A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 3, December 1654 - August 1655. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.
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July (5 of 6)
Severall considerations to bee humbly represented to his highnesse the lord protector and councell concerning the army in America.
As wee doe with all thankefullnesse acknowledge his highnesse care in ordering considerable supplies and accomodations for the army, though it pleased God by his providence to retard them,
Soe for the future it's humbly desired and hoped, that his highnesse will please from time to time to order uppon the termes formerly agreed on accomodations of cloatheing for officers and souldiers, and all manner of workeing tooles and instruements better then those now received, for the wood generally is soe hard, and the edge tooles soe badd, as they are scarce serviceable; as allsoe bread, oatemeale, brandy, armes and ammunition, physick and medicines, &c.
That servants from Scotland or elsewhere may bee sent to assist in planting, &c. for which the officers out of their paie will make such allowance as his highnesse shall thinke fitt, and assigne them such proportions of land, as his highnesse shal direct at the expiration of their respective termes. By this means wee shal bee enabled to make provisions for such as are allready here, and such as shal bee sent hither by his highnesse for further service; and they wil bee in a readinesse for such other imployment as his highnesse shall command.
That the allottment and distribution of land to the respective regiments of the army allready approved of by his highnesse commissioners may bee ratisied by his highnesse sanction, the allottment made to the Christopher's regiment (which is to bee reduced) excepted.
That in regard it may happen, as by experience it hath done, that the supplies ordered and intended us by his highnesse, may not seasonably arive by reason of contrary windes, by means whereof the army may bee distrest and reducted to exigency, that his highnesse will please to enable the army to take upp necessary provisions for our accommodation of such marchant shipp or shipps, as shall come into the harbours of this island, and to draw bills for payment on such treasury in England as his highnesse shall thinke fitt, the same not exceeding ten thousand pounds.
That for the better regulatinge and ordering this little commonwealth, and encouragement of such as desire to live under a civill and settled government, his highnesse will please to make such constitutions and lawes, as his highnesse shall thinke meete for the government of this place, or impower such in the place, as his highnesse shall approve of, to make and constitute from time to time such wholesome and necessary lawes, as shal bee most fitt for the better ordering and government of thinges here; and to erect court and courts of justice and equity for decideing of controversies betweene party and party, and power granted to allow such officer and officers as shal bee employed such sallary as shal bee thought needfull.
That in regard much inconvenience hath beene found by the distinct and independant command of the army and fleete, his highnesse would please to order, that both may bee under one command, and that power may bee given to erect courts of admiralty, and grant commissions to private men of warre, to annoy and insest the enemys of our nation.
That his highnesse will please to allow that such marchant or marchants, as shal bee willing to advance the service and plantation of this island, may have all due encouragement; nd that such person or persons as his highnesse shall please to appoynt and authorize heere may bee enabled to treate and contract with him or them accordingly.
That for as much as the officers have found by sad experience, that the generality of the private souldiers of this army are men of low spirritts, apt to receive impressions of fear, and basely desert their officers and service, his highnesse bee humbly desired for the more effectuall carryeing on the warre in theise parts, to order a considerable supply of well disciplined, approved, and experienced souldiers, such as have beene accustomed to hardshipp in Ireland, or elsewhere, well accomodated with provisions, leather bottles, tents, &c.
Bordeaux, the French embassador in England, to count de Charost, governor of Calais.
Here is a report, that they have been more successful in a great sight, which they
have sustained in the port of Carthagena against the fleet of this state: it is said, that
Penn and 3000 of his men are slain upon the place. But this is not well known nor certain. You will have heard of the revocation of the private letters of marque, which was
published three days since. But yet this doth not secure our merchants from the frigats
of this state, which are the only ships they are to fear. I am
Your most humble servant.
The examination of John Barton of the parish of Andrews Holborn, in the county of Middlesex, chirurgeon, aged 26 years, taken July 19, 1655, before John Barkstead, esq; lieutenant of the Tower of London, and one of the justices of the peace for the said county.
This examinate faith, that he went into York with his uncle mr. Philip Gill, when he was 13 years of age, which mr. Gill was chirurgeon to the earl of Caenarvon, and from thence soon after Edghill fight went to Oxford with his said uncle, and continued about a year and an half in the said garrisons of York, Oxford, and afterwards at Newark with his said uncle, and then returned to London, where he lived with his friends till his said uncle came out of the king's army, with whom he again lived, and after some time that they had continued together, faith, that his said uncle took a house in Drury Lane in this examinate's name, which was owned so; and faith that he continued there with his said uncle two years, about which time his said uncle removed to lodgings in the Strand, and soon after died, since whose death this examinate hath remained as a lodger in the said house, till he came to the house where he now lodgeth, and there he hath continued three or four months. Being asked, what arms he hath bought lately, and for whom, and for what use, faith, that about Christmas last he bought for major Norwood both carbines and pistols at two or three places in Tower Street, and one place in the Strand at one mr. Palmer's; and faith that the occasion of his buying them was, for that when major Norwood was ill, he this examinate was his chirurgeon, and by that means was intrusted by him; but he faith, he knoweth not for what use they were other than to send to Virginia, where the said major Norwood told this examinate he was a trader, and knoweth not what quantity of them he then bought as aforesaid. Being asked the names of those, of whom he bought the said arms in Tower Street, saith, that he knoweth not their names. Being asked, where he caused the said pistols to be delivered, saith, that he delivered them to one mr. Cursis, a merchant, by the direction of the said major Norwood: saith, that he thinketh the said mr. Cursis lived in Lime Street. Being asked, how he came by the money, with which he bought the said carbines and pistols, faith, that he received money for the same at several times of the said major Norwood, and that he thinketh he received of him and disposed as aforesaid about 100 l. Being asked what he paid a pair for his pistols, and a score for his carbines, faith, that he doth not remember; and further faith not.
Mr. Longland, agent at Leghorn, to secretary Thurloe.
In my last of the 23d currant I advysed you, that a gentleman was com to town from Rome, one doctor Bailey, whos bisnes here was for credit, pretending to be imployed by you at the sayd place about greate affairs, wherewith he did in some measure acquaint me; wherupon I sent away a man with his letters the 24th currant, to overtak the French post at Genoa; and indeed your former proposals to me to synd you out a fit man to correspond with at Rom, made me the sooner giv credit to this gentleman's relation; besyds he shewed me a litle peice of paper under your hand, wherin you bid him wryt you, under my cover; al which, with divers other circumstances, hav perswaded me, he is no counterfeit; which has made me, contrary to my usual way, to part with som mony, without your order, upon his urgent intrety and many protestations, that without it his hyhnes bisnes would very much suffer. I hav furnisht him with two hundred dollers, as by the inclosed receit you wil fynd, which I shal sudenly draw upon you. The gentleman seems to be ingenious, a lover of his countrey, and a great servant of yours; but I must tel you his bisnes is publikly known throhout al Itally; and althoh I hav disowned him to al, yet his enquyring for credit from mr. John Upton, a merchant, your ladye's brother, mr. Lidcut answered, mr. Upton had marryed his sister; wherupon our nation here ar lykewys possest, that he is imployed by you. He is stil in town, but intends again for Rom within a day or two. This last week I am advysed from Rom, that a gentleman is com thether to prepare way for an ambassadour from the exyld king of Scots. Whether this report may be raised from doctor Baylye's coming thether, in few dayes I shal know.
This day has past by this port 13 gallyes, 20 ships, and 3 fyreships, with about 8000 soldiers, taken in at Naples, which they ar to land upon the coast of Genoa, to go for Milan. Two of the gallyes, on of which is the duk of Turti, cam into this port, to hear what newes. An Inglish ship, that wants 12 dayes from Allicant, reports, the Spaniard presses al the Duch ships they can fynd in theyr ports (even Duch men of war) to go for Cales, to mak up a fleet, to reliev theyr West-India fleet expected ther.
By letters from Constantinople of the 22d of May Inglish styl, sir Thomas Bendish,
the ambassador, had bin with the grand vizier, and very wel pacifyed him concerning the
burning of the ships at Tunis; insomuch, that al things were then quyet. The Venetian armado and the Turks hav met; the latter brok throh, with the los of about 10
sail, and ar al gon for Candia with soldiors. I am,
Leghorn, July 30, 1655. [N. S.]
An intercepted letter.
I am now come to this place, and in four days intend, God willing, to see Calais; and if this find you not gone, it is to perswade your meeting. What you writ cannot be an obstacle, but rather a reason, for your journey. I pray you be advised by my brother, how to pass the papers. I pray take care, as not to prejudice your self. I would rather expect: a little longer, than precipitate your haste, but I have made a great step out of the road to see you; therefore do not fail.
An intercepted letter.
Through no small mercy I am come safe to this place, from whence I am now going to the town, the factors (I am to take their accompts) meet me at I question not but to make a sudden return, and do upon good grounds think shall quickly dispatch my business here, in that all is fairly ingrossed before hand; so that my only business will be, to view them over, to see whether the sums be right cast up, and no more put down for factorage than ought. For what your last letter informed me of, which I had from you before I took this journey, to which I gave as brief an answer as time would permit, being in hast at that present, I am very sensible of, upon which score shall, I hope, have a care of being nonsuited by the crastiness of those lawyers employed against me; and for the judgment my greatest creditor hath yet out, I question not its reversion before the bailiffs will catch me, let him do his worst. I confess it is my desire, as it becomes an honest man, to pay all my debts, without being compelled thereunto; but this, though it's endeavoured to be made one, I accompt none, as I hope shall in the end make it appear, and that before he thinks of it; for though he thinks he hath absolutely undone and ruined my credit, yet I trust in God, in despite of the worst he can do, before many months be over our head, to appear again upon the exchange, and to have more credit there than he; for to compound with him I shall never do, nor hope shall be necessitated thereunto. I have some friends as great in estate and credit as he, that will stand by me, if that little I have abroad, which I am getting in, will not do it; for the abuse he hath offered me cannot be thus put up. I understand his highness, as becomes a father of his country, is about to remedy what is amiss both in church and state; and so hope will remedy what's amiss in the proceedings of the law. However I question not in the end to get justice, notwithstanding the vapours of my adversary of his interest in the officers of his highness's army, which, if true, I know his highness is so worthy a person, will not, I hope, suffer any of them to countenance any unjust proceedings to hinder the course of the law; but if it be so, I think I shall be able by friends to make some, for I never understood others but angels would cause the blind to see, as well as the deaf to hear, when reason was shut out of doors. I believe there is never a godly man in England, but will hearken to that call, lest they should be counted slighters of providence; and for others, I think are not suffered to plead at the bar of justice; but I know what will make their tongues come glib. I give my true thanks for the great care you have had, and I question not but still have, of what was committed to your care. Your continuance I beg, till God shall order things otherwise, which will be before you think of it.
An intercepted letter from mr. Thomas Hungerford to mr. John Keiph, merchant.
I am by the good hand of God come safe to St. Sebastian. I am now at the writing hereof taking horse to go to the place appointed for the factors to meet me, to make up our accompts. I make no doubt, if God bless me with health, suddenly to dispatch what I have to do, to the consent of all my principals, and that all will concur in my poor judgment about those things that are intricate. All trade in these parts will be left to my ordering, that is, whether I will return the stocks I find in their factors hands home, or go upon some other trade: and at present in my thoughts it is the safest to take all home, for the times are very dangerous for poor merchants, that with so much care and danger have got any thing, to lose it in a moment would very much trouble one: therefore, for my own part, shall draw away all, and so with it yours, except you suddenly give me other order, for a breach with us and this people I do very much fear, but it is not amiss to prevent the worst. I shall make no stay here after I have done my business. As I said to you in my last, so I say again, go not to trial with that cheating factor, that caused me this journey by his knavery, till I have cast up those accompts, as you desire to have the verdict given on our side, who I am sure have the right to have it so pass; and I do not fear, without boasting or flattering you, to have it, if you can stay 'till I come, and on this depend. And for our trade, I question not but the partners for their own gain will be secret; I am sure it is known to none else. You do not know what I would give to talk with you one hour, but I hope the time will not be long before I shall be nearer unto you. I am shortned in time, shall refer all to my next.
An intercepted letter from mr. Thomas Hungerford to mr. Thomas Sommes, merchant.
I am by the good hand of providence come safe to St. Sebastian's, from which place I am now going to meet the factors, that are to give up their accompts to me. I do not question, but with much content to all my principals, I shall do their business as well as my own, for all their profits and advantage. I shall return from this place to that I came from (through God's assistance) within the time my last to you mentioned, for a sudden dispatch will be made by me, in that all, that are concerned in these accounts, have left all to my ordering. Therefore I pray do not go to trial with the factor for the goods intrusted in his hand, that hath converted them to his own use, without giving us an accompt of them, till I have cast up all the accompts here, lest you lose the trial; for the judges, before whom it shall come, be good men. When they have heard what I can say, the judge cannot but give the case on our side; but if the factor's interest should prevail above reason, God will send some good angel to open their eyes, and through their solicitation and splendor, question not the case to go well in that it's just, for most men will understand and fee, when things are made so plain, as I doubt not but to make them.
An intercepted letter from Thomas Hungerford to mr. Isaac Kemp, merchant.
My obligations to you are many: for them all at present, I can give you no other testimony of my grateful acknowledgment and value I put upon them, but by my thanks to you for them, with assurance no person shall suffer in their credit by giving me their interest amongst their friends, to do their business in these parts or in other places. To be brief, these lines serve to tell you of my health, and that through mercy I am come safe to St. Sebastian's, my journey by sea being but fifteen days, from whence I am going to that place appointed to meet the factors, that are to give up their accompts to me, and question not to dispatch what I have to do with much speed, in that all is left to my ordering. Sir, I hope to do my business to all your contents, in that it will be questionless to all my principals advantage, that proving according as I fee no other reason but it will, I ought not to be chid if I should draw away your estates, for fear of the worst, though the damage should not be such, I at present fear, if lest it; for you will say it is not good a merchant's stock should lye dead: but that scruple may be prevented, if you go on in that design you thought on; and assure yourself; if I go upon those goods, I shall not be wanting to do you the best service I can; and for your estates here, I will order as much over in ready cash as with safety may judge shall stop the eye of the searchers, for you know how difficult all this is to do, for if taken it is all lost; but what I cannot do this way shall give good bills upon sufficient persons, though cannot but acknowledge to the dishonour and shame of those factors, people of my own cloth, that I know few to be trusted; for some through poverty play least in fight, when once got our estate into their hands, others through impudence will keep it. This you and I have had experience of about the goods we entrusted mr. Murray with as our factor, to dispose of for our best advantage, who hath kept our stock in his own hands, and with it set up for himself, and scorns to give an accompt; so corrupt at present is the law, but I hope it will not be always so; for I believe his highness, as a good patron, will mend that as well as other things that are amiss; so that I defire you and my partners in that cargo of goods, which that knave hath abused us in, that we are in a suit about, that you come not to a trial with him, till I havecast up the accompts I am upon here, left you be bassled by him again; and fear not, if you will stay till I have done it, I shall be able to say more in your business than all your other witnesses; and on this you may depend
I trust in God, if I have my health continued shall be at the place I went from within these six weeks, but before that I will write to you, as I pray do you to me. I have some things about those accompts, which I dare not commit to paper; but this in brief take notice of, it was no small mercy to you and others, as well as myself, to have them in my hands, for in them is more than you can dream of, or if told may at present credit. I shall be faithfull to all my principals to prevent them from being abused.
A Letter of intelligence from the Hague.
This morning there was nothing but a serious complaint from the states of the country of Cleve, which is put without resumption into the hands of commissioners, who were this day again in the afternoon to consult with the lord Wyman, about the projected treaty of alliance to be made with the elector of Brandenburg.
This morning the Danish ministers caused to be exhibited a long and pertinent writing, or deduction, larded with much Latin, laws, and passages of treaties, to prove, that this state is obliged to pay to the Danes all the prizes, which the English made upon the Danes during the war with England. It is to be examined. And in regard that this deduction is so besprinkled with Latin, and texts of the law, there were some that did advise, that there ought to be some civilians called to consult upon it.
Yesterday there having been a conference concerning the treaty with Brandenburg, this morning the lord Wyman caused the report to be made by the lord president. But those of Holland did declare, that they were not ready, hoping that this afternoon they should deliberate upon it, and that it may be to-morrow they would declare themselves, for the lord Wyman very much pressed it, saying, that he holds the treaty for broken off, in case that on monday the 26th they do not make some conclusion in it. It is very much doubted, whether Holland have a true intention to conclude.
I do not perceive, that since the 24th there hath been much consulted in the assembly of Holland concerning the treaty with Brandenburg; and I know not whether that will yet be effected. On the behalf of Poland there hath been a new sollicitation made to Holland to engage them to send thirty ships towards the Baltick Sea, according to the project of treaty made at the end. of the English war, and wherewith the resident de Bye was sent into Poland. Poland offereth half of the charges, for the summer months, for the time that the fleet shall be at sea. But Holland doth desire caution, or that the city of Dantzick may be obliged. And besides, since that Denmark doth shew itself to conside, there is little likelihood that Holland will meddle with Prussia; likewise it is said, that the king of Sweden will not be strong.
The lord Wyman hath very much insisted to have expedition, and Holland (chiefly Amsterdam) hath had the apprehension, that the elector of Brandenburg would join his troops to the Swedes, and by this means both together would be masters of Prussia; so that Holland at last hath resolved to accept the alliance with Brandenburg, to separate Brandenburg from Sweden, and by this means to break so much the more the design of Sweden.
Concerning the precedency, there is still some dispute; but of that they will endeavour to make some agreement by a conference more express. And in regard they perceive the king of Denmark to be so cold, fearing that there may be some correspondence between them and Sweden, Holland hath proposed to send a commissioner for Denmark, which is as good as agreed on, and there is one named out of each province to draw up an instruction.
They have authorised the said commissioners, who were formerly in England about the business of the 30th article of the treaty of peace (as the lord Aelmond, Rosenburg, Oisel, &c.) likewise to attend the business, which is to be debated the next month at Amsterdam, being yesterday resolved to dispatch their commission.
Since that Holland had moved the question to the lord Capelle, to persuade him from signing the treaty with Brandenburg, others did likewise move a question for the lord Beverning, that he is not capable to sign the said treaty, till such time that he had made report and given an account of his negotiation in England concerning the seclusion, about which there hath been great contestation. Behold here already the first ftuit, which Holland gathereth from the treaty.
There hath been likewise a great contestation concerning the oath, which they have annexed of those, who are commissioners in the business of East-Friesland, to take no present from the parties, which some of those commissioners had altogether opposed.
Concerning the business, and the sending towards Overyssel, those of Holland have delivered their advice, which is more for Deventer than for the others. There hath been complaint, that in Brabant they have taken and put into a monastery some children of a man of Amsterdam. There are some here, that did threaten to imprison all the priests.
They have resolved to write to the archduke, and to those of Lisle, for the enlargement of two children, who are put into a monastery against their minds, or that this state will seek some other remedy; and the embassador is likewise to be spoken to about it.
Those of Holland have contradicted the order of the council of state, given to make retorsions against those of Limburgh; so that thereupon a conference is ordered to be held with the said council of state for this morning, but it will be the afternoon first.
Holland hath proposed several points of good husbandry: they are still labouring about reduction of interests; North Holland is very much against it. The cities of Delph, Rotterdam, and Brill, do continue to complain against those of Dort concerning the channel: those of Dort continue notwithstanding to finish the channel, and fearing some violences from the said cities, to undo all that they have done, they have raised 60 soldiers, keeping watch by night out of the city, to be advertised, if those of the other cities should fall upon them by night; and the company of lieutenant colonel Doleman is likewise in garrison at Dort.
At Gorcum they have plundered and pulled down the house of the burgomaster Vanderkolck, father-in-law to the Drossard, who doth keep here to complain of that and his other differences; and although that the right doth evidently appear to be on his side, what shall a man do against an university? The lord de Baerendrecht and others have communicated to the ministers of Denmark, that the protector hath declared to have no share in the design of Sweden, and that he will not treat about any thing to the prejudice of this state. They will write again by this post to the lord Nieuport, that he do continue to induce the protector to associate himself with this state, and Denmark to countermine the design of the Swedes.
Those of Holland have proposed to cause the cavalry to return to their old garrisons, under pretence, that it is time to provide themselves at present with hay. But others believe, that Holland doth foresee the death of Brederode, and after that the absence of the horse might do them harm: if he dieth, it is thought that Holland will make the lord Beverweert head of the militia.
A letter of intelligence from the Hague.
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The states of Holland have at last likewise agreed in the treaty with Brandenburg, and that chiefly by the induction of those of Amsterdam, who have suffered themselves to be terribly gull'd this time by those of Brandenburg, as in the year 1649 by those of Denmark, and, as well then as now, purely and simply blinded, through the gain and profit of drawing to themselves, or keeping all the trade, with the excluding of all others. And to say, that they have the same design, you must take notice, they will do all that they can to induce Denmark to associate themselves to it, and to render Sweden little, to the end they may be able to shut the 165 to those of the protector when they please; for be assured that Amsterdam doth hold the protector more suspected (as to trade) than any other. The truth is not more truer than that. I could tell you many particulars of that. But believe it as solium Sybillæ. It is true likewise, that there are many honest men amongst the states of Holland, who do no wife love the Orange party nor the royalists. But believe me, that in Amsterdam there are strange men; and I do firmly believe, that one, who hath the chiefest direction in Amsterdam is altogether for the prince of Orange, and I ought to have this opinion of all Amsterdam, yea of all the states of Holland; for the present alliance with Brandenburg, whereof is a most evident argument, that the Orange party are mighty glad of this alliance, as likewise they were only the Orange party that did continually press and labour for this alliance, not within these few months, but since the year 1646; and the good Hollanders alone were those, who did always contradict it, and have hindred it; and now at this time (I do protest to you) I know that all the good Hollanders are very sorry for it; but those of Amsterdam (ex puro amore lucri & ex invidia the protector) have as it were forced them; for really the good Hollanders defer much to the states of Holland, and they defer much to Amsterdam knowing that trade is as the soul of the states general and states of Holland I could in some sort digest all, if I did not see, that the orange party were so over-joyed at it, and if I did not know, that prince William and the like had so much endeavoured it. Yea, I do assure you that the Orange party do believe to have got more by this alliance than the good Hollanders by the seclusion (or s e c l u s i o n.) However they may likewise be deceived; for there are still some of the good Hollanders as well in Utrecht as in Zeland and elsewhere. But the Orange party are a far greater number, and Amsterdam is blinded by trade, and have a very great jealousy against the protector for trade, and will be very heartily sorry, if the protector do get any advantage upon Spain on that side. Now the heart of Denmark towards the protector is likewise very well known to you.
His amity to the protector is but a pure dissimulation, and he doth fear as well the protector as Sweden; but if he doth see, that he shall be able by and by with the states of Holland to make any advantage against the protector or against the Swede, undoubtedly he will do it; and therefore the protector ought to look narrowly to that; for assuredly Amsterdam aliquid monstri alunt. How much the Dane doth find himself offended, prejudiced, and disgusted with Cromwell, is sufficiently seen by the continual complaints, which he doth cause to be made here, of the great damage, which Cromwell hath done to the people of Denmark, and that he doth expect an opportunity to be revenged. And Amsterdam doth so much covet the trade and the profit, that they will make very little conscience of abusing the protector.
You must likewise observe, that the states, as well the nobility as the cities of the country of Cleve and Mark, being not subjects of Brandenburg than provisionally, through the induction as well of the king of England and France, as of this state, and having made no oath, but a manual promise, however have been rudely handled by Brandenburg, and at present are handled in virga ferrea. The states general have formerly protected these states. And states of Holland especially for this consideration have very much favoured those states, for likewise the towns are in the hands and custody of the states general but by this treaty those states do find themselves altogether abandoned; and the states general will suffer those poor people to be fleeced, to the end that Brandenburg may draw from them wherewithal to maintain some troops to second the design of the states general. You must however take notice, that the treaty of Xanten in the year 1614 (the foundation of all) was signed by Winwood and Dickenson, on the behalf of the king of Great Britain. The states of Holland ought at least to communicate the same to the protector.
A letter of intelligence from the Hague.
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Upon the report that the lord Brederode was dead (there being very much likelihood that he will die) there was presently a great discourse for his place. Those of the states of Holland alone it may be will be singular; but as for the rest, I cannot see but that manibus pedibusque they will submit to prince William. And since that Amsterdam doth shew itself so complaisant to Brandenburg (which with grave William and the prince of Orange is but eadem persona) I believe, that Brandenburg may dispose of Amsterdam; likewise some presume, that prince William will procure satisfaction for the lord Beverning, concerning the charge of treasurer; and that with that the states general will be again for prince William; likewise it is a charge, which is given by plurality of voices. And by this means in effect prince William will be head, consequently master, of the militia, at least in campaign. And the most part of the militia is already openly much more affected to the prince of Orange and prince William than to the states general yea, they would that all the states of Holland were where they will be a hundred years hence.
The embassador of the states general in England writes to have founded the protector concerning the Swede; that Cromwell hath declared not to have with the Swede other alliance
than that which he had communicated to the states general, declaring and promising likewise, that he
will not do any thing with the Swede, nor with any body else, that may be to the prejudice of
the states general This advice they take very much to advantage, that Cromwell doth approve
of all what the states general doth, without examining likewise whether all what the states general do be not to
the prejudice of Cromwell. Now I do not know whether the protector doth believe, that an alliance beween
Poland Denmark the states general and Brandenburg together, be to the advantage of
Cromwell I am
July 30, 1655. [N. S.]
A letter of intelligence from mr. le Maire.
Nobilissime et admodum reverende domine, postquam ex literis assinis mei vestræ dominationis benevolum erga me animum intellexi, nolui ex mea parte aliquomodo deesse, sed statim arripui scribendi occasionem. Scies ergo, vir reverende, quod ordines Hollandiæ ordinario in loco per allquot dies jam congregati fuerunt, et uti ex notulis illorum vidi, tantummodo occupati in componendis privatis negotiis, et specialiter nostris discordiis, quæ intra civitatem Dort et Rotterdam, aliisque Hollandiæ urbibus, magnopere ardent, et indies magis magisque crescunt.
Unicum tamen quod ex re vestra est decretum legi, nimirum, quod quatuor personæ Alemonde, Rodenburch, Omodz, et Oivgel, ab ordinibus nominatæ sunt, quæ cum vestræ reipublicæ commissariis res litigiosas inter mercatores utriusque nationis examinarent, et secundum rectæ rationis normam determinarent.
Ex Anglia scribit dominus Nieupoort, quod vestri mercatores ægre serunt, quod dominus Blake cum classe suâ circa civitatem Cadiz sefe detinet; nam idcirco ab Hispanis bonorum suorum confiscationem metuunt.
Quod aliqui vestrorum mercatorum, postquam dominus Blake Barbariæ oras reliquerat, cum incolis civitatis Tunis inducias pepigerunt, et pro vestræ nationis defensore suum consulem nominaverant aliquem Woodhouse.
Porro quod celsitudo sua multos captivos illa septimana dimiserat, et certo edicto sub gravi pœnâ promulgaverat, quod omnes, qui præsens Angliæ regimen non amplecterentur, 20 milliaria extra Londinum ruri tenderent, ibique habitarent.
Ex Suecia scribitur, quod legati regis Poloniæ advenerant, et septimo hujus mensis die ad regem, ut eos audiret, et octavo ad reginam ducti erant; quod etiam singulis diebus, non sine spe boni successus, inter illos et regni Sueciæ cancellarium cum duobus senatoribus de pace ineundâ sedulo tractabatur. Dominus Boreel legatus ordinarius hujus statûs in Gallia hæc scribit; imprimis, quod Galli ob debellationem civitatis Landrecy magna hilaritate te Deum, &c. in suis ecclesiis cantaverunt, et quod Gallorum exercitus adhuc 1000 equites et 1600 pedites haberet. Quodque aliquis internuncius Sueciæ, qui in Gallia tum temporis advenerat, ipsi manisestavit, spem grandem esse, quod brevi tempore bona pax inter regem Poloniæ et Sueciæ contraheretur; quam ob causam Germaniæ imperator metuens, quod isto casu Sueciæ rex suas copias in illum converteret, reformatæ religionis Hungaris jus ob crudelem papistarum persecutionem res novas meditarentur, 60 ecclesias concessit, in quibus publice pacificeque religionem reformatam exercere possent. Quod Galli cum duce Mantuæ novum amicitiæ pactum, obnitente rege Hispaniæ, fecerunt, sub conditione, quod supradictus dux manebit absolutus dominus urbis Casal; sed quod Galli ibi tutissimum habebunt resugium, quodque præsidium istius civitatis nec ex Gallis aut Hispanis sed ex alio genere militibus debebit constare, qui imposterum è Gallis, et non uti ante, ab Hispanis stipendium accipient.
Quod etiam supradictus Mantuæ dux in Galliam sestinabat. Porro quod rumor erat regem Galliæ magna amore prosequi dominam Mancini cardinalis neptem, et de matrimonio cum illo contrahendo cogitare, quæres nobilium animos magnopere turbat, et præcipuè ducis de Orleans, qui eam ob causam dissuasorias litteras regi scripserat, sed quod jam schemate politico ad tales rumores tollendos à cardinale et ipsius amicis dispergebatur, regem ad oppidum Lions iter suum destinasse, ut ibi matrimonium inter illum et principissam Savoiæ concluderetur.
Quod capitaneus vester Blake non solum maritimis oris urbis Cadiz cum suis navibus oberrat, sed quod etiam quatuor magnas naves ad Turcas aut Barbaros pertinentes intra suas receperat, cujus auxilio (uti scribit legatus) nostris navibus eo tendentibus, non obstante amicitiæ pacto, aliquid mali ab illis accedere posse; quocirca litteris suis ordines monet, ut sibi aliquo modo hac de causâ prospiciant. Hoc est, reverende vir, quod hoc tempore tibi significare possum. Vale.
Chanut, the French embassador in Holland, to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.
I have received the letter, which you were pleased to write to me of the 23d, which doth confirm that which M. Nieuport had writ of the revocation of the letters of marque given to private men against us. I cannot persuade my self, that that is done to gratify these provinces. My lord protector hath not shewn hitherto, that he will favour their commerce; but if he would have done it wholly in favour of them, he might only have given order to those private men of war, not to visit any Dutch ships, under pretence of finding the effects of Frenchmen. It may be I am deceived, if I do believe, that a revocation of these letters was only done to smooth us a little, to the end we should not be altogether impatient in these delays, which the protector doth prepare for us.
I have received a letter from Stockholm, from the earl of Lesno, the chiefest of the Polish embassy, wherein he complaineth very much of the durity of the king and the Swede, who have declared, that they would not admit of any mediators in the treaty, and non pas mesme d'entremetteur, pour porter & raporter les paroles; from whence he gathers, that hardly the negotiation will succeed, at least, that it cannot be determined in Sweden, the king being ready to depart. The embassadors were to follow. They write me from Hamburgh, that the king's baggage was already arrived at Vdegast, and that the mareschal of Wittemberg was upon the march with 17,000 men, drawing towards Pomerania, on that side of Prussia and great Poland.
To Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.
We have here sung Te Deum for the taking of Landrecy, and for the conquests of mr. the prince of Conti in Catalonia. He hath left that country, and is now at Pesenve; and he is shortly to come to Bourdeaux, to take possession of the government of Guienne. The court is at Vervins. The army is busied about La Capelle. The enemy is quite cast down, and they have put most of their army into garrisons, and the rest is past the rivers, Escot and Sambre, and do not appear any more in the field. Our army doth not intend to lie long before Capelle. Some say, it is already removed before Cambray. Certain it is, some further design is in hand, the forces being all joined. Prince Harcourt is come from Brisac, and hath brought with him a considerable recruit; he is marched therewith to join with the king's forces.
A letter of intelligence.
On saturday last here came advice from La Fere, that the voyage of the king for Landrecy was deferr'd, and that his majesty was departed from La Fere for Guise, where a great council of war hath been held, where it was resolved to raise the siege of Capelle, which was only besieged by the marquis of Castlenau Mauviciere, the place being relieved by the prince of Condé, and well provided of all things; so that they resolved to enter into the enemies country, there to ransack and plunder the same, which is conceived will cause the people to rise and revolt from their lawful prince. On sunday, early in the morning, a certain priest, called mr. Mauray, was apprehended in his house, and sent prisoner to the Bastille, for having writ something against cardinal Retz, which displeaseth the court.
An intercepted letter from mr. Stephens to mrs. Weldon, at the three Pigeons in Hart-street.
I Received yours of the 15th, wherein methinks I find strange things suggested; and why you should believe, I should return again to this place, I know not, nor why you should stay for a pass, unless you may not leave London without one, which I never knew for any of your sex. I confess passes are demanded at embarking, but if you will take the advice I formerly prescribed you, there will be a passage found. Had I not received a countermand, you had not found me at your landing. Now if you can be at the water-side by friday in the afternoon, you shall not miss me here. What the old man means by saying, we may repent it, or how he comes to understand any thing of the matter, I admire. My most humble service to madam If. Keep the time limited, otherwise it may get further prejudice to me. To all our friends remember me. Settle what I desired in my last letters. For your comfort, I can tell you, that once within 4 months you may make her a visit, without much difficulty. I having no more to say, but let me have an answer to this. Madam,
Your affectionate cousin,
An intercepted letter to mr. Thomas Brookes.
I have not any news worth presenting, only the inclosed from remote friends makes me to scribble these unpolisht lines, not having time to be large as I desire. Our treasure is yet safe, and I hope will so continue, although through the malice of some, and too much desire of others, to possess it, there hath been too much notice taken of the value thereof, and how the price hath been augmented by your ingrossing it into your own hand. However it will be no detriment to you, all the hazard will be on my score, which I weigh not a straw; however let nothing trouble you, for all is well, and so I hope will continue. For news, the scout master general is going over into Switzerland, and there goes with him the widow's son, and if he can serve you, he prays you to command him. You will know where to find him, but he knows not where you reside. We all long exceedingly to hear a line from you; and often meet to chear up ourselves in our friends absence. Many friends wish themselves with you, for here things are very hard, and no likelihood of doing good in any trade.
From Nieuport, the Dutch embassador in England.
In the beginning of last week I received for the first time, a visit from the lord Coyet, embassador extraordinary of the king of Sweden: two days after I paid him my contra visit; we discoursed together of several affairs, and among other things his excellency told me, that he could not deny, but there was in Sweden some discontent against their high mightinesses about the treaty made with Denmark in the year 1649. touching the affair of the great John; but especially of late it was told, that their high mightinesses had taken the resolution to send some men of war into the Baltick, which, he told me, the king would not any ways permit. I gave him several reasons as to the two first affairs, and shewed him that their high mightinesses, in order to remove all animosity, had in both the said affairs condescended more to the crown of Sweden, than any sovereign and independent state had ever done; and concerning the last affair, I told him, that one ought not always to believe reports, that I, upon my faith, had heard nothing of it, and that I hoped, that the trade and navigation of the inhabitants of the United Provinces would be left undisturbed, and that then one ought not to fall out, touching the question of what he called jus classis babendæ. Yesterday I heard from a publick minister, that had been with the lord embassador of France, that the lord Coyet had not yet been with him.
Yesterday I received also copy of their high mightinesses instruction and resolution of July 13, touching the deputation to Switzerland and Savoy. Mr. Morland the envoy of the lord protector has written word, that he was received at Turin with a great deal of civility, and feasted, but that he had as yet received no answer to the letter written by the lord protector to the duke. He is ordered to send the same as soon as delivered to him, and as to himself to continue there till further order. They take it well here, that their high mightinesses have appointed for the said deputation a lord of their own assembly. This night at eight o'clock the lord protector acquainted me by a lord of great distinction, that he would send as envoy extraordinary or commissary to Switzerland one mr. Downing, and that mr. Pell, who is now at Zurich, shall be invested with the same character; that their instructions shall be, that they shall do on purpose nothing but communicatis consiliis with the deputy of their high mightinesses, desiring the cantons, that they would likewise authorize a commissary, and thus jointly to bring about the restoration of the persecuted Waldenses, declaring, that the lord protector, observing the Christian zeal of their high mightinesses in the said affair, was thereby very much moved, seriously to exhort the said cantons, that they would co-operate therein likewise. The said lord told me at the same time, that even last night a letter was sent to mr. Morland to continue at Turin till the arrival of all the said deputies; and that the said mr. Morland had plainly shewn to the ministers of the duke of Savoy, that the said Waldenses had not exceeded the respective grants and permissions of the dukes.
Bordeaux, the French embassador in England, to count Brienne.
About the end of the last week, the lord protector gave me audience, wherein I imparted to him the taking of Landrecy and Castillon, declaring to have a full belief, that he would receive this news with the same sense as his majesty would have done, if he had heard the progress of the arms of England. My compliments were received with much civility, and nothing was forgot to persuade me, that the present interest of this government was, to see our enemies weakened; but happening to speak of the affairs of Savoy, which is their grand obstacle and pretence at present, after I had assured them, that the interposition of the king had disposed the lord duke to re-establish his subjects in the same places, and with the same liberty of conscience, which they enjoyed before their revolt; I rejected the overture, which was made me, to insert any clause in our treaty in favour of the Vaudois: my reasons were not encountered nor opposed with any solid reason on their side, which do deserve the writing of them. The lord protector indeed did enlarge himself upon this subject; making a recapitulation of all that had been said in favour of the protestants, since the overture of my negotiation, to insinuate, that the zeal which he demonstrated now was not new, and that he had always reserved the liberty of interceding; wherein I did agree, but withal desired him to remember the declaration, which I had often made not to proceed in the treaty, if he intended any thing further to do for them, and desired him not to insist any longer upon a business, which is neither honest, nor of a good example, nor necessary, and, in short, to which the amity or enmity of England was not capable to make his majesty condescend unto. All produced only general assurances of a disposition to an accommodation, which however is no further advanced than in my last; and I do not see that they have lost the thoughts here of fomenting the disorders of the Vallies. Without doubt they are assured, that they are not to agree with their prince, but with the good liking of all the protestant states, who have taken their interest. And the news, that came by the last post, of the good reception, which the duke of Savoy hath made to the envoy of the protector, doth not hinder the officer designed for Switzerland from preparing to depart very suddenly.
The revocation of the private letters of marque was publish'd here three days since. If all acts of hostility had been suspended by the protector, he would have done something worthy of merit. It is very likely, that in regard the states general have appeared to be sensible of the pretended sufferings of those of the Vallies, to the end that their subjects might not suffer through the delays of the treaty, they have prevailed to have the private letters of marque recalled.