Regesta 135: 1340 | British History Online

Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland: Volume 2, 1305-1342. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1895.

'Regesta 135: 1340', in Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland: Volume 2, 1305-1342, (London, 1895) pp. 578-589. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-papal-registers/brit-ie/vol2/pp578-589 [accessed 26 April 2024]

Regesta, Vol. CXXXV.

6 Benedict II. (fn. 1)



1340. 7 Kal. Dec. Avignon. (f. 81.)	To William la Zouche, dean of York. His petition sets forth that when on the 10th of the month he was on his way to the pope about the election to the see of York, he was set upon in the neighbourhood of Geneva, on the hither side of the bridge, on the land of the count of Geneva, by John de Blunee, Odo de Verde, and one William, knights, and William de Sancto Germano and Nicholas de Sancto Apro, citizens of Geneva, and others, who dragged him and those with him off to a solitary place across the lake of Lausanne, on the land of Lewis de Sabaudia, and that he was there despoiled and held to ransom, being forced together with Ralph Tourvil, canon of Lichfield, to take an oath not to reveal the names of the brigands, and to pay 200 gold florins. The pope relaxes this oath extorted by violence and fear. [See p. 547.]
Ibid. (f. 81d.)	To the bishop of Geneva. Rehearsing the above statement made by the dean, and ordering him to excommunicate all those who took part in the said sacrilege, and to cite them to appear within twenty days before the pope. If they do not obey, their lands are to be put under an interdict. The pope is to be informed of what is done in this matter.
1340. 3 Non. Mar. Avignon. (f. 91.)	To Philip, king of France. The pope has received his letters in answer to those urging him to make peace with king Edward, and telling him that if the cardinal nuncios were enabled to succeed in their mission, the pope himself was ready to act; thanking the pope, and declaring his readiness to make a fitting and honourable peace, and proposing to send envoys with full powers, provided the king of England does the like. The pope commends this intention, and having already written to king Edward as he wrote to Philip, will inform him of that king's reply.
Ibid. (f. 91d.)	To king Edward. The pope has heard that the king, who is not ignorant of the former papal processes against Lewis of Bavaria, nor of the penalties and sentences issued against him and his adherents, nevertheless has accepted from Lewis the office of vicar of the empire for Almain, Germany, and their provinces. On 4 Id. Oct. last the pope wrote to the king enjoining him to resign the office, having also on the 10 Kal. Jan. exhorted him to make peace with king Philip, and offered to act as intermediary should cardinals Peter and Bertrand be unable to carry out their mission. As the king has answered nothing to the first letter, and indistinctly to the second, the pope exhorts him to write without delay both clearly and openly, so that the pope may see what course of action is to be taken.
Ibid.	To the same. The pope has received his letters, with his new title and seal engraved with the arms of France and England, the sight of which caused surprise. The king appears to be led by perverse counsels, and needs to have sounder ones put before him. Since custom does not admit succession by the female line to the realm of France, the king, who is descended from that line, cannot have it. And did custom not prohibit it, there are others nearer to that crown than the king, whose mother, Isabella, was daughter of king Philip. If the king, thinking to occupy that realm by force, and making no account of the magnificence and might of that king and realm, in which he holds and possesses nothing, causes himself to be named king of France, and to take his arms, there can be no doubt that this is the outcome of evil counsel. If, indeed, those who persuaded him to do this rely on the argument that in Flanders king Edward holds a fief of the king and realm of France, it should be considered who and what they are who placed him there. The natural lords have been often driven from Flanders by those who basely cast off their fealty, and does king Edward think that his title is more secure than theirs? Let him consider that king Philip has held France for many years in peace, and that for the lands held under him king Edward has done homage as his liege lord, so that in styling himself king of France he causes men to wonder, not at his discernment but at his simpleness and vanity. He should see that those who suggested this to him did so in their own interest and not in his, involving him in intricate and dangerous affairs, whose poisonous root can bear only grievous and bitter fruit. He should also observe how many kings, princes, and magnates, allied with France by blood or treaty, will oppose his pretentions, and how the princes and people of France will do and dare all in defence of their king and realm. Not much trust is to be placed in Teutons and Flemings, who will be affable and friendly until they have exhausted his resources. The pope therefore exhorts him to take in good part what is written on this subject, and, dropping the aforesaid title, to turn his mind to peace and concord with king Philip, his kinsman and proper ally. [Fœdera, ii. 1117.]
Ibid. (f. 93.)	To cardinals Peter and Bertrand, papal nuncios. The pope has deliberated touching what they have written, and encloses letters to be presented to the kings of France and England, whose answers are to be transmitted to him. Until the nuncios have these, they are not to go on with the processes about which they have written. As to their return to the pope, it will be determined after deliberation of the further utility of their presence in those parts.
6 Id. Jan. Avignon. (f. 93d.)	To Philip, king of France. The pope has received his letters touching Flanders, and sends him a copy of letters addressed to the communes of the chief towns and to the clergy, and to the court of Flanders. If the Flemings listen to the pope's exhortations, the king will do well to treat them with clemency.
14 Kal. April. Avignon. (f. 94.)	To the same. The pope sends the answers received from Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres, by which, as well as by letters received from Almain, it seems that the Flemings have taken an oath of fealty to the king of England, especially naming him king of France, and have asked for a safe conduct for their envoys to the pope, who hesitates about granting it, and asks the king to write to him as to what is to be done in this matter.
3 Non. July. Avignon. (f. 104d.)	To king Edward. The pope has received his letter sent by his envoy, Richard de Wyncle, a Friar Preacher, S.T.P. touching the envoys whom he proposes to send to the pope, to treat for peace with king Philip. The pope, having received no certain answer to the exhortations and warnings addressed to the king, can only, in reply to his letter, say that he is ready to interpose in the interests of peace.
8 Kal. Sept. Avignon. (f. 106.)	To the archbishop of Narbonne and his suffragans. Mandate to order [litanies in] procession and other prayers to be said for peace between England and France.
Ibid.	The like to the archbishops of Toulouse, Bordeaux, Bourges, Rouen, Tours, Sens, Reims, Lyons, Auch, York, Canterbury, Arles, and Vienne, and their suffragans.
1340. 7 Kal. Sept. Avignon. (f. 107.)	To king Philip. (fn. 2) Rehearsing what has been done to foster peace between him and king Edward, and sending to him Master William Amici, provost of Lavaur, with special instructions, a special oath of secrecy having been taken by the said messenger.
Ibid.	Special instructions by the pope to Master William Amici, touching what he has to set forth to the king of France. This instruction the pope ordered to be written by the same Master William, and caused it to be assigned to him by his own hand. I, William Amici, your holiness's servant, hold the instruction committed to me, as follows: (1) touching the delay of the mission, and why a nuncio of lesser rank is sent. The delay was caused by the king of England not having answered the pope's first letter to both kings, and by the pope having written again on hearing of king Edward's usurpation of the title of king of France, and by the sea fight on king Edward's return, in which he claimed the victory, and, instead of answering the pope's letter, sent only a certain master of theology, whose mission came to nothing. A nuncio of lower rank is a less burden to the churches, and can travel more quickly than the solemn nuncios, who, indeed, have been able to do nothing. (2.) Then I am to set forth the pope's fears for the safety of the king of France, who, with his eldest son, is in the field, so that, in case of a defeat, the realm might be overturned. Also that the Flemings have taken the field with a large force in conjunction with king Edward's army. At the other end of the realm in Aquitaine there are great disturbances, and king Edward's party occupy places, and do all the mischief they can, so that France is menaced both by sea and land; and the king of England has a free hand to do what he will in the lands bordering the coast. There is also cause of fear from those subjects of France who desire war, in order to take advantage of a time of disturbance, and from those who feel themselves burdened by imposts. Also the infidels in divers parts are ready to attack Christendom; and in time of war crimes multiply, and justice is hidden. Wherefore the pope, in king Philip's interest, desires peace, and orders his servant William to open the following points:—(1.) As to the restitution of the duchy of Aquitaine, fealty, and homage, and overlordship, to remain to him. If this way does not please the king, then let him send plenipotentiaries, not Teutons, to treat, who will propose the pope as arbitrator, and as able to enforce the observation of the treaty of peace. If this way does not please the king, the pope, who, by reason of weakness in his legs cannot himself come to any fit place, which indeed is not easy to find, will send solemn nuncios, if it please the king. In one or other of these ways a treaty should be held, so that war may cease. Moreover the pope thinks it unfitting that enemies of the church and realm should take part in the treaty of peace; and, lastly, ordered me to tell the king to declare his intention, and will openly, clearly, and confidently, either by letter, or by me or other messenger.
Ibid.	Papal close letter to the king of England, in which the pope recites the dangers and risks which befall the kings and realms of England and France and all Christendom by reason of their wars. He requests and exhorts the king to make peace or truce, and offers himself as intermediary if envoys are sent to him; adding that king Edward may give full credence to Master William de Norwico, whom the pope is sending to lay this and certain secret matter before him.
Ibid.	Special instruction committed by the pope to Master William de Norwico, which the pope ordered to be written by the same Master William, and caused it to be assigned to him by his own hand. (Rubric) Memorial touching what is to be said as from the pope to the king of England. (1.) That he must not, on account of the victories he has gained be unwilling to make peace; for example, one who was conquered seventeen times, won the eighteenth battle; and another who won two victories was totally defeated in the third engagement. (2.) The king should distrust the Flemings, who, since they have deceived their natural lord, will most likely deceive one whom they have accepted at haphazard; nor should he have much confidence in the counts of Juliers and Gueldres, who, propter scandalum pocionis imposed on them by the king of France, are reputed to prosecute their own defence. Those of Almain have always been held to be unstable, as the king's grandfather, the good Edward proved to his cost. (3.) The king should consider the powers of resistance possessed by the king of France, who, though he had lost ten battles, has abundance of people left, while king Edward is away from his realm, and is not surrounded by his own nation. And this is clear from the example of that king of England who had more revenues within the realm of France than its king, yet was driven out with the loss of all he had, and especially since the claim of king Edward to the realm of France, over which he has no right, and to certain counties of which by prescription of a hundred years the kings of France have held possession, is unjust. Wherefore it seems that the king should be content with the duchy of Gascony, holding it on the same terms as did his grandfather Edward. (4.) The king should lay to heart the censures issued against Lewis of Bavaria, in which he by acceptance of the vicariate of the empire is involved, and about which the pope has written to him, especially since Christendom is threatened by the infidels, and should desist from the war in which he is engaged. Also, in case the king hesitates to put himself in the hands of the pope, since the greater part of the cardinals assisting him are either themselves French, or have nephews beneficed and enjoying both temporal and spiritual offices in that realm, it is to be rejoined that the pope has a particular goodwill to him and his realm, and that in matters which do not regard the Roman church and its patrimony the pope does not consult with the cardinals.
7 Kal. Sept. Avignon. (f. 109d.)	To the councillors of the king of France. The pope exhorts them to persuade him to act as shall be best for the good of Christendom, of himself, and of his realm.
Ibid. (f. 110.)	To the councillors of king Edward. The like.
Ibid.	To the bishops of Beauvais and Noyon. The pope, having written to the councillors of the kings of France and England, is sending William Amici to Philip, and William de Norwico to Edward, and orders the bishops to give safe conduct to the said papal chaplains and auditors, and to assist them in their mission.
Ibid.	To John de Offorde, archdeacon of Ely. The like on behalf of the said Master William.
6 Kal. Sept. Avignon. (f. 110d.)	To all bishops and prelates, secular and regular, and others to whom these letters shall come. Mandate to provide the said Master William Amici with a safe-conduct and four gold florins a day for his expenses.
Ibid. (f. 111.)	The like on behalf of Master William de Norwico.
4 Kal. Sept. Avignon. (f. 111d.)	To the same, and to all nobles, seneschals, justiciaries, officers, and others. Requiring them to give a safe conduct to Master William Amici.
Ibid.	The like on behalf of Master William de Norwico.
18 Nov. Ghent. (f. 111d.)	To the pope (fn. 3). King Edward has received the pope's letters by Master William de Norwico, dean of Lincoln, touching the peace and truce which the pope wishes him to make with his adversary of France. Just before receiving them he was laying siege to Tournay, and although he had every chance of success, he has, in the hope of a treaty of peace, made a truce until the Nativity of St. John Baptist, between his allies and those of his adversary, in which it was settled that on the morrow of St. Martin a treaty of peace should be held, and has now on receiving the pope's letters extended the time until the Purification, so as to be able to inform the pope of his intention and of the justice of his cause, and to obtain the pope's counsel. Wherefore he sends the said dean to the pope, as also his clerks and councillors John de Offord, archdeacon of Ely, D.C.L. and John de Thoresby, canon of Southwell, who are informed touching the points to be laid before the pope, whose answer he hopes to have, with due regard to the shortness of the time and the gravity of the business. To these envoys the pope has added Nicolinus de Flisco, for whose liberation the king has to thank the solicitude of the pope.
n.d. (f. 112d.)	This is in effect what was said to the pope by us, William de Norwico, John de Offorde, and John de Thoresby, canon of Southwell, on the part of the king of England. Philip, who styles himself king of France, thinking that king Edward had turned or would turn his attention to that realm, perceived that he by joining with the Scots in Scotland and by usurping the duchy of Gascony, would so occupy king Edward as to give him no opportunity to recover his rights in France. He thought also that king Edward, being a minor, and having no skill in [international] law, nor experience in affairs, would be unable to prosecute his rights in regard to France; whereupon king Edward, desiring peace, proposed to Philip, for the recovery of Gascony and the withdrawal from subsidising the Scots, (1) to marry his eldest son to Philip's daughter without dowry; (2) to marry his sister, now lady of Gueldres, to a son of Philip; (3) to marry his brother the earl of Cornwall to some kinswoman of Philip; (4) to pay Philip a sum of money, to be determined by him, as a compensation; (5) that, since Philip professed to be ready to set out for the Holy Land, he would go with him, and would grant a truce to the Scots on condition that Philip, on their return, would do justice to him touching the lands of the duchy [of Aquitaine]. Philip refused these more than reasonable proposals, and answered that he would do nothing until king Edward made full restitution to all the Scots, and to their heirs, of what he held in Scotland. When king Edward's envoys answered that they had no powers in regard to this, and did not believe that the king would do it, Philip said, “It will never be well until one is king both of France and England.” This the archbishop of Canterbury publicly declared at London in the assembly of prelates, earls, barons, and others. Hearing this, king Edward, now of age, called a parliament in, which by counsel and assent of all those present, and especially of the said archbishop, it was ordered that as peace could not be obtained by way of humility, and by opinion and decision of doctors and advocates of the Roman court, and of the universities of Paris and Oxford, and of the chief and more famous prelates of England, by whom the king's rights had been carefully discussed, that the realm of France lawfully devolved on him as the nearest male heir by right of succession on the death of his uncle, king Charles, and that he should prosecute that right even by force; and that this should be more safely and secretly done, the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishops of Lincoln, London, Salisbury and Lichfield, and many other prelates, earls, barons and other great nobles of the realm swore to it on the archbishop's cross. It was moreover ordered that certain alliances should be made in Almain, and that the bishop of Lincoln, together with certain nobles, should be appointed ministers to carry out the same, who, by ordinance of the said parliament, and order of the king, fulfilled their mission. This being done, the king, following this counsel, crossed the sea, and with his army and that of his allies, devastated some part of France. Winter then being at hand, the king, on his return, heard that a fleet was being prepared to attack him and his people, whereupon by counsel of those about him, and principally of the archbishop of Canterbury, he made preparations to purge the sea, and made ready to cross it without provision of money or horses, trusting in the archbishop's promise to supply money in a few days. Crossing the sea, he found his enemies near the port at which he proposed to land and obtained a naval victory, which gave him confidence on landing to lay siege to Tournay before which he remained a long time, being without money, and was forced to enter on a truce, having received not a penny during the whole time of the siege and more; when speaking his mind against the archbishop he said, “I believe that the archbishop wished me, by lack of money, to be betrayed and killed.” He also said, “The like another spoke apart to me of my wife, and apart to my wife of me, in order that, if he were listened to, he might provoke us to such anger as to divide us for ever.” Truly. Holy Father, the king very often impressed on me, William of Norwich, all those things touching the archbishop of Canterbury, both apart and before others of his council, and enjoined me under oath, to repeat them faithfully to your holiness, namely, that for want of money did the king enter on the truce, desiring me to beg your Holiness to keep secret the part touching the archbishop, letting the rest be made known.
(f. 114.)	Here follows the king's intention:—
	The king's intention always was and is to reverence and honour the apostolic see and the pope, in whose constancy, justice, and goodwill he has confidence. Wherefore, although in making the truce the limit of the morrow of St. Martin was fixed for the treaty of peace, the king, on receiving the pope's letters, and hearing what was said by the dean on the pope's part, extended the time to the Purification, so as to be able to inform your Clemency of his intention, and of the justice of his quarrel. And since your Blessedness in this last mission has both by letters and word of mouth exposed your constant affection to the king, his intention is neither by treaty nor composition to make peace without the pope's mediation and direction, and to speak quite plainly he intends to treat the whole realm of France as lawfully his by right of succession, nevertheless out of reverence to the pope, and to avoid contests, he is ready to treat and to consent to a good peace, provided that in the treaty reasonable consideration is given to his right in the said realm, and not only to the duchy, for he does not intend to be content with that, even if it be freed from all service and subjection. Moreover since your Holiness has offered himself as intermediary if envoys are sent by the parties to the apostolic see, the king consents, and in case it should please your Holiness to treat personally he will be ready to send envoys to appear before you, if the adverse party does the same; so that the day already fixed be kept to, and what has been said be done. This intention of the king should, if the pope pleases, be kept secret until your Holiness has received that of the other party.
Ibid. (f. 114d.)	Tenor of a schedule given to the pope by king Edward's envoys under their seals, containing causes and reasons on which the king founds his claim to the realm of France, and vindicates his right to it. (Rubric.)
	That it may be made clear to the supreme pontiff that king Edward aims with justice at obtaining his hereditary right to the realm of France, the following information is given by his envoys.
	It is and has been matter of public notoriety that Charles the younger son of king Philip, commonly called ‘le Bel,’ after the death of his brother Philip succeeded him by hereditary right, and reigned as true king of France, and that he died without issue, having no brother to succeed him. Now it is certain in law that in hereditary successions the nearest in blood to the deceased at the time of his death has the right of succession to the exclusion of the more remote, whether he be related on the male or the female side. And it is certain that at the time of the death of king Charles his nearest relation was king Edward, his sister queen Isabella's son, related to Charles in the second degree of kindred. But Philip of Valois, who occupies that realm was son of the paternal uncle of king Charles, son, that is, of Charles of Valois, brother of Philip le Bel, and related to king Charles in the third degree of kindred. Therefore by common law king Edward, being more nearly related to king Charles than is Philip of Valois, ought to be preferred to him in right of succession.
	As the intention of the king of England is founded on common law, nothing remains but to answer objections.
	(1.) It is objected on the part of Philip of Valois that king Edward recognised him as king of France by doing homage for the duchy of Aquitaine and the county of Ponthieu.
	(2.) It is objected that king Edward himself did homage, and that Philip has letters to that effect under seal of the said king.
	(3.) Also that these letters were sealed in England.
	(4.) It is also objected that king Edward is not of the blood royal of France except by the female side, that, namely, of his mother Isabella; and that by the approved and lawful custom of France no woman can succeed to that realm, and by consequence neither can her son.
	To refute these objections the following information is given by the aforesaid envoys:—
	(1.) That the homage done ought not to prejudice king Edward, because at the time he did it he was a minor under eighteen years of age; in which case, as in that of other minors who are wronged, restitution ought to be ordered within due time to be made by a competent judge, if there be such. In default of a competent judge the said king has made use of such remedies within due time as ought to suffice in this.’ regard. Besides, king Edward, being, as has been said, a minor, protested by his proctor specially appointed, before the homage was done, that by whatever homage done for the duchy of Aquitaine and the county of Ponthieu, he did not intend to resign his hereditary right to the realm of France, or to derogate in any way from the said right, even if letters were signed under any seal of his. And he protested that he did no homage to Philip voluntarily, but only from fear of losing the said duchy and county, and because he feared that if he did not do this homage he should not be able to avoid other terrible dangers and irreparable losses. To the truth of the foregoing king Edward by his proctor made oath on the Gospels in the presence of many witnesses.
	(2.) To the objection of the oath sworn by king Edward in doing homage, it is not true, for neither he nor any of his progenitors ever swore in doing homage, as appears by inspecting the registers containing the forms of the said homages; nor in any letters sealed with the king's seal is it found that any such oath was taken; nor can it be said that in the homage done by the said king was there any tacit oath because the letters were so sealed.
	(3.) As to what is said that the said letters were sealed in England, it is answered that not without the motive of fear was it done, seeing that there was danger of losing the duchy, by the army prepared therein against the king, and to invade England by way of Scotland. And that the said letters were sealed while the king was a minor, and without his full cognisance, and without his knowing that he prejudiced his right, which, on account of bis tender age he could not know. Moreover, as the king had no competent judge to order restitution to be made, he has used within due time the remedies which the law allows him. And the king wishes the pope to be informed that he never did anything purposely to Philip which should cause him to desist from prosecuting his right as against that person who calls himself king of France, and that his conscience is quite clear in this matter.
	(4.)To the objection that king Edward is not of the blood royal of France except on the female side, a woman being by custom of that realm excluded from the succession, it is replied that it does not follow that a woman's son should be excluded; so that the king vindicates his prerogative of succession as the nearest relation to his maternal uncle, king Charles; for he ought not to be excluded in favour of some more remote in relationship, although his mother, being a woman, could not herself succeed.
	And if it be said that nephews of relations of Lewis and Philip, brothers of king Charles, were excluded from the royal succession because they were related to him on the female side, as king Edward is to his maternal uncle Charles, it is replied that it was not on that ground that the said nephews were excluded, but because none of them was in existence at the death of that king, as appears from the under-written statement. Philip le Bel died leaving three sons, Lewis, Philip le Long, and Charles, and a daughter Isabella, queen of England. Lewis succeeded his father, and died, leaving a daughter, who had no issue during Lewis's life, and his wife, who after his death bore a son John, who died nine days after he became king of France. Philip le Long immediately succeeded, and had three daughters, the eldest of whom married the duke of Burgundy, the second the dauphin of Vienne, the third the count of Flanders. Of the eldest was born a son, called, it is said, Robert, who died before his grandfather, king Philip; neither the second nor the third daughter had issue during the life of Philip, on whose death his younger brother Charles succeeded and died leaving two unmarried daughters only. From this it is clear that Charles was true and lawful king of France, and that consequently the king of England, son of Isabella, Charles's sister ought to succeed as Charles's nearest relation to the realm of France
15 Kal. Jan. Avignon. (f. 116d.)	To Edward, king of England. The pope has received William de Norwico, John de Offorde, and John de Thoresby, the king's envoys, and has read the king's letters and listened to what the envoys said touching the peace to be made between king Edward and king Philip; but he is not able to reply until he learns the intention of Philip; for neither did what the envoys nor what did Nicolinus de Flisco, knight, of Genoa, offer in explanation, seem to make for peace, but rather to light up the fires of dissensions. Wherefore the pope prays the king to weigh well the evils of war, on which he enlarges, and urges him to continue the negotiations, and to send to the pope fully instructed persons, in favour of peace, who together with those sent on the part of. France will accept the pope's services as intermediary. As a motive to the two kings, the pope instances those of Castille and Portugal, from whose letters he learns that they, putting aside their enmities, joined in obtaining a victory over the king of Morocco, who, with princes of his foul nation and a host of Saracenic horse and foot, crossing the sea, was threatening Christendom. This example the kings of France and England should follow, and rejecting evil counsels should make peace.
27 Oct. St. Ouen near St. Denys. (f. 118d.)	To Benedict XII. The king of France has received the pope's letters sent by Master William Amici, who privately by word of mouth declared the pope's readiness to pacify the discords between himself and the king of England touching lands and places acquired by king Charles and himself in Gascony. The king wishes the pope to know that he will be pleased that the pope should, as a private person, act as intermediary, provided that the king of England first renounce the title of king of France, and no longer use the arms of France on his seal.
12 Kal. Jan. Avignon. (f. 119.)	To Philip, king of France. On the return of Master William Amici, who had gone from the king and come back to him with the pope's letters touching the peace to be made with king Edward, the said Master William, on the part of the pope, privately informed the king that for the sake of peace the pope, as a private person, was willing to take the office of intermediary touching the lands and places acquired by his father in the time of king Charles, and since by himself in Gascony, provided that king Edward laid aside the usurped title and arms of the king of France. As to the aforesaid matters the pope was not able to reply, because Master William de Norwico had not yet returned from king Edward, but as he came on the 12th of December, with John de Offorde, and John de Thoresby, and, having presented their letters of credence, had many audiences of the pope, who, having listened attentively to what they laid before him, in answer to their request for a reply, and for counsel, said that as the matter concerned the other party, his intention must be known before such reply could be given. As the pope understands that those who are to treat for the peace are to meet on the Sunday after February 2nd, he hopes that God will open a way and incline the hearts of both kings to accept the terms proposed. The pope offered himself as a private person should they accept his services as intermediary, but as it appears that Edward will not lay aside the title of king of France before the treaty, he begs Philip to consider the miseries of war, and the sufferings caused by it to churches and religious houses, and persons, and the scandal and confusion of Christendom, and to follow the example of the kings of Castille and Portugal, who acquiesced in the pope's counsels, and, making peace between themselves, united their forces and made common cause against the king of Morocco and the Saracens, over whom they obtained a glorious triumph.