them. He was a friend of peace, and always wished
to conclude a durable alliance with France, on condition
that the King of France should renounce his pretensions on
Naples, and bind himself not to assist Jean d'Albret in
Navarra. But, if such a peace could not be obtained, he was
ready to provide for the security of his states and the states
of his allies by forcible means, making war with France, in
common with the King of England and with his other allies.
If the Prince, their Lord, (fn. 3) is willing to follow in the footsteps
of his grandfather, and if he is sure that the King of
France will renounce his pretensions on Naples, and not assist
the King and Queen of Navarra, he may continue the peaceful
negotiations of King Ferdinand with France. But he must not
trust the fine words of the French, who are ever ready to
make great promises, and to break them on the first opportunity.
If, on the other hand, the Prince is not perfectly
certain of obtaining a reliable peace with France on the aforesaid
conditions, he would do well to profit by the favourable
dispositions of the Emperor, the King of England, and the
Swiss, and make war on France until she is humbled and
forced to make such concessions as are necessary for the welfare
and repose of Christendom.
The Prince ought to send orders to his Viceroy, and to tell
him whether he is to return to Lombardy, and combine his
army with that of the Emperor and the Swiss, or whether he
is to march back to Naples.
Are of opinion that the expedition against the Gelves ought
to be carried out, as King Ferdinand had ordered ; for if
the whole army is to remain under arms until the war with
France is decided upon, the kingdom of Naples will not
have sufficient means to sustain it. If, on the other hand,
one portion of the army is to be disbanded, that could also
best be done after the expedition against the Gelves had been
brought to a successful conclusion.—No date. (fn. 4) No signature.
Spanish. Draft. pp. 17. |
8 March.
S. E. F. L. 496.
f. 14. |
246. The Bishop Of Badajoz to the Cardinal Fray
Francisco Ximenes De Cisneros, Governor Of
Spain.
The Prince (fn. 5) has good parts, but he has been kept too
much isolated from the world, and in particular, he knows too
little of Spaniards. He does not understand a single word of
Spanish. He obeys his councillors implicitly ; but, as he has
entered the seventeenth year of his age, it would be well if he
took part in the discussions of his Council.
Monsieur de Chièvres is the most influential person in the
court of the Prince. He is prudent and gentle, but avaricious.
The same may be said of the Chancellor of Burgundy. On the
whole, love of money is the besetting sin of the Flemings.
They buy and sell the government offices, and it is to be
feared that they will introduce the same custom into Spain.
Some of the Spaniards who are in Flanders speak badly of
the Inquisition, telling horrible things of it, and pretending
that it ruins the country.
The Prince has already signed papers promising to certain
persons bishoprics in Spain.
The Cardinal of Santa Croce is intriguing.
Monsieur de Chièvres is a Frenchman by birth, and keeps
the Prince very much under subjection to the King of
France. The Prince signs his letters to the King of France,
"Your humble servant and vassal." As the Prince and the
King of France are the two greatest monarchs of Christendom,
it is desirable that they should live in peace with one
another. Thinks it, however, impossible. The French have
already intercepted the couriers who travel between Spain
and Flanders, and have claimed the kingdom of Naples, or, at
least, one-half of it. The Prince has not answered the French
with as much firmness as could be wished, whilst the ambassador
of the Emperor is treated as though he were a
servant of the bedchamber of the Prince.
According to the treaties which the Prince has concluded
with France, it seems that he is, "to some extent," obliged to
give back Navarra. Thinks that it ought not to be done.
The Privy Council have, in their sitting of the 24th of
February, decided that the Prince must soon go to Spain.
The Duke of Gueldres is much feared, as he is favoured by
the French. He is very overbearing.
The Prince intends to send some person of authority, but
not a formal ambassador, to Spain, to ask that the Infante
and the Infanta Katharine should be sent to Flanders. Is of
opinion that the Infante ought not to be sent out of Spain,
and the Infanta much less.
Thinks the Prince ought to govern Spain as the procurator
of the Queen, his mother, and he (the Cardinal) in the name
of the Prince.
The Prince still signs "Principe," but he likes to be called
king.
What he has done to keep Spain quiet is much esteemed in
Flanders. He will be the real governor, whether the Prince
be in Spain or not.
The difficulties arising from the enmity of the Duke and the
Constable are not sufficiently appreciated in Flanders.
The King of France, as well as the Emperor, wishes to have
an interview with the Prince before he goes to Spain. When
King Philip met the King of France he behaved very meanly,
and it is to be feared the Prince will do the same if the interview
takes place.
The King of England has been truer to his engagements
towards the house of Austria than any other prince.
The marriage of the Prince with the Princess Mary, it must
be confessed, did not take place, but it may be questioned
whether it was the fault of the King of England, or of the Prince
and his advisers. However that may be, with the exception
of the marriage, the King of England has generally fulfilled
his obligations towards the Prince, and has behaved as a trusty
friend. Suspects the French will not be good neighbours,
and is, therefore, of opinion that the English alliance ought
not to be neglected. The alliance which is at present in force
is not sufficiently intimate and secure. It would be desirable
to conclude another. An alliance with the English can be
trusted most of all. The English love the house of Austria
and abhor the French. The Prince cannot go through France
from one of his dominions to another, and going by sea, he
may occasionally be forced to enter into an English harbour.
On such occasions the friendship of the King of England would
be of the greatest value to him.
Maestro Mota, and other particulars concerning the court of
the Prince.—Brussels, the 8th of March 1516.
Addressed : "To the most illustrious and most reverend
Cardinal of Spain and Archbishop of Toledo, my
Lord."
Spanish. Seems to be holograph. pp. 28. |
7 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib.
Gen. Vol. xxxvi.
f. 33. |
247. Charles, King Of Spain, to the Licentiate Vargas,
his Treasurer.
Fray Bernaldo de Mesa, Bishop of Enna, (fn. 6) who was the ambassador
in England of King Ferdinand the Catholic, returns
to his post. He is to pay him his daily salary, which is to
be twice as much as he received during the lifetime of King
Ferdinand.— Brussels, the 7th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. ½. |
7 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib.
Gen. Vol. xxxvi.
f. 33. |
248. Charles, King Of Spain, to the Licentiate Vargas,
his Treasurer.
Orders him to pay Fray Bernaldo de Mesa, Bishop of
Enna, (fn. 6) and ambassador in England, 100,000 maravedis a
year, as ayuda de costa.—Brussels, the 7th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. 1. |
8 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib.
Gen. Vol. xxxvi.
f. 32. |
249. Charles, King Of Spain, to Fray Francisco Ximenez
De Cisneros, Cardinal Of Toledo, &c.
Fray Bernaldo de Mesa, Bishop of Enna, (fn. 6) was the ambassador
in England of King Ferdinand the Catholic. As
he has served King Ferdinand so well, it has been decided
that the said Bishop shall be retained as ambassador in the
same place.
Orders him to make no difficulties if Bernaldo de Mesa
wishes to have the revenues of his bishopric sent to England.
—Brussels, the 8th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. ½. |
8 April.
S. Cam. d. Cast. Lib.
Gen. Vol. xxxvi.
f. 32. |
250. Charles, King Of Spain, to Hieronymo De Vich, his
Ambassador in Rome.
Recommends to him the affairs of his ambassador in England.
—Brussels, the 8th of April 1516.
Spanish. Register. p. 1. |
1 May.
P. A. G. d. l'E.
S. H. K. K. 349. |
251. French Pensions paid to English Subjects.
On the 1st May were paid, as half-yearly instalments of the
pensions from the King of France :— |
|
Livres Tournois. |
| To the Duke of Norfolk |
875 |
| To the Duke of Suffolk |
875 |
| To Thomas, Cardinal, Archbishop of York |
1,400 |
| To the Bishop of Winchester |
525 |
| To Charles Somerset, Earl of Worcester |
1,700 |
| To George, Earl of Shrewsbury |
875 |
| To Sir Thomas Lovel |
175 |
| To William Compton |
350 |
| To John Meautis, Notary and Secretary of
the King of England |
87 |
| To Clarenceux King-at-Arms |
87 |
| French. Book of payments to the King of England and
his servants. pp. 2. |
1 Nov.
P. Ar. G. d. l'E. |
252. French Pensions paid to English Subjects.
On the 1st of November 1516 the following sums of money
were paid to the following persons, as half-yearly instalments
of their pensions from the King of France :—
[Here follow the same entries as in the preceding document.]
French. Book of accounts concerning the payment of pensions
to the King of England and English subjects.
pp. 2. |
15 Nov.
S. E. L. 2016.
Lib. de Berz.
Vol. xxvi. f. 67. |
253. Treaty between the Emperor Elect Maximilian,
Juana and Charles, Queen and King Of Spain, and
Henry VIII., King Of England.
Commissioners—
1. On the part of England :
Thomas, Cardinal, Archbishop of York, Legate, (fn. 7) &c. ;
Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Lord Treasurer ;
Thomas, Bishop of Durham, Lord Privy Seal.
2. On the part of the Emperor :
Matheus, Cardinal of Sion, Marquis of Viglena, and
Prefect and Count of Valais ;
Joannes Bartholomeus Tizzone, Count of Dezzana ;
Joannes Hedyn.
3. On the part of the Queen and the King of Spain :
Bernard de Mesa, Bishop of Elna. |
1. Peace and friendship between the contracting parties
and their subjects are to continue for all time to come.
2. Each of the contracting parties binds himself to assist
the other contracting parties, or any of them, in defending
their dignities and their states. If one of the contracting
parties is attacked by an enemy, he is to inform his other
confederates of it in a letter signed by him. The allies, thus
informed by the injured party, are bound to exhort the
aggressor to desist from his aggression, and to give full satisfaction
to the injured party. If their exhortation remains
without effect, they are bound to declare war with and to
invade the states of the aggressor, each of the allies paying
his own expenses.
The contingent of the Emperor is to be 5,000 horse and
20,000 foot, well provided with arms and engines of war, &c.
The contingent of the King of England is to be 5,000 horse
and 20,000 foot, well armed and provided with all that is
necessary.
The contingent of the Queen and King of Spain is to be
5,000 horse and 20,000 foot, well provided with all that is
necessary to carry on a vigorous war.
None of the contracting parties is at liberty to negotiate
with the enemy, or to conclude a peace or truce without the
knowledge and consent of all the allies.
If the common enemy possess harbours, towns, or other
places on the coasts of the Spanish, English, or German seas,
the Kings of England and of Spain bind themselves to attack
him not only by land but also by sea. England and Spain are
in such a case to attack the enemy by sea within one month
after the beginning of hostilities on land. Each of them is to
contribute a fleet, carrying 5,000 armed men on board. The
war at sea is to be continued as long as the members of the
league think fit. Ships lost or disabled must be supplied by
other vessels or repaired.
3. None of the allies is at liberty to conclude treaties with
other princes in prejudice of the alliance.
4. Each of the allies binds himself to do nothing that
could prejudice any other member of the alliance, or to
favour any person who undertakes to injure any of them.
5. All Christian princes are allowed to enter the league if
they accept its conditions.
6. Former treaties are not abrogated by this league, except
in so far as they are in open contradiction with it. As the
allies hope that Pope Leo X. will become a member of their
confederacy, they include him, and the Apostolic See, as the
principal member and head and governor of it. It is expected
from the Pope that he will fulfil all the duties of an
ally in proportion to the resources of his dominions ; and, in
addition, make use of his spiritual weapons, such as excommunication
and interdict. His Holiness is to bind himself
not to absolve any enemy of the league from the excommunications
and interdict, except with the consent of all the allies.
The time during which the Pope has a right to enter this
league is six months from the date of the treaty.
7. The Swiss Confederacy is included in this treaty. A
pension will be paid to the Swiss, the amount of which will
be fixed in a separate treaty.
8. The treaty is to be ratified within two months, and the
ratifications are to be exchanged.
9. All the confederates are bound to swear to this treaty.
The power of King Henry VIII. follows, dated London,
the 20th of October 1516, 8th Henry VIII.
The power of Maximilian, Emperor elect, for the Cardinal
of Sion, follows, dated Augsburg, the 25th of September 1516.
Another power of Maximilian, Emperor elect, for Bartholomeus
Tizzone, follows, dated Landerl, the 20th of February
1516.
The power of Juana and Charles, Queen and King of Spain
&c., for Bernard de Mesa, Bishop of Elna, follows, dated the
24th of June 1516.
London, the 29th of October 1516.
The ratification of King Henry follows, dated London,
the 15th of November 1516.
Latin. Copy made in the Papal archives in Rome, at the
command of King Philip II. of Spain. pp. 14. |
15 Nov.
S. E. L. 2016.
Libros de Berzosa.
Vol. xxvi. f. 26. |
254. Treaty between Maximilian, Emperor Elect, Juana
and Charles, King And Queen Of Spain, and Henry,
King Of England.
This document is a short epitome of the preceding treaty.
Indorsed : "Summary of the alliance and league between
the Emperor Maximilian, Charles, King of Spain,
and the King of England, concluded in the year
1516."
Latin. Copy made in the Papal archives in Rome, at the
command of King Philip II. of Spain. pp. 2. |