Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.
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'Venice: September 1549, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554, (London, 1873) pp. 239-267. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol5/pp239-267 [accessed 25 April 2024]
September 1549, 1–15
| Sept. 7. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. | 573. Matteo Dandolo, Venetian Ambassador at the Court of Paul III., to the Signory. |
|---|---|
| Four days ago Don Diego returned to the Pope to hear what reply he was to make to the Emperor about the coming of the prelates from Rome. | |
| Touching the affairs of England, it has been determined for the present that Cardinal Pole is to send thither two of his confidential and experienced attendants, and according to what they shall bring back or transmit hither, so will his Holiness decide farther, but he is very desirous of secrecy. By letters of the 14th ult., received from London this morning, it is heard that war has been proclaimed against the French, and that the insurrection is subsiding. | |
| Rome, 7th September. | |
| [Italian.] | |
| Sept. 7. Parti Comuni, Consiglio X., vol. xix. p. 62. | 574. Venetian Glassmakers in England. |
| The Council of the glass trade assembled on summons from the Magnifico the Bailiff in the town hall [of Murano] as usual, to make the following motion, there being present the Magnifico Dom. Angelo Venier, most worthy Bailiff of Murano, and others, etc., in the which Council the Magnifico the Lord Bailiff, the Warden (Gastaldionem) and his colleagues made the following motion : | |
| Considering how injurious to the Republic's duties, and to the poor inhabitants of this place of Murano, is the removing thence the glass manufacture (l' arte de' veri), whether by the masters or by the artisans, very great care must be taken to provide against this; and as the artisans complain of being compelled to go and work out of Murano, taking the manufacture elsewhere, by reason of the length of time that they remain out of work, namely two months and a half, during which they have not wherewithal to live; in order that this may be remedied, and that said artisans may not have cause to take the trade (il mistier) abroad, owing to the long cessation of employment: | |
| It will be put to the ballot, that the cessation of work be limited to two months, and that they [the artisans] do commence working on the first of October next, the furnaces to be put out of blast on the last day of July, this being observed from year to year; and as it occasionally happens that the month of July ends in the middle of a week, that the masters be therefore at liberty to make the artisans continue working until the end of said week; and be their Excellencies the Chiefs of the Ten petitioned to have this Act confirmed by that most illustrious Council. | |
| The Council of Ten is also petitioned to make such provision that this manufacture be not earned out of this place, either by the masters or the artisans (as, notwithstanding the fines decreed to this effect heretofore, both masters and artisans do not cease taking it abroad), granting such term as the Chiefs shall think flit to those who have gone to work abroad in foreign parts, so that they may return. Also that these same penalties be enacted against such masters as shall hire as workmen, whether to tend the furnaces (stizzar) or to work in this art, such as are foreigners, namely, those not born of native Venetians and Muranese. | |
| And as on the 25th November 1543, in the Grand Council (maggior Capitolo) of this art, many statutes were enacted for confirmation by the Council of Ten, one of which, concerning glass bladders (visighe), was not presented to the Chiefs; be the Council of Ten now petitioned to confirm it as registered hereunder, but that it be not carried into effect until the close of the next working season and commencement of the subsequent one, which will take place on the 1st of October 1550; with this condition, that of the fine to be levied, one part be given to those who exact it, one to the accuser, and one part to the poor [artisans] of the trade; and in the clause concerning glass bladders, window glass, (fn. 1) and plain work (lavori schielti), be there also understood wrought work (lavori lavoradi) of every sort; the tenor of which statute is as follows :— | |
| That at the close of the present working season, in no furnace may there any longer be made [at one and the same time?] glass bladders, window glass, and plain work, nor may the chests containing such vessels be removed from the furnace, under penalty of 100 livres; and this because by taking so much glass out of the furnace all at once, it cannot be properly purified. And to give employment to a number of artisans who are exclusively occupied as glass bladder blowers, be they allowed to make medicine phials (gvoppi), and “pie de redesello” and retorts (retortoli); nor, for the aforesaid reasons, may the glassmakers work at more than three mouths of each furnace. | |
| Ayes, 34. Noes, 3. | |
| [Italian.] | |
| Sept. 7. MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x. | 575. Cardinal Pole to the Protector of England. |
| Translated from the English tongue [into Italian]. (fn. 2) | |
| Having received and read your letters, (fn. 3) and moreover heard the statement of the persons who conveyed my first letter to you, together with the instructions (la instruttione), I really hesitated for a time, whether I ought to proceed farther by writing to you, seeing the little fruit obtained by my first letter with regard to the matter whereby I was principally induced to write, namely, for your honour and profit, as would not have been the case, had you chosen to accept this my office in a becoming manner. But as you have received it quite contrariwise, as your letters prove, it seemed fit to me for the moment to refer myself to the Divine Providence to answer you by deeds rather than by words, instead of sending you any farther reply by letter; a determination to which I should have adhered, had it not been that on communicating this my resolve to the aforesaid messengers, and after making them read your letter, they expressed great surprise at the tone of the reply, as being quite at variance with the verbal communication made by you to them, although they said the substance (la somma) was one and the same. They came to the conclusion, that the entire fault of so discourteous a reply rested with your Secretary, (fn. 4) to whom you possibly intrusted it, and that then, without farther perusal, as customary with great personages, most especially when the letters are at all long, as this one was, you caused it to be delivered to them for conveyance to me; and that your Secretary considered it sufficient to express your mind in the form he liked best, which form seemed to them (as I said) very dissimilar to that in which you had addressed them with such gravity as was required by the matter in question, and with such respect for the person who wrote to you, as became one man of honour when speaking of another who had done him the honour to write to him; while, on the contrary, this letter is full of gibes and scoffs, without the slightest regard for the subject nor for the person in whose name it is written, nor for him to whom it is addressed. This their conjecture seemed to me the more probable, considering that it is the custom nowadays of those folk (costoro) who delight in showing their wit, to treat the affairs of Rome, however important the matter under discussion may be, with ridicule, as may be seen hitherto by the comedies composed by them; so that if your Secretary in this letter, in failing to have such regard as was due for the matter and the person, followed the style of the others, I am not at all surprised at it, and still less that, for the reasons aforesaid, you should not have reperused it. | |
| I therefore, sharing their opinion, that all the discourtesy evinced in this letter, is the fault of the Secretary, and choosing to believe that whatever might render me averse to make you any farther rejoinder, arose more from the fault of others than from your own will, determined not to deprive you by my silence of such satisfaction as you may receive from knowing how I took your reply. This you seem to desire, as also my opinion of the book (fn. 5) sent me with your letter, exhorting me to let you know it, and promising that whatever it may be, a friendly and gracious reply shall be given me. | |
| To commence, therefore, by answering the substance and conclusion of your letter, in which you say you will not send to any place, even neutral and near England, to confer with me about such matters as are in dispute, and which, from not being yet adjusted, might greatly injure the kingdom, I tell you that so far as this answer in any way concerns my own personal interest, you have done me very great pleasure by relieving me from extreme mental and bodily toil, as had you accepted my offer, I could not have avoided taking so long and troublesome a journey, without ultimately obtaining any advantage from my labours, which is now clearly manifest from your letters, a thing which I never could have imagined. | |
| To be dispensed thus from this trouble, and, without any personal inconvenience or detriment, to have had an opportunity of manifesting and disclosing the affection and love I bear my country, of which I know not what greater proof could be given than is evinced by this offer, cannot but cause me great and singular pleasure, though as to the style of your letter which conveyed it to me, I should have cause to consider it most unpleasant rather than agreeable, not so much for the thing itself, nor on account of any personal injury done me by your writing thus, as for the evil sign and omen indicated of the utter and impending ruin of my country. It is indeed true that my regret would have been still greater, as it would moreover have been a sign of yet more manifest ruin, had I felt certain that it proceeded from you wilfully, and yet more, above all, had it proceeded from the Council, of which in your letter you make no mention whatever, which somewhat mitigated my sorrow (though it could not but be great, considering that at any rate the writer was a member of your Privy Council, rendering the salvation of the country quite desperate);—if this reply, full of derision and mockery, had been given, to such a proposal made by me, by your order and that of the Council. And I have remarked that the truest sign of approaching ruin in all cases, but more notably in that of the rulers of kingdoms, is when they have reached such a pitch of iniquity that they ridicule and deride the simplicity of those who, they acknowledge and confess, speak from sincere conviction (con sincera mente). They then actually sit “in the seat of the scornful,” (fn. 6) which is the last grade of impiety, and to which no one attains who is not shortly afterwards precipitated from his seat and government by the hand of God, (fn. 7) who often permits bad men to rule until they reach that bourn, and then irridet illorum, and they are destroyed; nor can any greater scourge befall a kingdom than to have such rulers. So to see that he who holds the chief post in the government of the kingdom (net governo del regno delta patria) has reached this grade of impiety, is a thing, the suspicion of which now harrasses me more than all the rest, for in truth, if you, when reading my letter and instructions (instruttione), in which I merely propose to you your own salvation (salute propria) and honour, had interpreted my writing as the emanation of a malicious and fraudulent mind, I should feel less regret than I do for your scoffs (beffe), although on myself individually you would have inflicted a greater injury than you do by confessing that my writing proceeds from sincerity; for what greater injury can be done to a man of honour than to repute him malignant and fraudulent? And as it is false that I am such, and true that I am sincere and candid, which you acknowledge and deride, you thus do less injury to me than to the Holy Spirit, it being a sin against the Holy Spirit to deride and ridicule your neighbour's mental sincerity and simplicity, which gift coming solely of God, he is not wont long to defer the infliction of grievous punishment and vengeance on those who in any way scoff and deride him through any of his creatures. This pitch of extreme impiety seems to me the more intolerable and remarkable in you, from what I experienced in a similar case from the greatest enemy I had in the world, who was that King whom I had loved above all other men, and who, having an opportunity of knowing my sincerity in a matter very contrary to his feelings (senso), would not however be angry with nor ridicule me, as you do; and the story is as follows. | |
| He had received a writing of mine treating of the divorce which he wished to make with his first wife, (fn. 8) and as this my writing was much opposed to his intent and desire, my late brother [Henry de la Pole, Lord Montacute?] informed me of his having been told by the Duke of Norfolk that the King bore me illwill on this account, which the Duke said would cause my total ruin. I then answered my brother that I was certain that this could not be true, if the King had read all that I wrote to him, knowing it to be impossible, that when I opened my heart to him so sincerely and affectionately, as his Majesty must know by reading the writing, he could ever bear me illwill for it; and that even were this the case, I considered it a very sure proof that his Majesty had not read all that I wrote to him, as if he had, he most assuredly could not be offended with me for a writing given solely to himself, and not communicated to others. So I spoke the more boldly, most especially knowing that his Majesty had not shown it to others, and being firmly convinced that such a disposition on my part could not be scorned, nor so angrily taken amiss, I requested my brother to sound the King's mind by acquainting his Majesty with this my reply, as he did, and informed me, that having found an opportunity for conversing (ragionare) with his Majesty in a privy garden (in un giardino secreto), where he chanced to be walking with him, he narrated the whole circumstance. On hearing this, and after remaining a long while thoughtful and silent, he exclaimed that he had read my writing, and that I had spoken the truth, nor could its perusal ever make him feel any anger against me, as although the writing was very contrary to his will, he nevertheless recognised in it my love for him, and the sincerity with which I had written it, but that in conclusion my opinion did not please him, and that he much wished me to change it, in which case he would then prove how dear I was to him. | |
| This was the reply of the King, who, although preoccupied by the violent passion which then dominated him, and although he had such great reason to be angry with me, seeing that my written opinion was utterly opposed to his desire; nevertheless, considering that what I said to him did not proceed from any malignity, but from my love for him, and from sincerity of mind, he checked his anger against me. Concerning this matter, I will also add what was said by the person who placed this writing of mine in the King's hands, namely, Sir John Russell, a gentleman of his privy chamber (camarier secreto suo), to whom I confided my writing that he might present it to the King, provided he could do so without incurring any detriment or blame, which I said from doubt whether my writing would please the King or not. He answered me, that if I was the author—knowing me as he did—he would present the writing without any hesitation, let happen whatever pleased God. | |
| I have chosen at present to acquaint you with these two examples, that by perceiving how greatly they differ from your conduct, you may be better able to judge the error of your Secretary, and consider well that the King who was then so very greatly excited (perceiving nevertheless the sincerity of my mind), could not be angry with me although what I said was repugnant to his feelings; how much less ought you to deride and ridicule such candour? By so much the less, assuredly, should you do so, because, if ever I made a writing which was to express my mind sincerely, and devoid of all passion, and demonstrating the true love which I bear God, my country, and its rulers, this to which you reply is certainly such, that no one with the sentiment of a man (che habbia sentimento d' huomo) can deny it; as it is not denied even by you yourself, since you confess that both by the letter and the commission given to my messengers, you could understand that my mind is precisely such as is aforesaid. | |
| And of all the contents of that letter, what I regret most, is that after admitting that my mind (l' animo mio) is what I said it was, you nevertheless reply in this discourteous manner. If it be the fault of your Secretary, as I am willing to believe for the aforesaid reasons, my regret is diminished; and in that case, he certainly served you very badly, for it is the office of a secretary to express by words the internal meaning (senso) of his master, as it is the office of a painter to paint the external form (figura) of the body. In this respect, to say the truth, not only has he served you badly, by not expressing your mind well, but he has depicted you very differently to what you yourself feel internally about yourself (da quel che vol medesimo sentite dentro di voi stesso), and differently to what I had judged from hearsay about you, and from your verbal reply to my messengers, which made me suppose you such as you apparently wished to be considered, that is to say, a person of honour, prudent, grave, not rash, but discreet and full of affability (et piena di gentilezza). But this letter of yours depicts you quite oppositely, likening you rather to men who, emerging from low condition to some grade of honour, can find no other way of displaying their importance, than by despising all those whom they consider beneath them in authority, in like manner as they themselves were formerly despised, when ill-conditioned. And in addition to this, your letter divests you of all gravity and politeness (humanità), making you treat such important matters as those which concern your Government, by deriding and ridiculing the person who, according to the necessity of the case, warned you with all courtesy for your welfare and preservation (salute); nor can anything more uncivil than this be imagined. | |
| This letter also destroys your claims to prudence, by making you talk of the great perils which threaten you either as if they were not at all visible to you, or that perceiving them, they are held by you in small account; and as if you will not listen to any counsel, but reject any remedy proposed to you, which is great rashness; yet thus are you represented throughout your letter, as will be evident by my reply to its contents, which I shall now commence in the same order as that observed by you. | |
| And first of all, I will reply to that part of your introduction (prœmio) in which, as if you would reproach me, you commence by complaining that I have belied the opinion you had formed of me (ingannata l' oppinione che havevate di me), having inferred from my letters and instructions (instruttioni) that I was about to negotiate with you for my return to my country, by asking pardon of the King for past offences, and recommending myself to the graciousness and clemency of the present Government. And as I do not utter a word about my own private cause, but merely concerning the common weal, which in your opinion does not concern me, you consider this a sign of great contumacy and pride, and say that had you known this, you never would have received any letter from me, and still less would you have admitted my messengers. | |
| To these things, my Lord, I say, that if I leave my own private cause aside, to speak of that which is public, it is thus manifest that I am more bent on seeking the common weal than my own; nor was this a reason to render you so wrath with me. But if indeed the mention of my private affairs can give you any satisfaction, I tell you that when speaking of the public cause, private interests are included, for when the public state is established, my private state is also established and confirmed, as it never fell nor went to ruin by default of the public; and as the public overthrow is commencing (et poi chè il publico comincia a ruinare), do you again resume the law of God and of the Church, and permit the continuance and observance of those statutes which the ancient Council of the Realm enacted for the common weal, and then I shall have effected my return, and obtained the pardon which I desire. Do you in the first place ask pardon of God for the violation of his laws, and my pardon will then be conceded without any other new decree. | |
| You would that I should ask pardon of the King, whose clemency and Government you so greatly extol, and I, were it not that my words might be attributed by you to pride, would say that the King—if he wishes for the pardon and grace of God—has much greater need to ask pardon of me, for the injuries and losses incurred by me, than I have to ask pardon of him, as never did I offend either him or his father in anything, unless perchance it be said that I and the others, who would not consent to the perdition of his soul, and simultaneously of the whole kingdom, offended him. This is the offence which he has found in me, and no other; but he on the other hand, when I would not consent to his iniquitous designs, deeply injured me, by doing all that he could to destroy me, as well as my whole family. I am not speaking of the young King (as these things occurred before his birth), save inasmuch as he followed the paternal footsteps, which footsteps if he chooses to follow, let him follow those first trodden by his father before he commenced failing in his duty to God and his Church; let him imitate the things done by him in the first years of his reign, and in his first Parliament, before worldly prosperity had spoilt him, and whilst he still retained some part of the grace of God, and of the good education received from his father. | |
| Let the young King act thus, and I will do as said by me above, when speaking of my private cause, and of the injuries so iniquitously done me by his father; that is to say, rather shall he ask pardon of me, and I will do the like by him, at least on account of his father, from whom he has in this case a very notable example, for in his first Parliament, he restored to my lady mother the greater part of her revenues on this condition, that she was to pardon the King, his father, for the death of her brother, a man perfectly innocent, who was the last Earl of Warwick. This the King did, because his father, Henry VIL, being at the extremity, and by the grace of God repenting of the acts of injustice committed by him during his reign, and amongst the rest calling to mind one of the most notable done to our uncle the Earl of Warwick, and to our family and wishing for pardon from God, and from those he had offended, ordered the restitution to my lady mother of her revenues intrusted (raccomandate) to the King his son, who then, as a Prince obedient to God and to his father, restored her revenues to my mother, with the condition mentioned by me, namely, that she was to forgive the King his father the injuries received from him. And this was told her in the Council, when summoned for the purpose of hearing the will of the King, which was, that her own property should be restored to her; and when asked if with her whole heart she forgave King Henry VII. the death of her brother, and all the injuries which he had done her, she replied that not only was she content to forgive all the past, but acknowledged herself very much bound to pray God for his Majesty. Thus was her property restored to her. | |
| And this, my Lord, would be an example worthy to be imitated, if not in acquittal of his father's debt, at least for the salvation of his soul; and if his tender years do not admit of his yet having this sentiment (senso) spontaneously, it would become his councillors, you, my Lord Protector, especially, to remind him of it, so that by accustoming him from childhood to do good and follow similar examples he may form his mind in a manner truly royal and worthy of one destined to rule men, averting at the same time the Divine wrath, lest it fall upon him, for so much innocent blood shed by his father, and for the great injustice done by him not only to our family but to many others likewise; and by having recourse to the mercy and goodness of God, beseeching Him that repentance, which He denied the father, may be conceded to the son. Thus you may compensate the sufferers for their losses whilst compensation can be made, not awaiting the day of judgment, which, if you continue as you have commenced, will doubtless prove so merciless and terrible as to be unbearable. And for the present, this is what I have to reply with regard to my own pardon. | |
| But all this does not suffice you, and you also require me at any rate to ask pardon of the King, I having no fault, solely for this cause, which you repeat so often, namely, that I, being his subject, have not chosen to obey his statutes and decrees; and upon this you lay great stress, styling the King, as he in his proclamations to the people styles himself, “natural and supreme Lord,” (fn. 9) which I do not deny may be true in one sense. But in the sense in which the King exercises his authority against Him, who by nature is true and supreme Lord, this “Lord by nature” can by no means signify that he is the natural and supreme Lord either of me or of any other individual of his people, as by right no Prince can assume this title, (fn. 10) even were all his subjects slaves, in which condition neither I nor the people of England are born. So even were he thus “natural and supreme Lord,” no man has more than one, who is God the Father, Lord of heaven and earth, and His Son, who being one and the same with Him took our nature upon Him, following the will of the Father, and freeing us by the victory obtained in his passion from the hands and servitude of him who kept the whole human race in captivity, and by nature and acquirement (et per acquisto) was and is true and supreme Lord of all men, to whose obedience I have subjected myself, being bound by nature to do so, and doing the like by Kings and Princes with regard to the laws, so far as their commandments, decrees, and statutes are in accordance with His Divine law, as it is fitting that they should be, He being supreme Lord of them and of us, as likewise of all other human creatures. Therefore as many of the decrees issued by the King and by yourself are at variance with the Divine law, I do not intend to be subject to them. It is also possible that while other people are subject to the laws and statutes of the King, an individual changing profession, state, and country, as has chanced to me, is not bound to this subjection. | |
| But further explanation of this matter would be now too tedious and unnecessary after so much discussion about it in England and in France, when what you now assert was confuted entirely at the time of my mission as Cardinal Legate, and honourable reception by King Francis. When the late King of England complained of this, he was answered that he had no cause for complaint, as the honours done me were done as to a Legate from the Pope, and not to a private Englishman. Had you then held such authority in the Council as you do at present, you would have well understood that reply and decision, and perhaps not laid such great stress on my being the subject of the King as “my supreme Lord.” But be this as it may, my Lord, should any opportunity present itself for me to serve the King, and you also, to the honour of God and to the advantage of the realm, albeit you are unable by any law to call me your subject, I, of my own free will and election and by this my writing, am content that you should always command me; and I readily offer myself, not only as your subject, but also [as the subject] of the meanest person in the kingdom, on any occasion when it may be really in my power to benefit them. And to this point the present is a sufficient reply. | |
| You also allege another cause for which you thought I should desire to return home, namely, on account of the purity of the Word of God and of the doctrine of Christ, sent forth (mandate, innanzi) as you say, by your means, and taught more purely (sinceramente) now than ever it was formerly. I tell you, my Lord, that this in truth would be of no little importance, and that it would be well nigh a bait to make me return to my country, were I sure the matter is as you represent it. And I should be convinced of this could I see or hear that the Word of God produced such effect upon you, as is usual when it is well understood and received; that is to say were it to make you return to his obedience; whereas hitherto, to tell you frankly what I hear, you give various indications of acting to the contrary. One of these is, that the spiritual comprehension of the Word of God (as I suppose this to be the thing of which you boast when you say that you promote the Word of God) does not reach (proviene ad) all persons equally, but solely those to whom God gives it, together with His Holy Spirit, which, according to Scripture, “effugit fictum et cum simplicissimo habitat” So by exhibiting a spirit quite contrary to this, that is to say, by being, a scorner rather than a lover of simplicity, you furnish me with a very sure argument for showing that spiritual comprehension of the word of God, of which you make profession, does not exist in you more than in others. | |
| But even granting, as I said before, that this error be not yours, and that it proceeded from your Secretary, yet, nevertheless, what I shall now say cannot be denied, that one error committed by you is so great as to exclude all comprehension, spiritual and profitable, of the Word of God, namely, that I still see “manus vestras plenas sanguine et sacrilegijs.” You confirm, and do not cancel, as you ought to do, the statutes of that man, who himself alone shed more innocent blood in the kingdom, and perpetrated more unjust acts of spoliation, than the entire series of such Kings as reigned tyrannically before him (che tutti gli altri Re insieme che per lo passato hanno tirannescamente regnato). These statutes it would have been your duty to repeal and abrogate on assuming the government of the realm, if you wished to make any greater profession than others of spiritual comprehension of the doctrine of God (d' intelligenza spirituale della dottrina di Dio), as before God he who confirms and approves such impious statutes is no less guilty and culpable than he who makes them. | |
| Nor can you excuse yourself on the plea of not having had authority to repeal them, as it was in your power to annul and abrogate the confirmation (sic) of the Six Articles relating to the confirmation of the sacraments made by the late King and passed in Parliament, which was the best thing be ever did in this world; (fn. 11) and you, although compelled by the law of God to have them maintained and observed, did not hesitate to repeal and abrogate them, and have confirmed the other statutes, which every law, Divine and human, condemns and blames as most unjust and impious. And with all this, you profess to have the pure comprehension of the Word of God, of which if you have any comprehension at all, your conscience must reproach you for making such bad use of it. But in truth it seems to me that your actions show that you have very little of this comprehension; for Christ declares who those are who have the true comprehension of his doctrine when he says, “Qui facit voluntatem Patris mei qui in cœlo est, hic intelligit (sic) de doctrina meâ” signifying that those who do not follow this obedience never arrive at the true and spiritual comprehension of his doctrine; and he demonstrates to what sort of persons the Spirit of God comes, when he says, “Ad quern respiciam, nisi ad humilem et contritum et timentem verba mea?” namely, to him who evinces this spirit of contrition, which you as yet do not, and indeed rather show the contrary; nor can I ever believe that you have more perfect comprehension of the things of God (delle cose di Dio) than other people, unless you acquire (pigliate) it; because this comprehension is derived from spiritual books and writings, in which case moreover I do not see how you can have any advantage in this respect to make you prefer them to those in these parts; we having as great an abundance of good writings and good books as you have. And to omit mentioning all our other advantages of which you by your disobedience are deprived; I tell you that in any way whereby you may have wished to gain repute and credit in this matter of religion, and of the pure comprehension of the Word of God, as it seems was your object, you should have commenced your Parliament and Council (Parlamento et Consiglio), as I have already said, by doing justice to those who during the past years have been persecuted with so much violence and iniquity, which would have gained for you no little repute. The acts of injustice perpetrated by the late King in so many various manners and against all sorts of persons, afforded you a wide field for doing so, had you chosen, and had grace been conceded you for the purpose. Then, after having done this, you would have been enabled with some authority to discourse about the purity of your doctrine, in which matter at present you have deservedly little credit; so that you have no cause to be surprised, if for this reason likewise I abstained from negotiating with you about my return to my country. | |
| After this, you conclude your introduction (prœmio) by saying that were you not convinced that all that I wrote you, and all the warnings given by me to you, proceeded from a sincere mind, you would not have given me any answer at all, the matter not being worthy of reply; and so you commence answering, and say that you do so, because a mind such as that evinced by me deserves either pardon or thanks. Your first reply, nevertheless, contains nothing but scoffs and gibes, which constitute the pardon or thanks awarded by you to a sincere and pure mind. You then say—as if I had demanded a place in which to hold a conference with you—that I must borrow the territory from another power; and you say that I represent myself as a foreign prince, coming to an interview with your Sovereign, with other similar expressions, to which I, my Lord, having no mind to jest, especially in matters of such vast importance, which, proceeding as they do (andando nel modo come vano), move all who have any zeal for the honour of God, or love for their country, to weep rather than to jest, will reply with that same sincere mind which you yourself confess to have recognized in my. . . . (fn. 12) written (fatte) concerning this matter. | |
| And first of all, I tell you that I did not think of coming to any conference with the King, well knowing that he was still a minor (un fanciullo); and this was why I do not say a single word about him. But you display a very puerile imagination by supposing that I could wish for a conference with such a person, in matters of such great importance, unless you consider all the matters proposed by me puerile and light, as indicated by your reply throughout. I indeed offered to hold a conference with any of his ministers whose parlance was not puerile (i quail non havessero discorso puerile), and the cause of my offer was this, that I perceived your transactions, most especially in the affairs of the religion, to be very abominable in the sight both of God and man, and that therefore you were threatened with many dangers. These seemed to me so much the greater as I understood that at that very time, the Emperor gave a great rebuff to your ambassador, solely on account of your proceedings in religious matters, so that I was afraid his Majesty's words might be followed by corresponding deeds, as might be very distinctly inferred from the recent example of Germany in the like cause (fn. 13); and this might moreover come to pass very speedily, his Majesty being in such great force. | |
| Of this I was the more apprehensive, because at that same time I saw a great inclination and desire on the part of all honest men to have the ecclesiastical censures enforced against you. This wish was caused not solely by your ancient Articles as maintained by you against the Church and its faith, which were common to you and all, but also by other new heresies in the matter of the Trinity such as no heretic bearing the name of Christian ever entertained, and with you (et appresso di voi) they were discussed before the Marquis of Dorset (Marchese di Dovestria) without any contradiction. These things having with good reason greatly exasperated all pious persons against you, I feared that God would visit you with some sudden scourge, before you could foresee it; and for this I had also great reason, from knowing, through persons who had quitted those parts, that owing to these same matters of religion the people were divided in their opinions, and that some great tumult might easily arise in the kingdom, as was in fact demonstrated by some recent acts of rebellion. (fn. 14) | |
| As you had given me some little opportunity for writing to you, I, being apprehensive of all these things, would not pass them over in silence, and by reason of the good result which might have been obtained by a warning of the disasters which threatened you, I was induced to make you that offer which I did, of coming to a conference with any of you, a thing which, had you accepted it, would have been very advantageous for you, as it might have been inferred thence, that you were not contumacious (contumace) in your opinions; and thus for a while you would have avoided all dangers, and given cause to delay the censures and military operations (et l' armi) which with such just reason might have been employed against you. | |
| This, my Lord, is the simplicity and sincerity of my mind, for which you deride and ridicule me, saying that I offer to come and hold a conference with you in a foreign land (sul terreno di un altro), as it were borrowing it, not having any land of my own, which is but too true, for no other reason than because that land which by every reason and justice ought to be equally yours and mine, and which is my country, you, contrary to all justice, have rendered as it were a Charybdis or a Seylla to all those who favour its honour and welfare, for were not this the case it would not behove me to borrow the land of others, as I should have my share as well as any one else. You then accuse me of pride, for having offered to come in person to confer with you in any place near the kingdom, about some agreement concerning the affairs of the religion, should it be possible; and this you interpret “an ambitious desire” (una voglia ambitiosa), as shown yet more clearly in another part of your letter. To act by you throughout with that sincerity and purity of mind which you yourself admit, I tell you that when I made the offer I rather apprehended the reverse of what you say; it seemed to me that had I come to you in the amicable form proposed by me I might have done myself dishonour rather than any honour, as I very well knew the character you bear with all persons of repute and at foreign courts, by reason of your conduct in the affairs of the religion, in such wise that the Emperor himself, about whose friendship you brave and boast so much (bravate et vi gloriate tanto), deemed it no longer for his honour to pass it over in silence, and therefore gave that reproof to your ambassador; and this same opinion is entertained by the other Christian Powers likewise, and by all persons of honour. | |
| It would have been no marvel had I at the commencement of such a negotiation with you, anticipated but little honour, as were any honour whatever to accrue to me thence, it could only be in case through my mediation some good adjustment of this matter should be effected, of which you yourself gave me but little hope; and even had there been any at all, I foresaw nevertheless that at the commencement of the negotiation, until it succeeded, I could necessarily obtain but little honour, and perhaps much blame from many persons for the reason aforesaid. And therefore I had no lack of friends who demonstrated to me that I was humbling myself too much by offering to make so long a journey in person to confer with you; and they counselled and exhorted me to wait until I had some better founded hope of a good result. But the love I bear my country, and the manifest peril in which I saw it (should you continue as you had commenced) being always before my eyes, caused me to have little regard for my own honour in this case, most especially as I did not perceive any other way whereby you could be turned aside from the very dangerous road on which you had commenced your course, save through this sort of parley and conference, by means of which it seemed to me that your present impending dangers might be averted or at least delayed for some time; and for this reason I was content to endure some indignity and dishonour, in order that you might be induced to act for your own advantage and honour. | |
| You now interpret this contrariwise, as if it were unbecoming and dishonourable for the King's commissioners to cross the sea for a conference with me, I being of the rank I am, and coming so great a distance, and for so important a cause; although I have frequently seen persons, even those most in repute with the King, sent by him across the Channel, solely to adjust commercial differences, without any disparagement to the royal honour. So it is thus evident that had you heartily reverenced the Word of God, as you profess to do by the lips outwardly, you never would have considered it contrary to your honour to send some one as your delegate on so short a sea voyage, to discuss that Word of God with another delegate, I do not say of such dignity as I am, but of any condition whatever, most especially one coming a distance of upwards of 1,000 miles for this purpose; for although perchance I might have known less than you, yet the charity inherent to all those who truly reverence the Word of God should have persuaded you not to hold in such small account so great an opportunity given you for teaching such a person who professed himself ready to listen to you; and had he known as much as you, that same charity should have prompted you, propter mutuam consolationem, to send some one on so short a journey to confer together, and not allow such an opportunity to escape, solely because it seemed derogatory to your honour. | |
| But I know not how you estimate this your honour, unless you consider your dignity greater than that of the late King, who gave 3rou what dignity you possess. Nor ought you now to deem undignified that which he considered as suitable to Kings; and with this opportunity I will tell you what you perhaps did not know hitherto, as when it happened you had no authority in the kingdom. It is this. In the first year of my cardinalate, (fn. 15) on my coming to Flanders, when I had no controversy whatever with the King, save about matters relating to the religion, at that time his Majesty ordered certain learned men (dotti), amongst whom the chief was Dr. Wissonio (sic), to come to the city of Liege, where I was then residing, to confer with me about those matters, and on this account solely the said Doctor was despatched by the said Court; though this conference did not take place, because I was compelled to return to Rome by commission from his Holiness before the said Doctor had crossed the Channel. So you can see that my proposal was not contrary to your dignity, [unless ?] supposing it to have been your intention to assume greater authority than the King your master ever did, which would convict you of much greater pride than such as you lay to me. | |
| Be this, however, as it may, the true cause for which I nominated and offered myself was because I had regard for your honour and welfare more than for my own, which honour and welfare would have ensued had you ceased to do what you have commenced doing about the affairs of the religion, from which you will perhaps be compelled to desist by some foreign power; and to me it appeared both better and very much more honourable for you, that without waiting to be coerced, you should have appeared to do so from your own free choice, and not from necessity. | |
| In addition to this, the exception made by you in your letter, showing that you were ready to come to any negotiation with me, provided I did not employ any foreigner as mediator, was a very great reason for my offering myself; and but for this consideration, I could have found many other persons more sufficient from their qualities, to treat this matter with you, than I am, although I venture to place myself on a par with any other person who in a similar case would have been fit to negotiate with you, by reason of the love and affection I bear my country, which if ever demonstrated by me at any time, has been most especially manifested by this offer. And the chief reason for my offering myself, besides that of doing you more honour as aforesaid, was because had I sent you any other person, even an Englishman, it would not have been so much to your honour, as there is no one else of our countrymen invested with my grade. This will suffice, in reply to your imputation against me; referring myself for the rest to the judgment of God and of the whole world, which will comprehend whether this offer and these particulars deserved such imputation, and whether my offer should have been remunerated by the gibes it received from you. | |
| After deriding me to your heart's content, and saying that by seeking a place in which to hold a conference with you, I wished to borrow the land from another (voleva tuor imprestito il terreno da un' altro), you then commence answering about the dangers of which I warned you, saying that when I announced them, it should have struck me that they were as well known to you as to myself. Notwithstanding, by this your reply it does not appear that you knew anything at all about them, for you treat the subject so lightly, as if there was not the least danger in the world, and yet, in the opinion of all other persons, they are so manifold and so great, that in no kingdom, at one and the same time, were greater ever witnessed than those now manifest there. And were there none but such as are visible to everybody, they would suffice for the ruin of any realm however great and powerful,—an infant King,—war with two kingdoms at one and the same time, and the people within the realm discordant and divided about matters the most important, and of the most difficult possible adjustment, namely, those of religion; all which, besides other causes, have often sufficed to make the people rebel. | |
| These things should not, I think, be held in little account; but the prudence of your Secretary considers them unimportant, it seeming to him that he has found a most efficacious remedy for all these evils. He alleges on the other hand the great graces and virtues (gratie e virtù) possessed, he says, by the young King, evincing displeasure at my having said that he is in boyhood (in età puerile), and that I ought to have told you besides that he has so many endowments (che egli è di tante gratie), and is so fortified and strengthened by his faithful councillors—as evident by his successes in holding his own and repressing the attacks of his enemies—that no former sovereign of late years can be said to have exceeded him in power. This is the addition which your Secretary wished me to have made, when speaking of the King's age. which addition he deems sufficient to remove all the fears which might be entertained on this account. Hence it may be inferred what the youth will become on arriving at man's estate, having been educated by persons who already commence flattering him so shamefully, and do not choose to be reminded that it is no little disadvantage for a realm to have an infant King, let his qualities be what they will; Scripture purporting in general, “Maledicta terra cujus Rex est puer.” Solomon, whose wisdom is so celebrated, seeing that three things were uncertain in this world, namely, the way of a ship at sea, and the way of an eagle in the air, and the way of a serpent on the land, adds thereto moreover the fourth, yet more uncertain, of which he did not dare to give any opinion, namely, the way of a youth in his adolescence. | |
| But that prudent man, your Secretary, speaks of this King with such certainty that he cannot bear to hear talk of any danger which might befall the realm by reason of his too tender age, although in my letter, without alluding either to virtue or to a corrupted kingdom (regno vizio) (sic) [viziato ?], I spoke not so much of the dangers it might incur from the King's boyhood, as of the inconveniences which might befall the realm during his minority, even should he be endowed with all the greatest gifts of which his age is capable. And to this effect I quoted several examples, and some of recent date, and amongst the rest, the losses and troubles of England during the minority of Henry VI., when such turmoil and disturbance commenced in the realm as to continue for many years afterwards. But the Secretary is so averse to this opinion that a kingdom can receive detriment from being governed by a King of such tender age, that he says I deceive myself in history (che mi ingano nell' istoria), and declares that in said Henry's minority, the realm did not suffer; and he adduces examples from Scripture (della Scrittura), — including even Solomon for one (et non-dimeno Salomone per uno)—that some realms, although their Kings were young lads (puti di poca età), did not suffer on that account. To see therefore whether I deceive myself, I will cite the words of the printed English Chronicle recording the years of Henry VI., thus— | |
| [The passage is not transcribed in the manuscript.] | |
| Coming now to the example of Solomon, we can see whether it is to the point. Scripture says that Solomon was not a child (puto) when he commenced reigning; but although educated, until he arrived at man's estate, under the discipline of his father, the best King that ever reigned, which profited him more than all the wisdom and science he had besides, yet at the end, all this did not suffice to render his good government durable (a mantenerlo in buon governo). (fn. 16) But this your young King, on whom you place so much reliance, has moreover, amongst others, the following disadvantage, that he had for father the greatest King who ever ruled that realm, which may conduce more to spoil and injure him than all the endowments of nature, and any good education received by him, can effect in his favour, most especially as the abominable statutes of his father are set before him as an example. | |
| But, as I said, I did not intend to discuss the qualities of the individual, he being of such tender age, but solely the detriment to which a kingdom might be subjected by the boyhood of its King; nor do I believe it necessary to dispute with you, my Lord, about this, as by experience you know what I say to be perfectly true, as you have been compelled to behead your own brother, (fn. 17) because with this opportunity of the King's boyhood, he sought to expel you from the government and from the post held by you, and to usurp it for himself. On this point, therefore, I will not dilate further, what I have said being quite enough to show my intention, namely, in what danger those subjects are, who have a lad for their Lord (che hanno un putto per Signore), since where there is strife for government, and discontent about it, one brother cannot be safe from the other. | |
| After this, you reply to what I said about the danger you might incur by persevering in your present course, owing to the injuries done to the churches (per li dispiaceri fatti alle chiese), and to foreign powers; on which subject, when speaking of the Emperor and demonstrating to you with what good cause he might wage war against you for the injuries (offese) done him and the Church, which you continue multiplying daily, you make an exclamation against me, and say that I detract from the honour of the Emperor and of the other sovereigns also, as was likewise the case with regard to your Prince, by my showing such an opinion of his [Imperial] Majesty as to suppose he would make war upon you, not having any other cause to do so, save that of the divorce made by the late King of the Emperor's aunt; and this would be too great a dishonour for his Majesty, were he for a cause so long ago forgotten, to choose to break so firm a confederacy as that which he has with you, and even were he to do so, you seem to care little about it, having, as you say, God on your side. | |
| But to return to the dishonour which you say I should do the Emperor, if 1 supposed that his Majesty—regardless of so strong a tie of friendship and confederacy contracted with you since the divorce from his aunt—bears in mind the injury done him; I will speak rather more clearly, and say that it would be more to his Majesty's dishonour to observe those confederacies than to break them, as you are the persons who break all laws Divine and human; so those who wish to defend the honour of his Majesty who made those confederacies are compelled to seek some reason and apology for them. And the Emperor himself when speaking of his friendship with you, alleges that he made a confederacy with the deceased King to see whether this courteous form could convert him (l' havesse potuto ricuperare); but never supposing—should the King continue the impious courses whereby he commenced—that it would be for his [the Emperor's] honour to persevere in friendship with him; and with regard to this, the Emperor speaks as becomes the honour of so great and Catholic a sovereign as he is, and you think disrespectfully of his Majesty if you think otherwise. You also deceive and flatter yourself if you suppose he will interpret and measure the justice of his complaint against you, according to your interpretation and measure, neither more nor less; and the admonitions so frequently received by you from him, had you really been persons of prudence, might have taught you on what he grounds his complaint. | |
| And as you write that I disparage the Emperor's honour, as said by you heretofore, solely for the purpose of rendering me and my cause also odious to the Emperor, and to deprive me of all credit with him when discussing this matter, I will tell you with regard to it, that if his Majesty had no cause for waging war upon you heretofore, as everybody knows that he had, you nevertheless by your proceedings in the affairs of the religion, have given, and daily continue giving him yet greater cause for doing so; and were his Majesty in these matters to give greater credit to one side than to the other, I ought not to be the last listened to by him. If by means of his power and authority matters here should assume that form which justice and the honour of God require, and if those persons and families which have suffered should be restored and compensated for the losses they have incurred; in that case there is no family in England which might and could more reasonably expect the favour and graciousness of his Majesty than ours, not merely on public accounts, but likewise for private reasons, as I shall now show. | |
| This thing, as yet, I have never told his Majesty, but as you now 'give me a very great opportunity for doing so, and because it is much to the purpose for the better illustration of Divine providence—which the more we have before our eyes, the more does it act for our welfare and safety—I will tell you of the grievous trouble and remorse which his Majesty's aunt, the most Serene Queen Katharine, had to endure, as frequently alluded to by herself, always thinking of this, namely, that a great part of her troubles emanated from God, not through any fault of her own, but for the salvation of her soul; and that the Divine justice thus punished the sin of her father King Ferdinand, for when he commenced negotiating her marriage with Prince Arthur, the eldest son of the King of England, some disturbances took place at the time, owing to the favour and goodwill borne by the people to my mother's brother the Earl of Warwick, of whom we have made mention above, who being the son of the Duke of Clarence, brother of King Edward, became, by the death of that King's sons, next heir to the English crown. King Ferdinand, having by the agreements to conclude his daughter's marriage at that time, made a difficulty about it, saying he would not give her to one who was not secure in his own kingdom; and thus, by inciting the King to do what he already desired spontaneously, he was the cause of the death of that innocent Earl, who had no more blame in those commotions, nor could anything else be laid to his charge, save the danger which the King in Council alleged had already befallen him in part, through the existence of the said Earl; and in addition to this having heard the opinion of the King of Spain, he did that deed, of winch (as I have already said) he so greatly repented on his death-bed. | |
| But the Divine justice did not permit so iniquitous an act of injustice to remain unpunished, for at the end of six months Prince Arthur died, nor could he any longer enjoy the wife who had been given him by such bad counsel, and she was then re-married to the King's other son, who succeeded to his crown. To these causes that good Princess said that she attributed in great part the annoyances and distresses endured by her, confessing that she was therefore very much bound to recompense and requite us for the detriment we had received on her account (although she was not in the least to blame for it), and to show us every kindness, having found by experience that in all her sorrows and afflictions, from no family of the realm had she ever received greater consolation than from ours, although for her sake we had received so many injuries. Any reasonable man can judge whether these are reasons for the Emperor to commence the restoration of our family, (fn. 18) which has been destroyed for no other cause than for having suffered for the honour of God and for the Imperial family. (fn. 19) | |
| Of this, however (as I have mentioned), whatever private opportunity I may have had for speaking to his Majesty, never did I utter a word to him on the subject, because the public cause being in such a state as it is, I do not heed that which concerns myself individually, it being so connected with the public cause that the two will of necessity revive together, should the Lord God ever grant such a result. But leaving aside the discussion of the private advantage of our family, which we might justly anticipate from the Emperor,—although I never wished it to be taken into consideration, save so far as compatible with the common cause of the Church, and the common weal, on account of which alone we were thus reduced,—and returning to the inquiry about the profit or loss which might accrue to England were the Emperor, moved by the just causes given him by the government, to attack the country, I tell you that this is what I warned you of, and now I do so again, because I desire your welfare as much as you yourself. Although you hold my counsels and warnings in little account, I give you notice not obstinately to stifle the common weal (opprimere il ben commune), and repeat that you deceive yourself grossly if you think the Emperor will measure the justice of his complaint against you, according to your own interpretation. And as to what you say, that the fear evinced by me lest the Emperor attack you, proceeds from those who wish him to break the peace between you, and that I well know who attempted this thing, inferring by these words that I in great part solicited and instigated his Majesty thus to do; I answer you, that God in the first place, who alone is the best cognisant of all things, and then the Emperor, can render good testimony of my goodwill, and of your false opinion in this respect. | |
| I will not indeed deny having endeavoured by every effort that the Emperor should interfere and use all his authority in order that the affairs of England might assume a better form, and be adjusted in such a manner as should be for the universal welfare and quiet of all parties. But I have never, as you say, sought (procurato) anything against the kingdom, but on the contrary, its honour and safety. And the realm being crushed by every sort of tyranny, so that neither in written records, nor in the memory of man, had the country, since it bore the name of a kingdom, ever been in a worse condition than of late years; I thought it fitting, as all these misfortunes occurred through the injury done to his family, that the Emperor should hold in greater account the bond of ancient friendship which linked him to the body of that realm, than the friendship of one single man who was its head, the which head, being infected and full of peccant humours, had well nigh tainted and destroyed the rest of the body. Nor did I therefore speak of that man save in this manner, that if his [Imperial] Majesty thought conscientiously there was any way of converting (ricuperar) that Prince, who had so widely deviated from the law of God and man, he should be pleased in the first place to employ all such means as his prudence might deem fit for making him return to a healthy state (a poterlo fare tornare in sanita), thus benefiting not only the head, but contemporaneously the whole body. In case, however, his Majesty should perceive him to be utterly and thoroughly abandoned by God and entirely given over in reprobum sensum (fn. 20) and that he was daily going from bad to worse, in that case all I requested of his Majesty was that he should hold in greater account the friendship of the entire kingdom, containing so many thousands of souls in extreme danger, than that of one man alone, for he might feel very sure of rendering them great assistance, as manifest to everybody, should God give him the grace (which it is credible would be given him) to change in some degree the government of that kingdom, he having been called by his Divine Majesty to the grace and station occupied by him, that he may provide for the common weal of all kingdoms and countries (di tutti li Regni e Provincie). And that should his Majesty not do this, but allow English affairs to remain as they were, which, owing to the brutalities (brutezze) and enormities committed by the ministers (govevnatori), contrary to Divine and human laws, had become unbearable, he would incur very great blame and responsibility. And that not only should he and could he do so, according to the natural law, which exhorted and encouraged him to this, but also by authority of that person, to whom you and your ancestors, before you lapsed from the ecclesiastical laws, always assigned the chief authority for regulating all matters relating to the well-being of the Church, that is to say, of the High Pontiff, to whose judgment both the Emperor and the King originally referred themselves, that be might decide and pass sentence in that suit, which was the cause of all the trouble and disturbance of that kingdom; which suit having, according to justice, been decided in favour of the Emperor, his Majesty was so much the more bound to defend the right of the legitimate sentence, and of the suit, both which had been coerced (oppressi) by the King. | |
| This, as I said, has always been the main point (la summa) of my negotiation with the Emperor, to whom, when speaking of these matters, I always chiefly recommended the interests of the King, exhorting his Majesty to have every regard for him compatible with the advantage of the whole Church and the Realm, and in the second place I recommended to the Emperor the welfare of the kingdom. (fn. 21) This same method was observed by me, when after the death of the King you refused to listen to any advice from me, although it concerned your own interest and advantage; for at that time, when treating these affairs with the Emperor, in the first place I recommended to him your advantage (comodo), that is to say, that you should remain Protector so long as your rule was not contrary to the welfare and benefit of the Realm. And this is all that I negotiated and treated with the Emperor; which negotiation and treaty you now seem to deride, because hitherto his Majesty has done you no more harm than I wished you, and you do whatever you please. But you should remember the old proverb, that “there happens in one hour, that which does not happen in a thousand years;” and also that other saying, “Calendœ Martinœ venerunt, nondum prœterierunt.” All your scoffs at what I say cannot, however, induce me to think otherwise, save that what it pleases Divine Providence to do, for the punishment of malice and support of justice, may also be effected, if indeed it be possible, for the benefit and salvation of your body and soul; though certainly what makes me fear very greatly for your soul, is your scoffing and gibing at those who warn you of the many and great dangers whereby you are threatened, for then it is that the malice of man has reached its zenith, and this pitch of malice being accomplished, the scourge of God cannot be far distant, nor its coming long delayed; but be it throughout as determined according to the profound judgment of his Divine Majesty. (fn. 22) | |
| You then reply to what I said about the danger of having war at one and the same time with two kingdoms, viz., France and Scotland; and your Secretary makes this answer with such proud disdain and contempt for those kingdoms, as if nothing was commoner than to beat them both, whenever you please, saying that it is nothing new for England to have war, without defeat, with both those nations. But really what you say is less common than the custom of Divine Providence to punish in their wars those who make the greatest boast, and trust to their own power, holding their enemies in no account, and attributing past victories to their own ability and valour, not acknowledging that they proceed from the hand and power of God, whose Divine Providence, which in peace and war rules and regulates all things, has rendered the realm of France so powerful, both by its extensive territory and by the great obedience of its population, united by one tongue and one religion, that I believe there are few kingdoms in the world of equal power to repress the pride into which man from his vain nature is apt to fall; whilst on the other hand the Almighty decreed that England, which, as compared with France, is a mere span of earth and an armful of men, (fn. 23) should very often be her superior in war. But should this minor power choose to wax proud on account of her victories, and despise the greater power, as if they had been obtained by herself, and not by Divine favour, it is very credible that his Divine Majesty will at length chastise her, withdrawing his hand as he is wont to do, and as it is reasonable that he should do; Scripture (la scrittura) saying, that he will abase the proud from their seat and exalt the humble. (fn. 24) How much better it would be for you, having some advantage over your neighbours, who have greater power, to endeavour with this opportunity to initiate a firm and stable friendship with them, instead of thus seeking to kindle hatred and enmity, which with time cannot but be very detrimental and disadvantageous to you, it being reasonable that the greater power in the end will worst and exhaust (consumi) the lesser, and especially, as I said, when the lesser by its pride gives cause to God to withdraw his hand. | |
| And here I know that you will scoff at my counsel as that of a man who is pusillanimous and of little courage; but to me, nevertheless, it seems very great courage and extreme wisdom on the part of any ruler, to seek to live at peace with his neighbour, and above all with one more powerful than himself, and strive to caress and vanquish him by benefits, rather than in any other manner. Had you acted thus by France and Scotland, as you had an opportunity for doing, it would have been more in accordance with the profession made by you about the purity of the Word of God, than what you are now doing—daily devising fresh causes for dissension and discord with the whole world, and augmenting them, which in the end cannot but cause your ruin. | |
| Your Secretary, however, finds an excellent remedy for whatever inconvenience may occur, by making it appear that he neither holds in account, nor is he aware of, those dangers which are manifest to everybody and considered serious. He acts thus, either to evince contempt for them, and to show that they are unworthy of consideration, or else because he in fact deems them so, and believes that they are unimportant; the prudence of which conclusions I will leave to the judgment of others, the facts being notorious, as stated in my instructions (instruttione). Your separation from all other Christians in the affairs of religion, affords the readiest possible cause for any Prince, inclined to accept and assume so glorious and at the same time so profitable an undertaking, to wage war against you, as for a Christian sovereign there is nothing more honourable than the defence of the religion—a thing of which your Secretary does not perceive any danger whatever. | |
| Nor does he see the danger which I said might possibly arise from dissensions within the kingdom itself, by reason of the conflicting opinions entertained by the people in religious matters. This he maintains most strenuously, and utterly denies there being any dissension, saying that this report proceeded from Rome where it was invented, and that I was ill-informed and unacquainted with the present state of affairs in England, which was quite the reverse of what I stated, it seeming to him that the bishops and all the others were well agreed; nor was he ashamed to lie so impudently, (fn. 25) as if he did not know for what cause the Bishop of Winchester, one of the chief bishops of the realm, is kept prisoner in the Tower of London, (fn. 26) nor of the dissension amongst the other bishops, the popular murmurs and insurrections on this account, and of the concealed murder of certain commissioners. (fn. 27) But it is folly to say more about dangers which it is not chosen either to see or to acknowledge; and if the opinion of the rulers is such as expressed in this letter, it is a manifest sign that God has deprived them of all sight and knowledge of danger, that they may the more easily fall into it and remain entangled in the snare, from which I pray God of his great mercy to free both them and the whole kingdom. | |
| But I will now conclude my discourse and warning about dangers, as although they are evident to all other persons, you comprehend and esteem them so little, notwithstanding the very loving notice given by me to you (a thing which perhaps few others in my position would have done) of the peril there was, owing to the doubt raised by the most sage and consummate jurists in canon law, with regard to the King's title, he being born of a schismatic and excommunicated King, and still persevering in augmenting the causes of the schism, and therefore being in his own person justly excommunicated. After this, I affectionately placed before your eyes the best and easiest remedy for this, offering you my personal service and mediation. And here your good Secretary says that I call in question (che io metto in dubbio) the King's title, as if I was the first to raise this doubt, or as if he who raises a doubt in any matter for the purpose of finding a remedy in order to exclude all farther doubt, offering to this effect his service and assistance, can or should be deemed an enemy, rather than a friend. This thing, if asserted with your knowledge, may well authorise me to accuse you of great malice, for attributing blame to what deserves praise and infinite thanks. And this was precisely the course pursued by the late King, to his extreme shame and ignominy; those who cautioned him against any sin, or opposed his unjust desires, he considered his enemies; as if when a man is in danger of falling over some frightful precipice, he should consider the first person who points it out to him, his capital enemy, for not having let him rush headlong to destruction. | |
| But you do not choose to acknowledge this to be a danger, though, nevertheless, make light of it as you will, for a King to be schismatic is the greatest danger that ever befell any Prince since Kings commenced receiving the Christian faith; and of the means whereby this danger is to, or can, be avoided, not one word does your letter say, but, merely quoting the opinion of “the most prudent Prince,” styling him “the late King of most famous memory,” says, “If this is danger, that King had then just cause to conceive hatred against the Roman See, as in like manner have all other Princes, who cannot be sure either of their kingdoms or their posterity if there be doubt with regard to the posterity of the late King!”—as if all Princes were about to fall into those horrible and abominable errors into which that King fell, as known to the whole world; but they, by not falling, are therefore in no danger, and to suspect them of falling is to do all the Princes of Christendom dishonour, of another sort than that which your Secretary says I did the Emperor, when I said that no league could bind him so as to admit of his refusing, if called by the Church, to chastise those who persecuted it. And so your Secretary thought he had found a great escape from the danger which I said might befall a son of an excommunicated King, he likewise continuing under (perseverando nelle) the excommunications, by rendering the danger common to all Princes, which cannot be, unless perchance they likewise should become partners in the many iniquities perpetrated by this King's father; but in the other Princes the great goodness and grace of God abounded, whilst in him from day to day it failed, until at length all those who were not blinded by private passion could perceive that the King was not only excommunicated by the Pope, but accursed in the name of God himself (dal propria nome d' Idio) | |
| In this letter of yours, with regard to the Pope's excommunication, you boast and repeatedly pride yourself on its never having been able to take effect against that King, as his prosperity and successes showed very plainly that he was favoured by God, which God of yours renders it manifest to any who may choose to ponder the actions of that King, how very little knowledge you have of the Word of God, of which you make such great profession and boast so much in well nigh every part of your letter. And would to God that you had reason to do so, for had you, as you say, true comprehension of the Word of God, you would perceive that the course of events, in conformity with the mind and desire evinced by the Kino-, is the greatest curse that can befall any human being, whatever his condition; which curse is the identical one proceeding from the hand of God himself, as confirmed by St. Paul, when he says, “Tradidit illos in desideria cordis sui, in passiones ignominiœ, et in reprobum sensum.” (fn. 28) And that this curse fell upon the King is as clearly demonstrated by his career as it was ever demonstrated by that of any Prince or private individual whatever. | |
| This is the great and horrible (grande et horribil) excommunication which God of his justice is wont to give, for the Papal excommunication and the temporary punishment which may then ensue is a medicine, provided man receive it properly, rather than anything else, being given by the Divine mercy in order that man may repent and thus free himself from the great excommunication which the Divine justice is wont to inflict on those who persevere and daily harden in their wickedness. And as the medicine ordained by God did not produce any good effect on the King, who, on the contrary, daily continued more and more accomplishing and gratifying his desires, it is a very sure sign that he was totally rejected by God, who, excluding him from his mercy, left him for punishment in the hands of his justice. | |
| But you, my Lord, do not perceive the misfortune and misery of that Prince, and indeed are rather of opinion that he lived in very great felicity, as shown by your letters styling him “most prudent Prince and of very famous memory;” and this conviction in you, who have the protectorship of the young King and of the whole realm in your hands, is the more perilous, and may prove more detrimental to the kingdom than all the other dangers collectively. Therefore, and as I have not said a word about it in my instructions, reserving the matter for oral discussion had the conference proposed by me succeeded, 1 will not omit to say something about this your conviction now that the praises bestowed by you on the King give me so great an opportunity, especially as I am very certain that few and perhaps no one within the realm will venture or dare to speak about it, although the matter be of such great importance as it is, since England can be subjected to no greater danger than that of having an infant King (il Re giovane), and being ruled by one who is of opinion that the late King was either fortunate (felice) or prudent, or that he enjoyed honourable repute (ò che sia vissuto in stato honorato). That opinion necessarily implies imitation of his life and all his actions, thus causing the total ruin of the realm and its rulers at the same time, as is evident, for the principal cause of all the troubles and commotions which have occurred since the death of the late King until this hour, proceeded from following and imitating his example and actions. And therefore as your letters which praise him so much, afford me such a fair opportunity for writing to you on the subject, you shall hear from me that which (according to my belief) few other persons abroad will take the trouble to tell you, whilst no one within the realm will perhaps dare to do so, although it is extremely necessary that you should know it. | |
| I had written thus far,—and to this I can bear witness before God,—not knowing anything of what I now hear has taken place, namely, the great popular insurrection, (fn. 29) which was always feared by me; and upon receipt of this intelligence I hesitated whether I ought to send these letters, and write what I had intended to add in reply to the point lately mentioned by you, which I had already commenced discussing, and whether I should give an answer to the other two remaining points respecting your wish to know my opinion of the Book sent me, setting forth the whole ritual (ordine) observed by you in the affairs of the religion, (fn. 30) and to the offer which you make me to be the medium for procuring my restoration (restitutione) if I will accept what you say is the King's order about the religion. (fn. 31) And to these two articles (capi) I was in the act of replying when the news arrived of these insurrections, which caused me to stop writing in expectation of farther intelligence, and to reserve my declaration about these matters for the close of this letter, merely adding a conclusive and more manifest explanation of my opinion, so that, whatever may happen, you may be certain of the mind in which you will find me. | |
| And the conclusion is this, that the affairs of the kingdom being in their present confused and discordant state, I pray and exhort you by all that love which you are bound to bear God, your country, and last of all yourself, not to persevere with such obstinacy and violence in what you have commenced, but rather, in all matters desired by the people and compatible with the honour of God and the advantage of the realm, adhere to the common concord (vi accostiate alla commune concordia) for the universal welfare and safety of the entire kingdom, and for your own quiet and security. And believe not, my Lord, that things accomplished according to our wishes by force of arms, rather than by popular consent, can be of long duration; and consider that although the victory may now remain on your side, yet are you the loser, not only because civil and intestine war exhaust the strength of a kingdom, and render it the prey of any invader, but also, as although your authority may remain, you can never be sure of the people, who, if denied their just demands, will always rise against you and side with any one who may promise them assistance; and should all others fail them, though, for the honour of God and personal advantage, it may be supposed that there will be no lack of many who will favour and assist them, I, to speak clearly and frankly to you, as is my wont, will never fail endeavouring (if required and requested by them), by every effort and all the means in my power, that they be not abandoned and unassisted, provided they contain themselves within the limits of their just and religious demands, as I see they have done hitherto. (fn. 32) And this I have chosen to tell you for the following reason, that should God, through the admonition which of his goodness you have received by means of the present public and private danger, grant you the grace to repent, and thus submit yourself to some form of concord; and if, as I have been named by the people, (fn. 33) you might think me fit for this purpose; you may safely promise yourself that in that case I will act for the benefit of your honour and dignity, the same as I would do for myself, so far as is consistent with the common weal and advantage; nor ought you to desire anything more, as neither do I ever wish anything more for myself. | |
| By this you can most clearly perceive my goodwill, as after having been so ignominiously refused, when I made you the same offer in my former letter, I now, nevertheless, again offer myself, moved by no other cause save that should these matters be decided by force of arms, I foresee that the whole kingdom will suffer greatly, and escape with difficulty from becoming the prey of a third party, as has happened heretofore under similar circumstances, when a foreign power, called in for the assistance of one of the parties, has subsequently crushed them both. So should the Divine goodness give you the means of coming to concord amongst yourselves, for the love of God accept it, and do not refuse this second offer, as God will perhaps not allow the third to be made you; for had you accepted the first offer, and if I had been conferring with the King's ministers about the restoration of the Catholic religion, it might perhaps have been the means of removing all cause for making the people rebel, or of pacifying them speedily, had the rising commenced. They would then have known that for the benefit of the realm and the establishment of the religious worship (per stabilimento dell' uso della religione), you had commenced a conference, and that I, in whom by their demands they seem to have some confidence, (fn. 34) was personally present at it. But what is already done cannot be undone, and at that time it was difficult to persuade you to do what I have already said, as you refused to admit that there was danger of any sort, attributing to ignorance of the state of English affairs, the fear expressed by me of tumults and popular risings. That fear, then considered by you vain, is now by fact shown to be the contrary. Nor is it any longer I who speak, but the thing itself, and thereby God speaks with you, for love of whom I again return to entreat you with my whole heart to take this course which presents itself to you for arriving at concord of your own accord by means of those who are your countrymen, to whom God has given the will, devoid of all passion and desire, save that of the common weal of both parties; the which concord, should you choose, will I hope be a very great comfort to one side and the other. | |
| This is what I desire above all things, but should my desire not be gratified, I will nevertheless rejoice and acknowledge myself obliged to you for having afforded me this opportunity of manifesting my wish, a thing I have hitherto been unable to do, so that the whole world may know (whatever be the end of these disturbances in the realm) that I have ever sought the quiet of all parties, and that should it chance otherwise, or that one side, or even both be crashed, which may God of his mercy avert, it may be seen whence the fault proceeds. And if in these matters those wno have the best intentions are to have the best success, I trust that nothing but good can befall me. But in whatever way the providence of God shall terminate these tumults and troubles, this letter, demonstrating my mind, as in conformity with all my other actions, will render perpetual testimony to all men of my good and sincere intention; I, with regard to my country and myself, desiring no other grace of Omnipotent God than what is for their (loro) safety, and for the honour of his Divine Majesty, whom may it please ever to have under his merciful protection, you and the whole kingdom. | |
| Rome, 7th September 1549 ? | |
| [Italian.] | |
| Sept. 12. Deliberazioni Senato (Secreta), v. lxvi. p. III, tergo. | 576. The Doge and Senate to the Bailo at Constantinople. |
| By letters from England down to the 30th July, understand that some of the people of that kingdom have rebelled, and that the English are also preparing for an attack on Scotland, and on the borders of Picardy towards France; and by letters from France down to the 24th August, the Signory is informed that the most Christian King has mustered a large army of cavalry and infantry, with many pieces of artillery towards Picardy, his Majesty having joined the army in person. He is advancing against certain fortresses near Boulogne, which are held by the English, with the intention of recovering them, as he. says they belong to the French Crown; and according to advices sent by his Majesty from the camp to Venice, he is said to have taken two of the fortresses, and to be marching with his army towards Boulogne. | |
| Ayes, 171. Noes, 3. Neutrals, 4. | |
| [Italian.] | |
| Sept. 14. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. | 577. Matteo Dandolo, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Signory. |
| With regard to English affairs, it seems that his Holiness is not much inclined towards them, awaiting ulterior advices; and he will rather employ Cardinal Pole in the congregations and consultations relating to the Council, instead of doing anything further about the matter of England. | |
| Rome, 14th September. | |
| [Italian.] | |