Venice: September 1526 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 3, 1520-1526. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1869.

'Venice: September 1526', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 3, 1520-1526, (London, 1869) pp. 600-610. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol3/pp600-610 [accessed 25 April 2024]

September 1526



Sept. 2. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 404.	1400. Marco Antonio Venier, Ambassador to England, to the Doge and Signory.
	Proceeds to his legation through the Grisons, although he ha snot obtained the safeconduct.
	Bergamo, 2nd September. Registered on the 4th.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 4. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 547.	1401. Gasparo Spinelli to the Doge and Signory.
	The Cardinal's determination is to give nothing but words, and such he uttered to Sanga about the King's goodwill, saying he awaited the Emperor's declaration before making any stir, and then the agreement must be made with France, settling how, and where, and when war should be waged on the Emperor. In short, from him nothing can be obtained but words.
	London, 4th September. Registered by Sanuto on the 26th.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 5. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 547.	1402. Gasparo Spinelli to the Doge and Signory.
	Sanga (the Papal envoy) (fn. 1) quits England dissatisfied; he is returning through France to Rome.
	London, 5th September. Registered by Sanuto on the 26th.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 6. Navagero Despatches, Cicogna copy.	1403. Andrea Navagero to the Signory.
	The French ambassador [Jean de Calvimont] (fn. 2) showed him a letter from his King, desiring him to go to the Emperor and submit a clause contained in the treaty, of which he sent a copy. The King further instructs him to present this clause to the Emperor in company with the Pope's Legate or Nuncio and the Venetian ambassador, to whom their respective governments would send copies of this same clause, and the King of England on his part would do the like. This clause stipulates that on the ratification of the treaty the ambassadors of the confederates are to request the Emperor to release the children of the King of France on the terms specified in another clause. The French ambassador added, that should the Emperor refuse, he was to be informed that the confederates would resort to force.
	Calvimont read the clause and the letter of the King likewise, and asked him his opinion and what he meant to do.
	Replied he had no particular instructions from the State, nor a copy of the clause; but had been desired, on the arrival of an ambassador from England [Girolamo Ghinucci, Bishop of Worcester], to confer with him and with the Papal minister, as also with Calvimont himself, and to do what they requested.
	Proposed that he and Calvimont should confer with the Nuncio and the English ambassador then at Granada [Edward Lee], (fn. 3) and discuss what should be done.
	They therefore held a meeting. With regard to the proposals to be made, the English ambassador said he had no instructions whatever from his King, neither did he know that any new ambassador was coming. For this reason he did not see how he could make any representation in company with the French ambassador. The Nuncio [Castiglione] said the like. So it was resolved to allow a few days to elapse for instructions to arrive.
	After a lapse of three days, an English gentleman arrived with letters from his King to Lee, (fn. 4) desiring him to make the communication intended to have been announced through a new ambassador.
	As by this letter Lee was desired to communicate the whole to the Nuncio [Castiglione] and to the French and Venetian ambassadors, he sent for them to his house and read to them his letter, which was not precisely of the tenor already notified by the Signory, though to the same effect.
	The King writes blandly. Lee is to persuade the Emperor not to disturb the general peace of Christendom, but to divest himself of private passion, and turn his mind to the common weal, as he is the chief of all Christians. The King narrates the many disasters which might befall the Emperor, and says that he would lament them as much as anyone, for he has loved and loves the Emperor above all other men (fn. 5) He states the danger to which Christendom is exposed, both from the Turk and the Lutherans, and proves that nothing demands the Emperor's attention more than this, and that everything else is unimportant. He therefore exhorts the Emperor to prefer the common weal to private advantage, and to join this league, whereby there would be a general peace in Christendom.
	With regard to the restitution of Burgundy by the King of France, the King [of England] reasons that it was not in the power of the King of France to do so; but that there would be no lack of means to arrange matters. Should the Emperor release the children of the King of France, he (the King of England) will mediate to obtain for the Emperor a large sum of money, and mediate likewise with all the other powers, provided the Emperor do not demand more than is due and allow every one to enjoy his own; and the King expects his consent from his knowledge of the Emperor's constant goodness of nature and generosity.
	The King was of opinion the duchy of Milan should be left to its Duke [Francesco Sforza], and the Spanish army removed from its present quarters, in order that Italy might be at peace, and the affairs of all the Italian powers be adjusted, and that the heretics, the enemies of the Catholic faith, might be exterminated, and the Turks, who (it was feared) had already conquered Hungary, effectually resisted.
	Thus the Emperor would gain glory, and show the world that he really intended what he always said was the object of his wishes.
	Should he choose to act thus, the King of England promises to do everything to effect this general peace, and says that the Emperor must not entertain suspicion of him; for although he has been named as protector of the league, yet he swears by his faith that he has not yet joined it nor accepted this protectorate until acquainted with the Emperor's intentions; but he positively declares that, perceiving all the rest of Christendom united, should the Emperor reject the fair terms offered him, he cannot fail to accept this protectorate, and do whatever the Pope wishes. He also avails himself of a good opportunity to allude to the money due to him from the Emperor, and demands payment, saying, however, that he has no doubt the Emperor will give it him, as fair.
	So far as he (Navagero) could recollect this was the summary of the letter, but he is unable to express how precise is its language, and how replete with infinite kindness and fair words. Confesses that since a long while he has never seen a letter which satisfied him more completely throughout than this one.
	Lee received two copies of this letter, one in English, the other in French. The French copy he determined to give to the Emperor, that he might read and consider it well.
	At the same time as this letter was received from England, a long brief reached the Nuncio for consignment to the Emperor from the Pope, setting forth the causes which had moved him to wage the present war, and complaining much of the Emperor. The Pope's expressions were stronger than necessary.
	Lee declined accompanying the Nuncio and the French and Venetian ambassadors to audience of the Emperor, because the letters from his King informed him that he had not yet joined the league, and therefore Lee did not think fit to join the ambassadors of the other confederates. He also requested the French ambassador not to use any strong language (mala parola alcuna), but merely to mention the first part of the paragraph, namely, that the King of England besought the Emperor, in the name of all the confederates, to release the sons of the most Christian King for a reasonable sum of money. He also desired him for the present to be silent concerning the next clause, alluding to what was to be done should the Emperor refuse the demand, in order that the representations might be made in conformity with the King's wishes.
	This request seemed reasonable to the envoys, who agreed accordingly, and delivered their messages to the Emperor, who desired the same might be repeated in the presence of his councillors. He then replied first to the Nuncio, that he had always desired the general peace of Christendom, on which account principally he released the King of France; that he had always wished to be the Pope's good son, and the Pope to be a good father to him, so that he knew not for what cause the Pope had severed these ties, and written him a brief charging him with many faults, of which he, the Emperor, knew he was innocent; that a general council should be summoned, in which he would then endeavour to exculpate himself. Should the Pope choose, he was always ready to have him for his good father, and to be his good and obedient son. Should he have erred, he would submit to his Holiness and accept any due reproof and correction (castigatione). But the Pope must prove himself to be the father-general in this matter, and be content to make this general peace, to which he, the Emperor, would most willingly become a party. Should he perceive that it could be accomplished, with regard to personal matters, such as releasing the French princes and the like, he would show the world that he is not covetous of any one's money or territories. He would utterly forget all that the Pope has done by him hitherto, provided that for the future his Holiness take upon himself to effect this general union of the Christian powers, and do not show partiality. It did not appear to him that he could in honour join the present league, as it had evidently been made against him, but he was anxious for a general peace, which he had always wished for above all things.
	He therefore desired the Nuncio to write to the Pope, that he (the Emperor) might know his opinion, so as to be able at length to rid Christendom of heresies, and defend her against the Turk.
	The Emperor then truned to the French ambassador, and said to him that had his King fulfilled what he promised the Emperor at the time of his release, the present troubles would not exist, and Christendom would be at peace; that he had treated the King with magnanimity and liberality, and been repaid with pusillanimity and malice; that the King had not behaved either like a well-conditioned gentleman nor as a loyal cavalier, but like a merchant (mercante-menla), (fn. 6) which last word he (Navagero) remarks has a much worse signification than vilmente in Italian; that he (the Emperor) would to God that this matter could be settled between their two selves, for the lesser detriment to Christendom; that he trusted to God to assist him, as justice was on his side, and thus show the whole world the truth. He demanded of Calvimont, as the representative of his King, that the King do keep the promise given to him, the Emperor, and to God at the same time, namely, that if unable to fulffil what he had promised him, he would return to prison. Should the King not do this, the Emperor does not know how he can deny that he has broken faith. On the King's acting thus he, the Emperor, will release his sons, as he considers the King to be better security than his sons. Should he not do so the Emperor will never more believe anything he may say unless he have the pledge in hand; and as he could have no better pledge than these children he would not release them; and if the King expected to obtain them by threats, he deceived himself. Even if compelled by force to abandon all his realms, so long as he saw one stone upon another he would not give back to the King his children. With regard to his giving them for money, had he been desirous of money, he would have sought it when the King was his prisoner, the ransom of the father being rated higher than that of the children; but he had never thought of money, and was solely intent on making a good peace with the King of France, in order that the like might subsequently be stipulated with all Christendom, and the hostilities be turned against the Infidels, in which case he was ready to give money in lieu of receiving it. At the time of the King's release he had a long private conference with him about this peace, which the King seemed to desire extremely, and swore to him before God that it was his most earnest wish, and that he would aid the Emperor in the undertaking with all his forces. After this, on arriving in France, besides the other things, he sent to tell the Pope that at that private conference he (the Emperor) requested him (the King) to call a council, and depose the Pope. This the Emperor vowed he had never said; and then declared that, regardless of the Nuncio's presence, he would state what passed on that occasion. In discussing the affairs of Italy, the King of France said to him that they would go to Italy, and be masters there, and then at Borne make the Pope the Emperor's chaplain. To this the Emperor replied that he did not want either to make himself the master of Italy, or to have the Pope for his chaplain, but meant to go and assume the crown, and then attack the Lutheran infidels and heretics; and that any person opposing that expedition should be considered their enemy, and as it were a Turk, even should it be the Pope himself. These were the words uttered by him, and not those attributed to him by the King of France. At that same conference he told the King that everybody said that he, the King, would not keep any of the promises made by him; but he, however, did not believe that such a King would fail in anything, though, as the mind of man cannot be known, he at least besought the King, should he purpose deceiving him, not to take his sister away, and deceive him in this matter likewise; because if he failed in his promises he, the Emperor, must be his enemy, and bear him personal enmity, which he had never done hitherto, and therefore he should regret wishing evil (voler male) and being an enemy to one who had his sister for wife. In reply the King made fresh oaths, swearing he would not fail him; and he (the Emperor) in like manner swore he would not fail in any of the promises made by him to the King.
	Having said all this, the Emperor turned to him (Navagero), and said he had no occasion to make him any other answer than the one already given to the Nuncio.
	The reply made to the French ambassador seemed very fierce (brava), and by no means of the sort which the Emperor is accustomed to make; but it proceeded from a word uttered in the course of his speech by the French ambassador, which greatly displeased the Emperor. At the moment did not understand it, being but slightly acquainted with the French tongue, but subsequently the matter was explained to him by some of the Imperial ministers. Calvimont said that he was charged to pray, require, and summon (fn. 7) the Emperor in the name of his King. This is said to be a very menacing (brava) and insolent word in French, and employed when besieging a place, the assailants summoning the besieged to surrender within so many hours under pain of being cut to pieces. Concerning this matter, the French ambassador says the expression is not so offensive, and merely signifies to protest; but were this word the most offensive in the world, Calvimont showed him (Navagero) that it is written in the letter addressed to him by the King. Be this, however, as it may, it is certain that the Emperor took it very much amiss, and therefore had the whole repeated in the presence of his Council, and used very angry language to Calvimont, though his manner evinced no anger; (fn. 8) nay, whatever his words were, he uttered them very quietly. Calvimont then again told the Emperor that he wished to know whether this was given him as a definitive reply, because in that case he should have something else to say, for his King's guidance hereafter. At this point the Viceroy interrupted him, saying he did not know how a positive reply could be given to so confused a demand as the one made by him, (Calvimont); that when he (the Viceroy) quitted France the King and Madame the Regent said clearly that if the Emperor would release the King's sons, they would give him two millions of gold within the term of four months; and if any one in the King's service chose to say that the King had not said this to him, he would prove it to the denier in single combat; whereas now the ambassador spoke confusedly, saying that reasonable ransom should be paid at reasonable periods. The ambassador replied that if his King said to the Viceroy what the Viceroy asserted, he, the ambassador, did not mean to deny it, but had himself received no further instructions; and that it might be said that the King offered him that sum then, and subsequently altered his mind.
	The Nuncio and he (Navagero) said to the Viceroy that it did not seem to them that the one thing contradicted the other, as by the words “reasonable sum “ and “reasonable periods,” nothing whatever was specified, so that three millions of gold as well as two millions might be considered the interpretaton of “reasonable sum,” in like manner as either one month or four might be understood by “reasonable periods;” so that they did not think there was any occasion to discuss this point. The Viceroy then became calm, and the ambassadors departed without any further decision.
	From day to day they always communicate everything to the English ambassador Lee, who is throughly satisfied, save that he disapproves of the French ambassador's demand for a positive answer, and of his saying that if the Emperor refused to do what was required, he had a further commnnication to make to him in the name of his King. This appears to Lee a bravado (come un bravar), and as the King of England is proceeding gently, Lee would wish all the others to use similar language. The French ambassador, on the contrary, is of opinion that he failed to execute his instructions properly, not having yet declared war and made the announcement contained in the second part of the clause, commencing “Quod si facere renuerit” &c. But in reality the Emperor not only does not refuse, but says he is willing to be a party to this peace, and announcing moreover his intention of releasing the King's children.
	As yet the English ambassador has received no other reply than fair words; today or tomorrow they will give it him in writing. Understands that it fills some ten or twelve sheets; and on becoming acquainted with their contents, will communicate them to the Signory.
	Granada, 6th September 1526.
	P.S.—The English ambassador has received a general reply, and well nigh the same as the one given previously to the others. The sole addition purports that not only is the Emperor content that the King of England should join the league, but even prays him to do so, that he may be a better mediator in all matters for the general peace than his Imperial Majesty.
	Concerning details, such as the release of the French Princes, and other similar things, the Emperor declared himself willing to refer the whole to the King of England and the Pope. This was the answer given by word of mouth. The one in writing fills many sheets, which they transmit sealed to the Imperial ambassador in England, so that its contents are unknown.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 6. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 418.	1404. Martin Luther.
	Letters addressed to the Duke of Ferrara by his ambassador in Spain, intercepted by the Pope, and sent to Venice to be deciphered [by Zuan Soro ?]
	The Count Palatine has arrived from Germany. He says the Lutherans increase, and that a council should be held to reform the Church, as they would thus be quieted.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 7. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 420.	1405. Reginald Pole at Padua.
	The Doge went to church in state, accompanied by the ambassadors from the Pope, Milan, Ferrara, and Mantua. The French ambassador was not present, and the ambassador from England [Prothonotary Casal] has gone to Padua to visit the relation of the King's [Reginald Pole] who is studying there.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 11. Sanuto Diaries, v. xliii. p. 55.	1406. Gasparo Spinelli to the Doge and Signory.
	The Cardinal has told him that the King will not join the league unless his most Christian Majesty first of all marry the Princess and restore Boulogne to him, saying, “This King will not spend money to make an enemy of his friend and gain nothing.”
	London, 11th September. Registered by Sanuto, 18th October.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 13. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. pp. 471, 472.	1407. Marco Foscari to the Doge and Signory.
	Today the Pope said to him, “Lord ambassador, we have letters from England, dated the 23rd ultimo, that the King will do nothing until he be first of all agreed with the King of France; and then nothing more can be expected from him than a pecuniary loan, after the month of October.” The Pope is therefore in great tribulation. His Holiness added that the King of France does nothing.
	Rome, 13th September. Registered by Sanuto on the 16th.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 13. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 524.	1408. Marco Antonio Venier, Ambassador to England, to the Doge and Signory.
	Wrote on the 7th from Coir, where the burgomaster visited him, making great offers, &c.
	Came on to Berne, where he met Mons. de Morette, the French ambassador, who visited him, and gave assurance of the excellent disposition of the Switzers towards his most Christian Majesty.
	Intends departing on the morrow to continue his journey.
	Berne, 13th September. Registered by Sanuto on the 25th.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 16. Lettere del Collegio (Secreta), File no. 10.	1409. The Doge and College to Gasparo Spinelli, Secretary in England.
	To thank the Cardinal for his good intention, and hope it may be realized.
	Concerning Hungarian affairs, inform him that by letters dated Petonia (sic) the 3rd, and Augsburg the 10th, the Turkish army had routed the King of Hungary, as by the enclosed summaries. To announce this to the Cardinal.
	The Papal and Venetian armies are in their usual quarters. Nothing further has occurred worthy of notice. The forces under Cremona continue the siege of that city.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 22. Lettere del Collegio (Secreta), File no. 10.	1410. The Doge and College to Gasparo Spinelli, Secretary in England.
	Enclose a copy of what they have written to the Secretary Rosso in France. To act in unison with the King and Cardinal.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 23. Commemoriale, XXI., p. 23, tergo.	1411. The Holy League.
	Oath taken by the ambassador of the Duke of Milan at Venice, in the presence of Doge Andrea Griti, and of the envoys from the Pope, France, and England accredited to the Signory.
	In May last, at Cognac, the alliance was stipulated between Pope Clement VII., Francis King of the French, and Andrea Griti, Doge of the Venetians.
	Of this league the most Serene King of England was constituted protector and defender.
	There was also comprised in it Francesco II. Sforza Visconti, Duke of Milan, at that time besieged in the castle of “Porta Zobia.”
	His ambassador, Francesco Taberna, therefore ratifies the inclusion by oath, in the presence of Doge Andrea Griti, of Altobello Averoldi, Bishop of Pola, Nuncio and Legate de latere from the Pope, of the Bishop of Bayeux, Ludovic Count of Canossa, ambassador from the King of the French, and of Giovanni Battista de Casale, ambassador from the King of England to the Doge and Signory of Venice.
	[Original minute, Latin, 79 lines.]
Sept. 24. Deliberazioni Senato Secreta, v. li. p. 86.	1412. The Doge and Senate to Gasparo Spinelli, Secretary in England.
	By their last, written to him on the day before yesterday, he will have heard of the Pope's having retired into Castle St. Angelo to escape the violence (impeto) of Cardinal Colonna and Don Ugo de Moncada, with the Imperialists and the Colonna faction. Their ambassador in Rome informs them that after the Imperialists had sacked the Papal palace with its wardrobe and sacristy, and also the sacristy of St. Peter's, besides certain palaces belonging to the right reverend cardinals and prelates, realizing booty to the amount of 300,000 ducats, his Holiness at length came to an agreement with Don Ugo de Moncada, and signed a truce for four months, binding himself to withdraw his land forces to this side the Po (de qua da Po), and recall his fleet into the Papal harbours (in terre de la Gesia), as by the enclosed copy.
	In consequence of this announcement the Signory repeated the orders given to the army under Milan, for the Marquis of Saluzo and the French troops immediately to join the Switzers and the Venetian forces, so that notwithstanding the departure of the Papal soldiery they may make head against the enemy. Are certain that his Holiness, having received so deep an injury from the Imperialists, will never become their friend; and indeed, should his most Chistian Majesty and the King of England act resolutely, are assured that he (the Pope) will join them for the benefit of the undertaking. To beseech the King and Cardinal to consider the importance of so great a stir against the person of the Pope, the honour of the Apostolic see, and ecclesiastical liberty. The King, in accordance with his title of “Defender of the Faith,” should render assistance to the undertaking, so as to thwart the iniquitous plots of the Imperialists.
	By the accompanying copy he (Spinelli) will perceive that the attack on Cremona has been brought to a good end.
	Ayes, 174. Noes, 3. Neutrals, 0.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 24. Sanuto Diaries, v. xlii. p. 522.	1413. Motion made in the Senate by the Sages.
	That a letter be written to the Secretary Spinelli in England, giving him notice of the late disturbances, (fn. 9) and stating that the King of England, as “Defender of the Faith,” should be pleased to make such provision as shall seem necessary to him, and that the Signory will support the undertaking. Summaries of the news from Rome and Cremona to be transmitted.
	Noes, 3. The rest Ayes.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 24. Sanuto Diaries, v. xliii. p. 37.	1414. Marco Antonio Venier, Ambassador to England, to the Doge and Signory.
	Announces his arrival at Lyons, whither two Scottish ambassadors have come, who are going first to the Signory and then to Rome. Cardinal Salviati, late Legate in Spain, is to make his entry tomorrow or next day.
	Will remain two days at Lyons, and then proceed on his journey.
	Lyons, 24th September Registered by Sanuto, 13th October.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 25. Lettere del Collegio (Secreta), File no. 10.	1415. The Doge and Senate to Gasparo Spinelli, Secretary in England.
	The Imperialists have stipulated to surrender Cremona within the month, having given 12 hostages to that effect, as by the accompanying copy of the articles.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 27. Parti Secrete, Consiglio X., Filza 1ma.	1416. The Council of Ten and Junta to Marco Foscari, Ambassador in Home.
	Approve of the Pope's sending two nuncios, the one to France, the other to England, to complain of the excesses committed by the Imperialists, and exhorting those Kings to defend the ecclesiastical liberty. The Pope should write again to the Emperor, exhorting him to put an end to the wars and to make a valid peace, of which there is the most urgent need by reason of what has taken place in Hungary with so much bloodshed.
	The Signory has also written repeatedly to France, urging the most Christian King most strenuously to act in imitation of his predecessors, who, to avenge the ecclesiastical liberty and the dignity of the Holy Roman Church, hazarded their forces and their persons, and deservedly gained for themselves the title of “Most Christian King.”
	Feel certain that his most Christian Majesty at so important a crisis will not fail warmly to espouse the interests of his Holiness and of the common cause; and the Signory has also recommended him to stimulate the English King. Have written in good form to the Venetian secretary in England.
	Ayes, 29. Noes, 0. Neutrals, 0.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 28. Senato Mar, v. xxi. p. 23.	1417. Factories of London and Damascus.
	Decree of the Senate.
	Importance of keeping up the Damascus voyage. (fn. 10) At present the factory has a debt of 200,000 ducats in Venice, and in Syria 10,000, paying usurious interest.
	And whereas the London factory is creditor of many merchants for a considerable sum of money, and debtor but for a very small amount—
	Put to the ballot, that all debtors of the London factory be bound within one month to pay their debt in ready money to the proveditors of that factory, subject to the penalty of 10 per cent., besides all other penalties decreed in the said proveditors' office.
	The proveditors for the London factory to assign the sum thus received to the proveditors of the Damascus factory, as a loan, to be placed to the credit of the London factory, for repayment after all the other deposits in the factory of Damascus.
	Declaration that the London factory is not to be subjected to any overcharge (angaria), as by God's grace it has no debt, nor occasion to occur any expense; but, should such become requisite, the proveditors for the factory and the consul in London are empowered to levy such rate as necessary.
	Ayes, 104. Noes, 8. Neutrals, 12.
	[Italian, 53 lines.]