A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 1, 1638-1653. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.
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December (4 of 4)
A letter of intelligence from Paris.
Paris, the 7th Jan. 1654. [N. S.]
Vol. ix. p. 168.
I Find, that being you have now made a lord protector, and given him so large powers, Charles Stuart will not stir hence, until he see what conclusions he shall make with the Dutch. People are in great expectations at his court, that Harrison will have a strong party against the protector, and that we shall suddenly hear of an army on foot against him; for which purpose they say twenty eight troops of horse are retired privately from London or thereabouts. They give out here, that the Scots are growing very considerable; and that one Murtogh O Bryan (a tory in Ireland) is considerable in numbers of men.
To his highness the lord protector of the commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
Vol. ix. p. 174.
The subscribed deputies of the lords the States General of the United Provinces being to make a true and faithful report to the said lords the states their superiors concerning the present treaty of confederacy and nearer union, beseech most instantly, that it may please your highness to gratify them with a pass or act of safe conduct, and also with a warrant to hire a ship here in the river of Thames or at Dover, to transport them, with their followers, servants, and baggage, into Holland, or any other port of the United Provinces, or Flanders as they shall find it most convenient. Act. This 28th Dec. 1653. Stilo loci.
H. Beverningk, W. Nieupoort, Jongestall.
Extract of a letter from mons. de Bordeaux, the French resident in England, to mons. de Brienne, the secretary of state in France.
8 Janv. 1654. [N.S.]
From the collection of M. de Bordeaux's letters in the library of the abbey of St. Germain at Paris.
La conference, que j'ai depuis deux jours eüe avec le Sr. Yongstal deputé de Frise, attaché aux interests du comte Guillaume, & avec le Sr. Beverning separement, vous confirmera ce que j'ai ecrit assez souvent du secours, que S. M. doit attendre des Provinces Unies.
Le premier, dont la conduite a toujours eté plus franche que celle des autres, me vint faire part de la reponse, que M. le protecteur leur avoit envoiée, par laquelle il se depart de la satisfaction, de la reconnoissance pour la peche, de la visite des vaisseaux, & de la seureté; mais non pas de l'article, qui regarde l'exclusion de M. le prince d'Orange, ni de l'abaissement des voiles. Quant aux confederez, il demeure d'accord de comprendre lé Dannemare, moyennant quelque reparation; ne faisant aucune mention de la France—M. Beverning dans la suite de l'entretien me dit assez librement ses sentimens & ceux de sa province, tant sur l'un que sur l'autre point. Ils tendent a se profiter de toutes les occasions, qui pourroient abaisser la maison du prince d'Orange, jusques à accepter cette ouverture, & a faire la paix avec cet etat, meme quand nous ne devrions etre compris dans le traité. Et comme je lui ai temoigné, que nous avions attendu d'eux des offices plus considerables, & que sans doute l'impression, qui avoit eté donnée dans la Hollande, que S. M. y vouloit porter les interests de la maison de Nassau, la rendoit si tiede, mais que je le pouvois assurer avec ordre, qu'elle etoit dans d' autres sentimens; & que jamais l'interest d'une famille ne lui seroit si considerable que celui d'une nation.
The Dutch deputies in England to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. ix. p. 209.
Nous desirions d'avoir l'honneur de vous voir pour vous recommander l'addresse & expedition du memoire icy joint, & pour vous dire, que nous n'avons jamais songé de donner quelque offense a son altesse par l'envoy de ce papier, par lequel nous avons demandé un acte de sauf conduit & passeport; mais qu'au contraire, que nous avon jugé, que c'estoit necessaire pour l'expedition principale de l'affaire, & que son altesse mesme l'avoit ainsi compris dans le discours, que le Sr. de Beverningk luy a tenu, surquoy nous vous prions de faire les excuses a son altesse, de nous procurer au plustost une response a cestuy cy, & nous demeurerons,
vostres affectionez a vous faire service, H. Beverningk, Wil. Nieupoort, A. P. Jongestall.
29 Dec./8 Jan. 165¾.
An intercepted letter to Mr. Patin merchant in Paris.
London, the 29th Dec. 1653.
Yours, which I received by the last post, had very much revived my troubled mind, occasioned through the alteration of the government here, so much unexpected as to the manner of it. I know not whether we be sensible of it or no. In short the protector, general Cromwell, the craftiest man of all Christendom, hath made himself the greatest prince of the world, to whom kings must do homage, and the princes situated the farthest off will be glad to be united to him. He causeth new forms to be made, and doth bind us to them, as to those of the highest majesty. That, which may be said and writ, doth surpass man's judgment; a man without desert, and of no quality, to be raised to the dignity of a king. More of this in my next. The Hollanders will have peace; and yet they make a shew of the contrary, which makes us to believe, that the peace will be concluded, if not done already, as in the opinion of most men: it seemeth that France, Spain, and Germany are not able to confer any obstacle to hinder their conjunction. Advise with the first, what the king of Scots intends to do with himself, and the reason of his slow pace.
A letter of intelligence from the Hague.
The ambassador of Spain being deceased the second of January in the morning, the next day the secretary gave notice of it to the States General; and his excellency having ordered his body to be transported to Malines, did desire a pass for that purpose, which was granted him, and besides that they offered him one of the yachts to transport him for Brabant. He did very much bemoan his little children, which he hath left eight in number. He is very much lamented by those of his religion. Indeed every body did commend him for a civil and obliging person. Those of the French and party do believe they have gotten much by his death.
The commissioners of the electors of Cologne continue their complaints, how that the troops of Lorrain, Condé, and Wurtenburgh will quarter, and have already taken some places in the country of Liege, demanding here some relief and assistance; but as to that, I do not see any likelihood yet, for as long as those troops do not come to quarter upon the territories of this state, all is nothing; although that Holland doth very much to be imbarked in a new war.
The king of Denmark is not altogether contented with the promise, that hath been made to him, to include him in the peace with England; but he hath also desired, that the commissioners of this state in England would procure a pass for a minister of his, whom he would send into England, the better to watch and observe his own interests. Here we live in continual perplexity for the negotiation in England, and every one desireth, or doth not desire peace, according to his passion. Most men do persuade themselves, that the general doth affect royalty, and to establish himself he must have peace. The fleet from the Sound of an hundred and ninety merchant ships and a convoyer is not arrived, but wee do not hear, that one English ship is in the North Sea. We begin now to fear much what Sweden can do, partly by reason of the favourable declarations, which the queen doth make, and partly because Sweden is not in a posture to be much feared.
There hath been great contestation in the States General between those of Guelderland, and the other provinces, concerning the presidentship in the chambre mipartie. Guelderland doth pretend it for perpetual to itself, and the others will have it by turns, which I believe will be this day finally resolved upon; and because that the judge of Overyssel is yet wanting, they have written again to that province to supply that default. For at the instance of the commissioners of the elector of Cologne, concerning the requiring assistance against the Lorrainers, there hath not been any thing done here. They have their minds too much bent against England.
The elector of Brandenburgh hath writ hither, that the emperor hath strongly invited him and desired him to come to Ratisbon again, that so they may there decide by a friendly and loving composition, or otherwise, the great and old suit at law, for the successions of Juliers and Cleve, &c. The said elector signified so much hither, with his desire, that they would maintain his highness the elector in his right. Upon which is resolved, that they do incline to send to Ratisbon, and that the provinces, that are wanting, should be desired to declare themselves thereupon.
The princess royal desiring to send sixteen horses towards France, and having sent for a pass from the arch duke hither, she hath since desired the same here: six provinces are willing to it, but Holland will not consent to it, unless she pay the duty of the licences.
Holland hath resolved to put the prince of Orange under the 200 penny, as any other subject of the province, and the lords Barendrecht and de Swieten are commissionated to see this effected.
Here is one Brekevelt, a printer, imprisoned for having printed certain verses, containing the complaint of a Holland gardener, that the orange-tree was not planted in his garden as it ought to be. We have at last received letters from London, containing the election of the lord general for protector. The wisest and most judicious men do judge this blow to be more damageable to the house of Stuarts and Orange, than any thing that hath happened of a long time; chiefly if the peace be made; and yet the prince's party (although they judge the peace necessary, as seeing no way to continue the war with reputation) do with a rupture of his negotiation, hoping from the war something pro principe, de pace nibil. The prince's party do much fear the predomination of the states of Holland, that they would not be angry, although Holland should lose the commerce, which must of necessity follow from the war.
The lord Beuningen writes, that the queen of Sweden hath declared, that she will not treat in any wise to the prejudice of this state with England.
The fiscal of Holland by order of the states of Holland (although the States General have commanded the contrary) doth still continue to busy himself in inquiring after the concussion, and corruptions of the deceased grieffier Musch. I rest
Your humble servant.
Beuningen, the Dutch ambassador in Sweden, to the States General.
High and mighty lords.
My lords, the English ambassador had last Friday public audience of the queen. His discourse, which lasted above half an hour, cannot be writ or reported with any certainty, by reason he spoke with a very low voice; yet by some of his words taken by piece-meal, it is said, that the chiefest subject of his speech was a large justification of the proceedings of the parliament against the person and the house of the king; a relation of their victories in Scotland and Ireland, and somewhat in short of their arms against your high and mighty lordships; with presentation of friendship and good correspondence, some say also alliance, with this crown. Of the answer of the queen not one word was understood by the standers by. In the ceremonies about the receiving of his person, the usual stile was used at court, except that the two rix counsellors, who did receive him at his house with the two ordinary coaches, besides a second coach of the queen's, were accompanied with no gentlemen of her majesty, nor with any coaches, as is usual with extraordinary ambassadors. I cannot affirm, whether such was omitted out of design, but well, that the rix counsellors have cause to be discontented concerning the little demonstration of honour, which he in point of ceremony did use with them. His arrival he did not only signify before-hand to the ambassador of Spain, but also to the resident of France, by way of compliment, who both of them sent their coaches to meet him; but he did not send to the ambassador of Denmark. Yet he asked the master of the ceremonies, why the ambassador of Denmark did not send his coach to meet him as well as the Spanish, since that the parliament was not in open wars with Denmark. The next day he had a visit from the Spanish ambassador, of three hours, and yesterday night there came one to me from the resident of France, who indeed had been with me before, to assure me, that notwithstanding the outward ceremony he had used towards the English ambassador, the intention of the king his master to ours and the English affairs was such, that we might be assured, that nothing should be done to the prejudice of your high and mighty lordships. I presented my service and thanks to him for it, and sent him word, that I thought I had cause to accuse him of compliance, by reason of the civility he had shown; for I told him the English design was to persuade this court, that England and France were upon better terms of accommodation, than in effect they are; which I likewise thought might be a means to move her majesty to take such resolutions, as might prejudice her former, since she had propounded unto us concerning the pretended dominion of the sea by the English, and all which depends upon it; and that as well here as elsewhere the princes and states had looked into the confusion and unjustice of their ambitious designs; therefore I desired, that the said resident would be pleased to inform her majesty, as occasion should serve, that the intention of France was such, as his lordship had declared to me to be; and that he would labour with me, to the end that through these practices of the English, no prejudice might happen unto us. For I do clearly see, that a good understanding between France and your high and mighty lordships will be always the most efficacious way and means to engage this crown in the common business; and that therefore they ought carefully to endeavour, that the good opinion, which the queen herself hath of it, might in no wise be lessened, but the rather confirmed by all means possible. The said lord resident declared to me to be of the same opinion, and therefore would endeavour to contribute all which should lye in his power to answer my desires herein. In the mean time by the last post on Friday last, I received information of the treaty's being at a stand in England, and of the articles, which had been propounded there to your high and mighty lordships commissioners; amongst the rest, of a dominion over the sea, visiting, and searching of ships, tribute for fishing, satisfaction to the English in money, a limited number of men of war, and excluding of the prince of Orange. Whereupon I thought it my duty presently to give notice of it to the queen, and afterwards to several other lords; but by reason that day had been wholly taken up with the English ambassador, and the next a day of devotion, it was Tuesday first before I could have access to the queen, and then propounded to her majesty, that though I did not doubt but that her majesty was advised of what had past in the negotiation of your high and mighty lordships in England, notwithstanding I had found myself obliged to communicate the same to her majesty on the behalf of your high and mighty lordships, because therein were matters of high concernment, which did directly and indirectly concern this crown and other trading states, and which did clearly oblige all those, who took to heart the right and liberty, or freedom of the sea, to oppose with all their might the English in their declared design; and furthermore I related to her majesty, how that those of the present government of England, after that they had delayed your high and mighty lordships commissioners for several weeks together, with great and several reiterated protestations of sincere affection and earnestness for the making an end of this present war upon reasonable, honourable, and most serviceable conditions to the common peace and rest, they had now at last delivered to your high and mighty lordships commissioners a projected treaty of twenty seven articles, whereof six were those aforementioned, in likelihood propounded by them as articles for an accommodation of differences with us, but in effect a declaration of their insolence and exorbitant maxims and ambitious designs in the navigation and commerce at sea, and in a word a manifesto against all nations; and also in regard of the articles, which did more particularly concern your lordships, they were so injurious, that they could not be spoken or thought on without indignation; and thereupon having shewed what in ancient times the English did pretend to have exercised about their dominium maris, by exacting of toll of all those that sailed through their seas (as they call them) and also by staying of all such ships, as were thought fit for their use, as if it had been in their ports and harbours, and hindering of the navigation through the chanel, unless with their pass, much may be drawn out of their mare clausum. Thereupon I put her majesty in mind, that those, who now governed and ruled there, did accuse the king, as if they had neglected these like pretended rights of England; and that these men now will endeavour to put them in force again to make themselves masters of all the sea and the whole navigation and commerce thereof. That although they had formerly shewed this to be their intention in several of their acts concerning navigation, and in the proceedings with your high and mighty lordships; yet that they never did uncover their disguised faces, till at present, when no further dissembling could serve their turn; and for the farther demonstrating of the truth hereof, your high and mighty lordships having extended upon the prejudice of visiting of ships, and paying of tribute for fishing, and concerning the iniquity of the same; and furthermore concerning the unsufferableness, which was in the rest of the conditions, and the prejudice, which would thereby accrue to this crown, easy enough to be seen before-hand, I did expect by provision, with what answer this communication would be received. The queen seemed to apprehend the same well, and seeming to admire this design of the English, asked me presently, whether it was my opinion, that this would break the treaty in England; to which I answered, that in all likelihood it would, since that the English had given no hopes of desisting from their iniquity. So, says her majesty out of curiosity to know of me, how the business stood between France and their high and mighty lordships. Thereupon replying in all good confidence, and having made overture thereof to her majesty, that the treaty of guarantee was adjusted between your high and mighty lordships ambassador in France and the king's commissioners, furthermore I extended myself concerning the interests both common and particular, which France had with all other princes, to choose that party of your high and mighty lordships; and perceiving that this was pleasing to the queen, and that great reflection is made here upon the resolution that France will make herein, I did inlarge myself so far, that I read to her majesty the letter, which the lord Boreel had writ the 14th of November to the gressier Ruysch about the speculations of the French concerning the war with the parliament. Her majesty commended the designs therein comprehended, and gave me further occasion to extend myself upon the preparations, which your high and mighty lordships had taken in hand upon this insulting carriage and behaviour of the English. I told her majesty of your high and mighty lordships building of thirty new men of war, and other particulars, and begg'd in the conclusion to come to my intention. I desired her majesty, that since without all doubt the English ambassador was come hither to act to our prejudice, that her majesty would be pleased in the middle of this great business not to agree to any thing against the interest of your high and mighty lordships or your allies; but that her majesty would be pleased to take a good resolution to assist your high and mighty lordships with counsel and effects and that till such time there may be further negotiated about it; and that in the mean time her majesty would forbear treating with the English ambassador. Hereupon the queen returned in answer, that she had always desired, and wished to see a peace between the two commonwealths. That furthermore I should still assure your high and mighty lordships absolutely that her majesty will not condescend to the English in the least thing against your high and mighty lordships or their allies; and furthermore that it came into her mind, that although with treating there could not be an agreement made between the two parties, yet that the same perchance might be effected by way of mediation, but that she had not yet deliberated about it much, nor taken any resolution, what she would do therein. In the mean time she would make no haste to treat with the English; adding withal, that the credentials of the English ambassador were in general terms, and that she had not entertained him yet either in the public or private audience with any other discourse than only about the condition of the affairs of the English state, and that her majesty did not yet know of the design and aim of this ambassy. I thanked her majesty for the reiterated declaration of her majesty's affection on the behalf of your high and mighty lordships. In conclusion I renewed my request to her, which I had made last week concerning the preventing of the English machinations upon the harbour of Gottenburgh; to which I received a general answer, that her majesty had given good order about it.
The ambassador of the king of Denmark hath had also audience, since that I had, wherein the queen spoke with singular affection and esteem of the king; and therein likewise renewed her protestation of not agreeing any thing with the English to the prejudice of his majesty; but that she would direct and do all things, that should make for the most friendship and best correspondence between both kingdoms. I do clearly perceive, that the English ambassador would fain persuade them here, that the affairs between France and the parliament stand in terms of an accommodation; for he hath not only in his particular visits to the French resident made many protestations of respect and inclination, which his masters had to live with France in good friendship and neighbourhood; and the differences, which they have with that kingdom, he did look upon as good as decided, at least that England was willing to it; also, that through the interest of commerce they found themselves necessitated to it; but the said English ambassador having had a third audience of the queen of two hours, her majesty did entertain in the same terms concerning France; but the lord resident coming to the queen presently after the English ambassador was gone, hath since communicated unto me, that he had not omitted to remonstrate, that the king his master would not part or for sake the interests of your high and mighty lordships; and that the queen should have made answer, that she did believe the same; and that it would be necessary; and that she did well see in effect, that the English had no mind nor never had to make a peace with your high and mighty lordships; and because the said lord resident thereupon made answer, that by continuation of the war it would be expected, that your high and mighty lordships should embrace the king of England's interest; so said her majesty, that such were to be wished; which I thought fit and worth the while to signify unto your high and mighty lordships, because it hath been perceived out of other discourses, that the queen doth incline to that more than ever. The English ambassador speaketh here at large of the condition the state of England is in at present; and according to his saying, they are all well united and affected to the parliament; and since the beginning of the war they should have taken above 1500 ships from your high and mighty lordships inhabitants; and that they have a fleet ready against the fore year of an hundred and forty men of war, well manned and provided with all things necessary to their own hearts desire; that they have a land army of 100,000 men, and no want of seamen. This I write to your high and mighty lordships, that so if you have any advice of the contrary, your lordships may please to signify so much unto me, that I may confute them, and undeceive the people here, whom they go about to cozen with falsities.
All the rix-counsellors are summoned to appear the 30th of this month. It is said, that her majesty is about to resign up her crown.
The merchant, who formerly spoke with me concerning the contracting for some ordnance, hath obtained leave to cast guns, and hath promised me not to contract with any before I have acquainted your high and mighty lordships with it.
Upsael, 9 Jan. 1654. [N. S.]
A letter to Jongestall the Dutch ambassador.
The commissioners of their high and mighty lordships have communicated their last letter from their commissioners in England to the lord ambassador Chanut.
The king of Denmark hath returned a very civil answer to their high and mighty lordships, how that he had received their high and mighty lordships resolution, that they would not make peace with England without comprehending the king of Denmark in the treaty, for which he returned their lordships many thanks; and by reason that the treaty was renewed, he did not doubt, but that their high and mighty lordships commissioners would obtain the same; and withal he desired, that the commissioners in England would endeavour to get a pass for his commissioners, which he did intend for England likewise.
The points are already projected for a treaty with France, which will be sent to the ambassador Boreel, as soon as the issue of the treaty in England is known.
The body of the lord ambassador Brun is transported from hence without any ceremony, he desiring the same in his life-time. Their high and mighty lordships sent mons. agent to his house to present all manner of civility to his secretary for the transportation and accommodation of the lord his master.
Hague, the 9th Jan. 1653. [N. S.]
P. S. I cannot conceal one thing from you, that it is very ill taken, that the government here receiveth no better information of what is translated; for which some in time will have enough to answer for.
Bisdommer to the Dutch ambassadors at London.
The letters of these two last weeks I received on Wednesday night last at ten o'clock. The alteration of the government happened at London doth cause here great alteration, and all manner of discourse. Some conceive it advantageous for this state; others are of a contrary opinion, and from thence do expect very suddenly either peace or a very cruel war to follow. The four ships, that were sent to Norway to unlade the East India ship, that was left there, are come back with twenty Norway ships and three convoyers. There are cast away twenty ships, whereof one is an East India ship, last Friday night in a storm in the Lyp near the Alcmaer. There were burnt that same night near two hundred houses. The treaty concerning the league defensive between this state and that of Liege is broken off re infecta, and the commissioners are gone home.
About three thousand boors of Liege, that were gotten together to oppose the Lorrainers
from quartering in their territories, are totally routed by the Lorrainers. Great preparations
are making here for next summer expedition. I am,
Hague, 9 Jan. 1653. [N. S.]
Mr. Charles Longland, agent at Leghorn, to secretary Thurloe.
Leghorn, 9 Jan. 1653. [N. S.]
Vol. ix. p. 242.
Last week I gav answer to yours of the 21st November: this week's post has brauht me non from you. Here are arryved from the Streit's mouth al the Duch men of war, except two, which they say are founderd in the Gulf of Lyons by a great storm: althoh they hav taken twelve Inglish, yet here ar arryvd but four of them; whether the rest are founderd or rather purloynd by the Duch we know not; but the latter is more probable. I hav this week read letters from Cales, Mallaga, Alligant, Barcalona, and Marselles from Inglish factors resident in thes several places, al ful of complaints of theyr losses by the Duch, and som not a little lamenting how they are neglected by the state, and cast all theyr losses on them; wherewith I thoht good to acquaint you, that thos in power may know it; and if theyr wisdoms think sitting to send a good squadron into thes seas, they will giv content to al the traders for Spayn, Itally, and Turkey; and indeed tis a great point of wisdom, when the petitioners ar many and considerable, to giv them content, especially in such a bisnes as this, which wil so much advance the honour of the state; althoh (God be thanked) we have gaind at hom more then twys ten times more then the enemy has gained here in thes seas of us, yet our losses here hav bin so visible to al Europ, Asia, and Affrica, that they wil not believ but our condition is as bad at hom. A nimble squadron to spend three or four monthes tym in thes seas, to destroy the few Duch (about eight sail) who are no better mand then marchantmen; would excedingly advance the state's honour; and I am confident put the state to no charge, but maintain themselves with advantage upon the spoile of the enemy. Sir, if this appear reasonable unto you, as proffitable for the state, pray further it what you can. I suppos the chief reson which has causd the state to forbear sending a squadron into thes seas, has bin to deteyn the marchants ships at hom from carrying away the seamen, wherby the state's ships would be disfurnished, and so disabled from servis; which may be prevented, by making a privat dispach of the said intended squadron, or at left by putting an imbargo upon al marchants ships betwixt Duch and French. Ther are now in Turkey a dozen sail of ships, who in three or four months may be back in this port; the left of them may be worth fifty thousand pounds. Half a dozen of such pryzes would be very helpful to the state, and here they wil sel al for redy mony, and therby to suply the fleet with al things necessary.
A Venetian marchant in this place has very good advys from London weekly from one of the same nation: this last week he had advys, how many articles wer agreed upon with the Duch commissioners, upon what termes we stand with France, and the legue to be made with Sweden against Denmark, insomuch that not the Italians but Inglish themselves ar furnisht with newes of Ingland from this stranger. It would ad much to my credit here, as I am the state's servant, to hav frequent and good advys of al such passages at hom at the first hand: the governor and other officers wil ask me, if such and such things be so; wherunto I can say nothing but what is common upon the exchange, which if it once prov true tis six tymes the contrary: 'tis in your power to remedy this, and enable me to keep a better correspondency with the great duk's officers.
You wil hav seen by the intelligences from Rom, that the pope and the Spanyard ar at very great differences, yet all things ar hetherto dissembled with much art. The pope very cunningly got the conte di Ognati, late vice king of Naples, to be removed, who past by this place latly for Genoa and Millan, when he is to be president of the affaires of Itally, which is a far greater power then what he had at Naples; and therfor the pope does now much repent his removal. Tis very certain, that the king of Spain is very sensible of the many affronts the pope has done him, and would willingly be revenged, if he wer in a capacity; whereof Ingland myht mak good use, if they had don with the stubborn Duch: I hope the tym is not far off, that spirritual tiranny shall lykwys hav an end.
At this instant arryvd the Hollands post with letters of the 19/9 December, which say theyr comissioners in Ingland advys, them that the demands of the Inglish are so hyh, and (as they say) unresonable, that nothing-can be don by trety: thes things the great duk gives ful credit unto, and so the parliament is lookt upon here as imperious, unjust, and cruel. Now if the trety be broak off, it wer not amis, as I humbly conceiv, that the state did giv som publik account to the world of it (or at lest in thes present) to tak off the imputation, and to let the world know, that the fault is in the Duch, that the trety took not effect. We now hear the rest of the Inglish pryzes taken by the Duch ar in Provence, but wil be here with the first fair wether. I am,
Honoured sir, your humble servant,
A letter of intelligence.
Upsal, the 30th of Dec. stilo veteri, 1653.
Things at present look with a good face, as if we should enter into a strict alliance with this nation. The queen is highly civil and courteous in her receptions of my lord ambassador. On the 23d instant his lordship had his public audience, and since that time he hath had two private audiences besides, wherein he gave in his articles, whereon to treat as to a firm union. The queen receives all the overtures herself, none of the senators being present. We hope there will be a good and speedy account given of this affair. A Muscovitish envoy is arrived here, whose business is said to be nothing else, but to acquaint the queen's majesty with his master's full resolution to make war with the king of Poland.
A letter of intelligence.
Paris, 10 Jan. 165¾. [N. S.]
This winter season the armies lie still, and both sides preparing for the next campagne; but that which most of all takes up the mind of this court is your new government, which Charles Stewart seems to rejoice at, as thinking his game to be the fairer; but Mazarin easily sees the contrary, and that now affairs are in the hands of a person, who hath done so great things, his neighbours ought to consider him. Besides he sees the consequence thereof will be peace with the Dutch; and therefore instead of considering Charles Stewart's interest, he contrives ways of holding good correspondences with your protector. He hath already restored him those merchandizes to the English, which the protector long since wrote to him about; but nothing would be done in it, until now. He also speaks of sending an ambassador thither to congratulate his highness.
The reformed churches here do also greatly rejoyce in this alteration: their minister and deputies came to me to express their gladness, and told me, that they had no belief in the court here, but did expect that England would take consideration of the sadness of their condition.
An intercepted letter of the earl of Glencairne to the gentlemen of Badenoch.
You shall not fail to send this from hand to hand, until all the gentry and fewers within Badenoch be advertised; and hereupon you fail not to come to meet me at Climecor, where my quarters shall happen to be on Friday next, the 30th instant, that by your own advice, that which may concern this country may be ordered, both with best advantage to his majesty's service, and most easy to every one of your selves. Thus you fail not, as you tender the good of his majesty's service, and would not run a hazard of being used as a public enemy.
Your assured friend,
Stroma, the 28th Dec. 1653.
For Mr. John Ferson in Sherebeg, and the rest of the gentlemen of Badenoch.
An intercepted letter of the lord Lorne.
FAIL not on sight hereof to come night and day to speak to me about business, which doth exceedingly concern you. Donald Mc Pherson at Nuid will tell you where to find me. If you fail in this, what prejudice comes on you shall be your own fault; but expecting otherways, seeing I am ready to do all I can for your good, I rest
Nesuitaboth, Saturday at night, Dec. 31st, 1653.
Your loving friend,
For Thomas McPherson of Invernes and his uncle, and Thomas Mc Pherson of Inner-tromie.
The earl of Glencairn to capt. John Hill, governor of the castle of Badenoch.
I Have seen a letter of yours, directed to the gent. of Badenoch, wherein you expressed so much fidelity to your unjust masters, from whom you are trusted, that it makes me conceive, if those principles of yours were rightly founded upon the warrantable grounds of loyalty, you might yet redeem your former failings; and those principles of honour and virtue, which are dow darkened in you, being out of their true channel, may shine eminently, when unclouded from under those fatal ways and shares, wherein many gallant spirits in this age are ensnared. Thus much I have conceived fit to shew you, that I might undeceive you in some opinions, upon which I find you ground your arguments in your letter to the gent. of Badenoch. As first you look upon your commonwealth, as you call it, as one firm and fix'd government, while the Lord knows, there is at this instant no such thing in England; that power, which was lately call'd a parliament, being by the trustees again resigned into Crom well's hand, and now none knows what government he will pitch on; only (what may be conjectured from his former actings) he is like to frame such a one, if possible, which will rather maintain his own interest, than prove any ways comfortable to the poor, ruined, and oppressed people of England. Another ground you go upon in your letter, that the army now on foot by his majesty's command for his long oppressed people's delivery will soon vanish. It seems the distance you are in at this remote place admits you no right information. You may indeed look upon this as the Lord's work, returning the abused spirits of all his majesty's subjects to their duty to their king; and now most of all Scotland are in arms, and many gallant English are already in arms, and have marched through the greatest part of England to join with his majesty's forces in this kingdom, besides what is doing in Ireland. All Christian princes are arming against those you now serve, and e're long will bring a flood of strangers upon them, if the Lord do not bring them to prevent their ruin by a timous submission to his majesty's most just command. I have given you this night a view of your present condition of affairs, because I have been informed of your gallantry; that when you reckon between God and you alone, and deal impartially with yourself, you may do yourself that right, to imploy what virtue God has given you, in the most approven way by him; wherein, if you find I can serve you, may freely commmand
Your friend and humble servant,
Dec. 30, 1653.
Capt. Hill to the earl of Glencairne.
I Received your's by your trumpet, wherein you had put yourself to much labour to convince me of the erroneousness of my principle, and of my blindness through want of information. The truth is, I see not so far as I desire; but the more I see, the more I discover of an unwarrantableness of your proceedings, going about to disquiet the peace of the country, and to devour that little, which the people have left them, upon pretence of a king, which I assure you I have disowned and ever still disclaim. And whereas you are pleased to write to me of the greatness of your army, and of many, who appear to you in England and Ireland; I am apt to believe, that were you so powerful as you speak, your lordship might have had far better quarters in the Lowlands; but were you ten times the number that you are, it should not cause me to own that power, which you call kingly, or to betray that trust committed to me by my just masters, the deliverers, under God, of the poor, oppressed, and enslaved people of the commonwealth of England and Scotland, from regal tyranny and bondage; but shall, through the Lord's assistance, prove myself faithful to them, whilst call'd by the name of
Ruthen Castle, Dec. 30, 1653.
Capt. Hill to the gent. of Badenoch.
Forasmuch as I believe you will be summoned to come in to the earl of Glencairne, lord Lorne, and others, now come into the country to its ruin (whatever they pretend to the contrary) to join with them in their unwarrantable and headlong designs, to the destruction of your own peace and welfare; I desire you to look back to your engagements to those, who, tho' of another nation, never dealt so hardly with you as these do. I see the destruction of many of them imminent, who are murtherers, thieves, drunkards, swearers, whoremongers, heady, high minded, proud, yet beggars, disobedient to honest and good parents, truce-breakers and promise-breakers, bankrupts, and lawless persons, and generally such as the scripture excludes from heaven. And think you, can these men prosper ? All they pretend is for a king, but their intent is to strike at the power of godliness, and that lust might reign uncontrouled. And judge you, if they could do no more for their great idol, when personally present with them, at such time as they had the general concurrence of this country and some other nations; what are they now likely to effect for him with this handfull of men-beasts? And indeed I cannot but much wonder, that your young master (who is the son of so good a father) should concur with those birds of prey, to defile his own nest, and with those catterpillars, to eat up and destroy those people, that have their dependency upon him; but surely if he be a man, that hath any spark of grace or honesty, he will rather die than suffer those men to wrong and abuse his own innocent people. But certainly if he do otherwise, destruction will be his portion. I do again require you, as you tender your own good, to give no concurrence with their men, which if you do, it will undoubtedly prove your ruin, as I have formerly more at large declared unto you; but if you carry yourselves honestly, according to your ingagement, you may expect stedfast friends to stand by you, when these like chaff are blown away with the whirlwind of destruction. And this I must tell you, that when you first obliged yourselves to those, your engagements were in your own apprehensions either lawful or unlawful; if lawful, you are strictly tied to perform them, and God will require an account thereof; if unlawful, yet guilt will be at your doors for it. I leave these things with you, desiring you to consider them seriously, being spoken out of a desire of your welfare. As you comport yourselves in the promises, so you will find him act towards you, who is, gent.
Ruthen, 31 Dec. 1653.
Your friend and servant,
A letter of intelligence from Paris.
Paris, 10th of Jan. 1654. [N. S.]
The post of this day is not yet arrived by reason of soul weather, which continues here this long while. The last post it was written to Mr. Petit by a sure hand from thence (as he gives out) that the peace was made between the English and Hollanders, tho' not yet published for some reasons: but yet some here do not believe him, tho' the matter be much apprehended, &c.
It was written to the said Petit also in the same letter, that major general Harrison was decreed and excluded from all his profits and estates in England, and made incapable of receiving any during life-time; which, if true, you know best. Likewise it was written from thence by the last post, that Murtagh O Bryan has encounter'd three regiments of ours near Cork, which he all defeated, and took a garrison there called Killmaillan. From hence you have, that the 6th instant the pope's nuncio had audience of his majesty and his eminence, wherein he proposed three things in the behalf of his master; the first, that his majesty might be pleased to send relief to the Venetians against the Turks; the second, to take away their privileges from the reformed Catholics or Protestants in the province of Languedoc, which article he was only desired to present by some bishops of this kingdom, and not by his master; the third, that his majesty might be pleased to give his liberty to card. de Retz, which proposition indeed, was and is desired by the pope. To which his eminence answered, for the Venetians his majesty was well pleased they should be assisted, and provision was making for it. As for taking away the privileges from the Hugonots of Languedoc, that he might assure his master his majesty would do it in due time; and of cardinal de Retz's liberty, he would consider; which was all of that stuff.
The same day the deputies of the said reformed catholics came to mons. de Lavrilliere, secretary of state, and desired in their masters name, that what his majesty has promised them should be ratified and performed. They were answered, when they would lay down arms to shew their respects to the king as due, then they should be satisfied. They answered, that they saw the council did but laugh at them, when they did not perform what his majesty has promised; which if they had not gotten, they would soon make known to the world, they desired but justice, and that they would take the next way to get it; at which the secretary wondered, and spoke to the rest, that he did much admire he should have the courage to say the like. His companions said, he said nothing but what he had orders to say by his masters, which was nothing but desiring justice; so they departed both ill contented. Some differences happened lately between the deputies from his majesty to parliament about the instruction of prince Conde's process, some of them endeavouring it should be made in my lord chancellor's house, being chief head of justice of this kingdom; others that it should be at the first president's house; at last it was concluded to be at the greffier criminel's house, where all witnesses shall be examined against the said prince; and accordingly he shall be judged now, the holidays being past.
The 7th instant a duel was fought in the place royal between the viscount d'Aubion, one of the king's lieutenants at Languedoc, and marquis de Bonnes, cousin to the duke of Lesdiguieres, wherein the first gave two thrusts to the other in his body, and at the second blow broke his sword in one of his bones; after which, having nothing to desend himself, he stepped into Mr. president Archer's house. The other said to him, Viscount, viscount, you run away; he answered, Marquis, marquis, you have enough; upon which the marquis fell down dead. The very same time two gentlemen of their friends met there together, and fought about the first quarrel, the marquis's friend having challenged the other, knowing him to be his friend; but the marquis's friend was twice wounded, and yielded his sword; so they departed. Those that live shall lose their charges, according to the declaration of his majesty against duels.
The 8th instant his majesty visited his regiment of guard mustered at Bois de Bologne, and was so curious, as to know whether all companies were compleat, the cardinal being with him.
The count of Harcourt's little daughter being in the abbey of Nostredame de Soissons, was sent for the last day by himself to Brisac. She is departed already.
Father Dinet, the king's confessor, a Jesuit, is dead. Some think he shall have another Italian Jesuit and a Florentine; others advise one of the Theatines; nothing yet determined. His majesty interdicted two days ago twenty four counsellors of the parliament of Guienne from their charge, having but three months time to provide for themselves. Some say, the king intends to order two parliaments more in France, one in Poiteirs, and another in Lyons.
The marriage of duke de Candale with the cardinal's neice is so advanced, that they had made three night shirts for each of them, worth 8000 livres per piece. The said duke was upon buying l' bostel de seu M. Emery, but president Tore prevented him; so he must provide for another.
The king's voyage to Normandy is deferred. Some say, they intend to take the government from Longueville. Some of the prisoners of Conde have gotten their liberty; some say, the most part of them shall be set at liberty, as also the cardinal. If Longueville be broken, the duke of Mercoeur shall have his government.
It is written hither, prince Conde parted from Brussels for England, of which yet no certainty.
I have nothing to say of the English court more than what you have before this time.
Sir, your's very faithfully.
A letter of intelligence.
Paris, 10 Jan. 165¾. [N. S.]
This day the king of France treats the king of Scots. This business goes admirably well with Holland. He is resolved to depart from hence very suddenly. Here is a rumour, but I cannot believe it, that the prince of Conde hath proposed an alliance to your protector between their families.
The end of the fiirst volume.