A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 5, May 1656 - January 1657. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.
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July (2 of 6)
Major general Packer to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 109.
I Give you many thankes for your acceptance of the late trouble I put upon you, and more especialy for your kind and Christian leter. I have one request unto you yet further, that if the commission for Hertfordshyre bee not yet sent downe, that you will bee pleased to add one Richard Godfrey as a justice of the peace for that county, he being a very godly and an able man, and living in a corner, wher there is great need; and if you please, that the dedimus may be to mee or the clerke of the peace for each county, and sent downe with the commissions, because I would gett them sworne that are added, at the assises. Sir I intreat your help in one thing more. Ther are some very bad men in corporations under my power, as such as hath been decimated and under bond, and others that are drunkards and prophane swearers, and are magistrates. The thinge I beg of you is, to know his highnesses pleasure, whether I may not by vertue of his late proclamation proceed to the outing of them, and get good men chosen in their places. You will doe mee a vey great favour herein, if I may have an answer from you derected to Oxford some time the next weeke. I shall reckon myselfe much obliged to you, and if you please to add one word as to the time of the election of the next parliament, I shall trouble you no further, but comend you to the Lord and the word of his grace for your establishment and everlasting consolation, and rest
July 5th, [1656.]
Your faithfull friend and humble servant,
Major general Whalley to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 117.
I Receaved yours, and shall endeavour to be active upon and carefull of what yow writ to me. I thanke you for the dispatch of my brother's business, but I well hoped, that it might have seemed just and reasonable to you, that his pay might have begunne from the time of loosing the benefit of his place; if it might be so, I should take it as an additional favour, not only to him, but to myselfe, of your former kindnesses. I shall only give you the trouble of one thinge more: here is major Scott, whom I have ost mynded you of; he is with us founde gultye, as wee conceive, upon manifest circumstances, of the last insurrection, and so comprehended in the first head; yet if he should come upon his tryall, I question whether a jury would not be more favourable to him. His desire is to goe beyond the seas, and not to returne without leave: Scycile Cooper makes the same request; circumstances are not soe cleere against him, besides he hath noe estate. I humbly offer it as my opinion to yourselfe, and if you thinke fitt, to the councell, that upon securitie given they might have leave. We cannot doe it of ourselves, for our last instructions are onely to the second and fourth head. Thus desiring your speedy answere, which will save me the giving the councell trouble of writing to them, I remayne, Sir,
Nottingham, 5th, July, 1656.
Your most affectionate servant,
Major general Haynes to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xii. p. 121.
Synce my last in answer to yours of the 26th June past there hath verie little occurred in these parts worthie your notice. This last weeke I was at Cambridge, where I found Mr. Peters had made verie publique the newes of a parliament, and that to convene the 17th September next, which is more then I had heard before. I had but little occasione to discourse any considerable persons there, for soe many as was there, as I sound to agree in this opinion, that the persons would mostly be the same as before. I purpose, God willing, for Sudbury, Colchester, and Ipswich next weeke, to settle some affaires in those corporations; principally the busyness of inns and alehouses, in which Cambridge hath done exceeding well. The week after I shal be at Norwich, where the assizes are, and soe accompany the judges the whole circuit, and shall make the best observance I can of them, that soe I may give you a true account thereof, being by informacion of their carriage last circuit both in Suffolke and Cambridgeshire almost convinced, that my countrymen had not soe great reason to complayne, as they did. Our fifthe monarchy party there have many of them turned A nabaptists, and submitted to the ordinance. As they say, Mr. Brewer and most of his church but the last weeke, Mr. Pooly and divers of other churches before, and some of them synce, have renounced that and all other ordinances, and are turned Seekers, and feared by sober people will soon profess to be Quakers; concerning which party of men theise parts are greatly molested, and have considerable meetings, yet not soe feared by myselfe as by some ministers, who stick not to say, they will be soone ripe to cutt throats. Truly I think their principles would permitt them, if they durst. This goale is soe full, that the towne is every day full of them, that come to visite the prisoners, and make great disturbance. It's earnestly desired by the magistrates of the place, that they might be sett at liberty, as judging it would conduce to more publique peace. Please pardon this interuption to your more weighty affayres, and be assured, I shall improve all opportunities, wherein I may render myselfe
Bury Edm. July 5th, 56.
Your honour's truly humble servant,
Capt. Blag's journal of the proceedings on the coast of Galicia, received 6 July, 1656.
Vol. xxxix. p. 538.
June 12th, 1656.
Thursday in the afternoon we departed from our fleet in Cascais road in company with the Tredagh, Bristol, Newcastle, Centurion, Assurance, Guiney, Fox, and Beaver, having the breeze at W. S. W. and W. N. W. that evening and in the night N. W. northering, &c. we had the wind between the N. W. and N. N. E. from the 12th of June to the 24th of June, in the evening about 9 of the clock we were 4 or 5 English miles distant from the isles of Bayona.
In our passage from the fleet, upon debating our business at a conference with all commanders, it was thought fit to attempt at once all the three places, viz. Ponte Vedra, Vigo, and Bayona.
Accordingly we divided our ships:
The Bristoll for Ponte Vedra.
The other 8 ships, which were for Vigo and Bayona were to divide by lot, only the Fox
sireship was to go with the lot of Bayona, and the Beaver with the lot of Vigo. It sell by lot
The Fairfax Vigo.
The Centurion Vigo.
The Assurance Vigo.
The Beaver for Vigo.
The Tredagh Bayona.
Guiney and Bayona.
Fox for Bayona.
Our party being thus ordered, the Newcastle and Fox were to go in at the south end of the islands: and the other 6 sail to go in at the norther end, that so if any ship were within the islands, they might have no way left them open to escape. That evening the Bristol stood away for Pont Vedra.
We lying becalmed 4 or 5 miles off the islands, sent two boats well manned and armed about 10 in the night, that they might make what discovery they could, or surprize some boats, whereby we might gain so much intelligence thereafter to govern ourselves; but at their return in the morning they told us they could seize no boats, but had hailed a frigat which stood up the river for Vigo: they supposed she was an enemy.
There were several ships at Vigo, but they saw none at Bayona.
25th All this morning it was calm: we towed our ships with our boats, and rowed with our longest oars in our ship till we rowed and towed within the islands, hoping then we were well to pass to deal with the enemy within.
About 9 in the forenoon God sent us a fresh breeze at S. W. such as the enemy (afterwards) confest they had not had for 6 or 7 weeks before. In a very short space after we had this breeze we had sight of the town of Vigo, and the road of Bayona; at Bayona we saw two sail, at Vigo 7 sail: it was formerly resolved upon, that if we saw 2 sail at Bayon that the 4 ships allotted for that place should proceed thither, and the other 4 ships allotted for Vigo should proceed thither; and so accordingly we prosecuted our former resolves.
Before we came thwart the town of Vigo, there came three Dutch captains aboard, who informed us, there was in the road four Zealand men of war, and two Ostenders with a French prize.
About 12 at noon we came within carbine shot of the town: in this order the Assurance got a head, the Fairfax next her, and the Centurion next to the Fairfax, the Beaver was a very great way a stern. When we neared the town, all the ships loosed and stood away towards Rondella. I caused the Dutch commanders to leave their commissions and papers with me till a time convenient to peruse them. As soon as they were gone, the town began to let fly upon us; they had, as we supposed, 10 or 11 guns planted in three places, which they plyed apace; they kill'd one man in the Assurance, they shot our foremast through, which we have well fisht, and hope it may yet be serviceable; they cut our main stay and rigging, and shot our sails, which was all the hurt they did us. The Centurion's sails and rigging received damage by shot likewise; they had several broad sides from us.
What harm the enemy sustained we know not, but are sure the tops of their houses were well shattered; the walls of the houses seemed to be very strong.
Having thus past the town, we pursued our chase towards Rondella passing the Dutch ships, who came to an anchor two or three miles above the town, and went after the two Ostenders and their prize, who run all a ground. We stood after them into five fathom and half water, and veered our ship into three fathom; we went to work with our stern chase (being we could bring no other to bear upon them) to beat them out of their ships; that so we might fetch the ships off with our boats; but so it happened, that a shot from us fell into the powder room of the frigat Sta Teresa and blew her up. Our boats being near, saved the capt. Laurence Andreas, and six or seven of her men: some we saw swim to shoare, but what of the men were lost, they knew not, but our people saw many dead upon the water.
The St. Peter (for so the other frigat was called) had 18 guns, capt. Gerrard Johnson, 126 men, seeing his confort on fire by him, supposing he had fired her willingly, he set his frigat on fire in two places, and run ashore with his boat. I sent people to see, if they could put out the fire, but it could not be done, for a short time after she blew up: the French prize laden with iron speaks and nails, we fired, she being not to be gotten off.
The two Ostend men of war had put out all their guns but one or two, for that they were going ashoar to make clean; their guns were in a great boat, which the enemy sunk at full sea mark in such a place, that at low water we could not set her on fire, they having guarded her strongly with musqueteers, who beat off our boats. We sent the Beaver with three boats, but he returned, and could not do any thing upon her.
In a narrow creek, which goes up to Rondella (the creek not being broader than a ship's length) lay a small vessel of Portugal and a small French bark, both prizes, which they had hauled ashore there, but had nothing in them. We endeavoured to set them on fire with our boat, who in the night tide were gotten within a ship's length of the Portuguese; but the enemy lined both sides of the creek with small shot, and manned the vessels so that she put them off.
26 June. Thursday in the morning having a landerly breeze, we weighed and came out of Rondella (nothing more being there to be done by us) and about nine of the clock before noon (the tide being spent) we anchored one league to the eastwared of Vigo, where we rode till two in the afternoon, and then with a very small breeze westerly we plyed, till we came thwart of the town of Vigo, and at eight in the night we anchored till next morning. In our plying they fired several guns at us, but we returned but few to them again at our coming back.
27 Jun. Friday at three in the morning with a landerly breeze we weighed, and at eight before noon we had conjunction again with our consorts, which we sound at anchor by the isles of Bayon, the place of our rendezvous.
The Bristol sound not any ship at Ponte Vedra; she brought with her a small fisher boat with six or seven gallegoes, which we discharged, giving them their boat.
The Tredagh with that party for Bayon, as they were plying the Tredagh, touched twice upon the rock, but, blessed be God, got off without hurt. The enemy that night hauled the two English prizes, viz. the Industry and the Cullen, into a hook within the point of the castle, that not any thing of them could be seen. So soon as we were come together, we took our boats and went ashore upon the top of the highest rock, which was upon the shoal; we viewed the road of Bayon, and considered upon the place, what might be done as to the fetching off or destroying those two ships; it was deemed by all the commanders (for several reasons) not feazible and impossible to be performed by us without apparent ruin to our own ships.
We exchanged capt. Lawrence Andreas, commander of the Teresa, for capt. Gilbert, late commander of the Cullen, was then gone to Ponte Vedra, but the Dutch consul obliged himself for the performance of the exchange.
The Zealand men of war which we sound about Vigo road were 4:
The Fox of Flushing, Anthony Post commander, had 10 guns, and 55 men.
The Mermaid of Flushing, Leonard Brant commander, had 12 guns and 64 men.
The Indraught of Flushing, formerly the Hart frigat belonging to England, Stephen Kerric commander, 11 pieces 42 men.
The Dolphin of Midleborough, Abraham Dominicus commander, had 22 guns 70 men.
We found we had cause to deliver them their commissions and papers again, for that several of the commanders were well known to some of those with us.
28 Jun. Saturday at 10 before noon we weighed with the wind at S. W. and went out through the north channel. As soon as we were clear of the islands of Bayon, we saw a vessel and gave her chace; she bore up for Rio Roxo, and was pursued by the Assurance.
July 1st. Tuesday afternoon we put into Cascais road, having very little wind. I went up to Lisbon to know if the agent had any orders for me, or whether he had any business to the generals. This night came the Assurancc into Cascais road, and brought in with her the ship she chased into Rio Roxo, which was the Median of Memblick, a flyboat of 200 last, 18 guns, 27 men, loaden with Spanish salt, which he was to have delivered at Rio Roxo.
2d. Wednesday I returned from Lisbon: it being calm most part of this day, we could not sail.
3d. Thursday the Assurance was ordered to stay in Cascais for 48 hours, to attend the agent's direction touching the prize salt, and then to sail to the fleet. At 9 before noon we failed out of Cascais with a very small breeze easterly.
6th. Sabbath at past 8 in the morning we arrived at Cadiz bay, the wind at W. N. W.
The translation of a letter writ with the own hand writing of his most serene highness the prince don John to don Alonzo de Cardenas.
Vol. xl. p.125.
I Would not defer any longer to advise your lordship of the good success, which our God hath given us, having forced this morning the lines of the enemy, and defeated all their army. Great number of prisoners of quality, all their artillery, and most of their baggage, the marshall la Ferté and other officers are in our hands; and on our side, thanks be to God, we have lost nothing considerable, nor a person of note.
Your lordship may be pleased to be satisfied for the present with this short relation, till such time that I can write to you with more distinction. I give your lordship a million of good wishes, and I dare assure myself, that you will receive them very willingly.
Valenciennes, 16 July, 1656. [N. S.]
The marquis of Cugnac to one Green upon London bridge.
From the camp at Valenciennes [the 17 of July, 1656.]
This will inform you, how we won yesterday the battle against the enemy, and have taken general Ferté prisoner, and all their baggage and ordnance. I write this in haste, in regard we are going to march.
Sir Tho. Bendyshe, ambassador at Constantinople, to the protector.
Vol. lii. p. 97.
Your highnes had an account of all materiall passages, which have happened in this emperiall port to the 5th of May, by my humble addresses then sent to your most gracious hands.
Upon the 23d of June following I had the honour to recieve your highnes commands of the 6th of November; and in obedience and order thereto three days past I procured audience with the vizier, into whose hands I delivered your highness's letter, directed to the grand signior, concerning the shipp George, signifying to him, that it was your highnes desire, the said letter should be presented to the grand signior, and that your highnes expected a satisfactory answere thereto; at which time also I acquainted the vizier with all such circumstances concerning that busines as ever I was informed of. The vizier tooke the letter from my hand with respect, and delivered it unto the hands of the keeper of the records, commanding him to lay it up very carefully; and told me, that in regard of the fast, and the multitude of busines at that time upon him, by reason of his late coming to the Port, he could not find a time convenient to present it till after the fast, which may be within ten dayes, before which I am to goe againe to acquaint him with each particular of that assayre, and then he promised me I should receive the grand signior's answere, which I shall be carefull speedily to dispatch, as in duty I am bound.
Immediately after I had dispeded my last advices, the city being universally reduced to obedience by the cutting off the masters of rebellion and sedition, and the grand signior much imboldned at his good successe therein, lett no day passe, in which he did not either publiquely progresse abroad, or privatelie in disguise traverse the city, wherein with great severity he spared no offender he met with, which in a short time caused such a terror to fall upon the hearts of all, as well soldiers as cittizens, as nothing was acted in publique but was done with as much caution and respect, as if the king had been present. Sidee Mehemet also, the only rebell then standing out, was so charmed by the mustee's letters, and startled at the king's proceedings, as quitting his forces, resolved to submitt himselfe to mercy, of which so soone as the grand signior was assured, and that he was upon his way towards him, there remained nothing so considerable to be thought on, as the navie and the dispatch thereof, which the grand signior was resolved to hasten, not doubting but by that to scare his enimies as much abroad, as his personall appearance had daunted his subjects at home.
Many men here of judgment and quality did not like of these hasty proceedings of the grand signior, well knowing that the strength of the Venetians navie did exceede theirs at that time, which by delayes might grow weake through sicknes and want of provisions, or weary of the expence of lying before the castles in vaine, seeing Candia wanted no present relief; but so wilfully resolved was the king therein, as no man durst give his opinion or reason to the contrary, for feare of being taxed either with cowardize or bribery.
This fleete, consisting of 33 ships, 50 gallyes, and 9 galligrosses (all being in a readines) on the 16th of June with a fresh north wind, issued out of the castles upon the Venetian fleet, there ready to receive them, among whome it should seeme they found so bad welcome as they had no mind long to stay with them, but fled away as fast as they could towards the shoare to save themselves; for the soldiers being rich and slothfull, they would not adventure their lives and limbs in this service, giving thereby opportunity to the Venetians to doe what they pleased with their navie, many of which had runne themselves so farr on shoare and among the rocks, as the Venetians were not able to tow them off, but there burnt them; yet they tooke and carried away with them 16 ships, 10 gallyes, and 8 gallygrosses with 5000 slaves and 3000 Turkes: the rest of the men are escaped and come in, and of the fleete only one gallygrosse and 17 gallies, of which the captain bassa's is one, who, as tis sayd, never ingaged either himselfe or that in the fight.
What the Venetians may divulge abroad concerning the atchievment of the victory I cannot divine (all passages being stopp'd that way, and I not able to informe your highnes more than what here I find) but for certaine the victory is most apparent and signall, and so acknowledged even by the Turkes themselves; neverthelesse it came to the Venetians so easily, as if it had bin presented them, rather than obtained by valour or prowesse, of which the Turkes are very sensible, and the grand signior was heard publiquely to say, that he was more troubled at the cowardize of his soldiers than the losse of his fleete, for the one he could repayre, but hardly the other. Neverthelesse he is resolved to try what he can doe, and to that end hath given order for the building of 100 gallys and 50 ships agaynst the next spring; and towards their making and setting forth hath given a year's revenue of Cayro tribute, being 1,200,000 dollars, and 2,000,000 more out of his owne purse, insomuch as many of them are allready upon the stocks in the arsenall. But these preparations not savouring of revenge sufficient for so great a dishonour and damage, the grand signior, instigated by the mustee and kyaby gave cut, that he was resolved at the same time to sett upon the Venetians in Dalmatia with 150,000 men, which sounded so harsh in the cares of the janizaries and spahees (made desperate to thinke of undergoing hardshipp, who for a long time had knowne nothing but ease and plenty) as they resolved to make newe disturbances in the city, rather than the king's resolution should take place; and therefore gave it cut, that the grand signior himselfe was designed by those men, that thus advised him, to be changed, and his younger brother Selim made emperour in his roome; which report (though I beleeve meerly framed) had taken such impression in the young king's brest, as forthwith the mustee was banished to Cyprus, and the kyaby or leiftennant generall of the janizaries put out of his place (both in great danger of their lives) and the grand signior, jealous of some secret plotts, hath fortified the feraglio with all manner of armes and artillery, an act very offensive to the people. What the end of this will be time will discover, and that I beleeve very speedily, for they begin already to say openly, that the king is young, yet so obstinate as no reason can change his will; and moreover that he is an unfortunate prince, and so will be (as the astrologers informes them) till he attaines to the yeares of 40.
A little before the vizier came in, Sidee Mehemet came to the Port, and was uster'd into the seraglio by the mustee (upon whose parole he came to kisse the king's vest) by whome he was well received, and the bassa-leeke of Silistra conferr'd upon him, but before he could come there, he was upon the way made captain bassa, and sent to the castles to attend the motions of the Venetians, the other being displaced for his meane behaviour in the late fight. This man is an able and stout soldier; and although he should retaine the seeds of rebellion in his heart, yet the grand signior cannot feare him (beeing a Turke) that he will ever betray his trust to the Christians; and besides, should he in the least manner tread awry or be unfortunate, he may easily cutt him off without any breach of promise.
The consederate of this Sidee (Hassanaga by name) mett with the vizier in his way to this port, and was by him made bassa of Derbikeere, an eminent place in Asia, which was not well resented by the king, untill the vizier made it appeare how by that meanes he was seperated from his accomplices, and made incapable of doing further mischeif, upon which the grand signior both approved and confirmed his act.
In this posture stand the affayres of Turkey at this time, the riches and ease of the people prognosticating their future fortunes; and whatever preparations they pretend to to make against the Venetians, I am confident they will fall short of the last, and if they should be able (which I much doubt) to make so many vessels for service as they give out they will, I know they can never find experienced men sufficient to navigate them.
Not long since here arrived an internuntio from the king of Poland; his errant was for ayde against the king of Sweden: one of his arguments, among the rest, which he urged to perswade the grand signior thereto was, that your highnes together with the great duke of Muscovia, the kings of Denmark, Sweden, and others were confederate against the Turkish empire. Now although the validity of that argument did him no good, he being likely to goe away without an answere, yet he did use that argument, for I have it from the mouth of his owne interpreter to the grand signior, who hath dependance upon me.
I know it is my duty to give your highnes more frequent advices, but the warrs have rendred this place very obnoxious to so many obstructions that very rarely any promising safe convayance doth present, which what I have now writt may lie long in expectation of: wherefore I humbly desire your highnes pardon, and that you will be graciously pleas'd not to impute my sometimes too long silence to the deficiencie or neglect of
Your highnes faithfull servant,
and most obedient subject,
Pera of Constantinople, this 7th of July, 1656.
Lockhart to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 133.
I Have received yours of June 26th, and the list inclosed. I sent it to the cardinall yesterday, who promised to send one to me this day, that should lett me know his pleasure about my waiting upon him.
I receaved yesterday a letter from his highnesse resident with the Protestant cantons. He doth give no other account of things their then this, that he finds these cantons have not as yett aggreed in any things to be desyred in the French cowrt by your mediation. I had also one from Mr. Moreland, wherin he doth much regrate the sadd conditione of the poore Protestants in the vallies of Piedmont. I shall not faile to mentione their estate to the cardinall, and shall presse him all I can in their behalfe.
Mons. de Lion, who was employed at Rome, is gone to Madrid. He is none of these bigott fryers mentioned in my former. I hope my next shall let you know, what excuse they will palliatt this message with. I have sent this morning to court to know the newes of the armie. Their is a whisper heare, that something hath been done by don Jowan to the disadvantadge of the French. I am,
Chaulni, 17 July, 1656. N. S.
Your most humble and faithfull servant,
Satturday last at night the enemie fell upon the French armie, rowted the quarter, where mareshall la Ferté commanded, and have raised the siege. It's supposed, that marshall Turein is well and at Quesnoy, two leagues and a half distant from Valenciennes, and hath saved the greatest part of the armie. La Ferté is wounded, and some say prisoner. This is in haste, because I stayd so long for my return from Louvre, that the post was gone an hour and a half. I send an expresse after him, to the end if he doe not overtake him, he may goe on to Paris.
Mr. J. Aldworth, consul at Marseilles, to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 149.
My last unto you was of the 11th currant, when I gave you a full accompte of all passadges in those parts. Att the present I have to advise you, that yesterday heare arrived an English ship from Bristoll, who the second currant was in the bay of Cadiz, wheare he found only six of our state's frigatts, who soe kept in the Spaniards, that not a boat could goe in or come forth from Cadiz. The commandor in cheif of the six frigatts told the master of the Bristoll-ship, that our generalls with all the rest of the fleete parted the 8th past to goe lye before Lisbone, the king of Portugall not having yett signed the peace. The ships that are arming at Thollon goes on but slowly. Holworthy still continewes in his humorous proceedings. Had I an order to force him to obedience, I could soone doe it. Not any thinge more offereth at present worth your honnor's notice: so I humbly take leave, and remayne
Your honnor's servant,
In Marseille 18th July, 1656. [N. S.]
Mr. Bradshaw, resident at Hamburgh, to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 139.
By the last weeke's post I gave you notice of the choyce of a martly deputie heere by Mr. Townley's party, whoe are daily heightned in their confidence, that his highness will suffer them to doe what they please, declaringe plainly, that they will not have any man to be their deputie, that hath any relation to the state.
Your honour knowes, that longe since I had left the company, when I might have done it with less disparagement; but I was advised by you, and in effect commanded by his highness, not to leave the company of myselfe, with ample promiss, that I should be suitably vindicated and owned, soe as the disaffected partie should not have power to affront me any more. Therefore I cannot suppose, that his highnesse or his honourable councell will judge it meet, that these men should thus thrust me from the place, without any cause given, only to be revenged on me for representinge their misdemeanors. I speake not of this from any desire I have to returne to the place, except the power be taken out of theise mens hands; but to mynd you, how much it imports his highnesse's honour to check these mens proceedings, whoe so little regard his displeasure. It may easily be imagined, what they aym at in thus struglinge with the highest authority; and I must needs say, how little soever my service hath been, that had I not beene theire deputie, when such traiterous practices were on foot here, it might have gone worse with the state then it did. It's noe wonder, such men should desire a freedome from the inspection of a faithfull man; but however I be dealt with, his highness and the councell will find it their interest to have a faithfull man deputie. He that hath that command, may doe much for or against the state in tickle tymes. Here is a report of the callinge of a parliament shortly, which much hightens disaffected men, in hopes it may occasion a breach; and Mr. Townley's party seeme glad of it, thinkinge there will now be noc leasure to remember him, but that the bussines will now be layd aside.
If your honour please but to require the fight of a late letter of the seventeenth of June, wrote by Mr. Townley's party to the company at London, together with their answer thereof the 27th ditto, yesterday published heere, it will shortly appeare to you, whence they have received their encouragement to all they have done, notwithstanding the dubious couchinge of their words on both sides, wherein the secretaries acted their partes. I will give you noe further trouble at present, save only to request you to acquaint his highness and the councell with the contents of these, if you thinke sitt, that some order may be given for redresse of things heere, e're it bee too late.
The inclosed contayne the best intelligence in theise parts. The paper dated from Elbinge comes from my correspondent in the Swedish armie. I remayne
verry humble servant,
Hamb. 8 July, 1656.
The Dutch ambassadors in Prussia to the States General.
Vol. xl. p. 145.
High and mighty lords,
My lords, in our last we advised your high and mighty lordships of the taking of Warsaw by the king of Poland: since we understand, that as well the city as the castle were surrendered upon articles, which are here enclosed; but afterwards it is supposed, that the marshal Wittenburgh with the Swedish garrison was detained by the instigation of the Polish nobility, contrary to the mind of the king.
The Polish army is said to be 100,000 strong, and divided into three bodies.
The Tartars are said to be near Lemborgh with 30,000 men, coming to the assistance of the Poles.
The Cossacks are reconciled with the king of Poland, and are sending his troops to his assistance.
The king of Sweden being joined with the forces of the duke of Brandenburgh, making an army of 8000 men, is passed therewith the river Buck, with an intention to fight the king of Poland.
A few day since arrived in the Pillaw 1600 Scots, and the lord Fleetwood is said to follow with a considerable number. Since the departure of his majesty, and the absence of the lord chancellor, we have not been able to effect any thing, that is given in charge.
Marienburgh, 18 July, 1656. [N. S.]
A letter of intelligence.
Elbing, the 18 July, 1656. [N. S.]
Vol. xl. p. 71.
Warsaw is still in the Polander's hand, for the Swedes forces cannot fairly pass the river. It is not known, where the king of Sweden with his forces is removed from the place, where he lay last; but we expect to hear some news by the post. If any news of moment come, I shall impart it to you by the post on friday. The Swedish chancellor, lord Oxenstern, is come to Elbing yesterday from Thorn, and is to remain for a time here, to treat with the Hollanders ambassadors, which are to come from Marienburgh to Elbing. You shall hear exactly how the treaty will go forwards.
A letter of intelligence.
Dantzick, the 18 July, 1656. [N. S.]
Vol. xi. p. 143.
We have no certainty of the Dane or Dutch, how they stand with the Swedes; only the Dutch are in treaty, and the French seek to mediate. The Muscovite is fallen into Ingermanland, and hath taken in Sconce de Noy, and beleagered Nettleburg. Those of Riga have sunk boats with stones in several places of the river Dwina to prevent the Muscovite bringing down his artillery and cannon, great fear being amongst them. The Polander is strong in the field, and makes high account of Dantzick, and that the Swede is left with the prince elector and their adherents. A short time will shew more. We are now expulsed without further declaration for resusing to be drawn unto enmity against our freinds; by what right I know not, but leave that to whom it doth appertain.
Generals Blake and Mountagu to secretary Thurloe.
Naseby in Cadiz bay, 8 July, 1656.
Vol. xl. p. 155.
Since our last to his highness sent by the Unicorn, Jersy, and Dragon (whereof the inclosed are duplicates) we have had some time to view over our damage sustained in the late storm, and find it to be great; many of the fleet having lost their boats, and most of their cables and anchors; in particular the Resolution hath spoiled two of her best anchors, one of about 56 pound weight being broke in two, and the other bent so as 'tis useless. But we desire to bless God, that we see all the ships together again; the Kentish and Taunton, which were missing longest, being returned the last Lord's day.
There comes with this the Bristol, Kentish, and Mermaid; and other three to compleat his highness's designed number shall be hastened after as fast as may be.
The Fairfax with those sent on the coast of Galicia are returned, and bring in an account of two Ostenders, and a prize newly taken by them laden with iron, which others found above Vigo, and have destroyed. This together with the intelligence they bring, that some of the men of war belonging to those parts were then at sea, and may by this time probably be coming in, hath encouraged us to direct the frigots now sent home to range along the coast, and to take unto the isles of Bayonne, where perhaps they may find some further opportunity of service. However it will not be above a day or two's difference (we hope) in the time of their return. Having nothing more at present worthy your trouble, we remain
Your very affectionate friends and servants,
General Mountagu to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 157.
I Have written to you soe latelye by capt. Clerke, that I have little more to add. These frigatts that wee sent to Vigo and Bayon, had some small good successe; the particulars whereoff you will see in the inclosed, which I have sent you for that purpose. Wee have also this afternoone sent the Lyone, Nantwich, and Ruby, and the Fox fireshipp to Malaga roade to fall upon such galleyes or shipps of the enemye, as he shall find in that place, and fire them, and to look out also about Cape de Gall for a shipp or two of one Balthasars, that infest our merchants much thereabouts; and wee ourselves with a good part of the fleet are goinge into the streights of Boremo on Barberye side, to water and make up our beveridge, and also to discover what accommodation for water or carininge is to be found thereabouts, in case you come to need it on another occasion; and lett me add by the way, that if we could find such a place commodious in both those respects, it were of unspeakable advantage to England to have a fort and possession thereof, to be alwaies sure of it both for men of warre and merchants accommodation and shelter. When we returne (if God please) we intend to goe to Sally, and see what is to be done in bringinge them to amitie. For the Spa niard, wee have noe hopes of any appearance of his fleete this winter. Wee do all what wee cann to provoke him by infestinge his coasts; and alwaies leavinge a squadron of shipps before Cales; but it is to be feared all to little purpose. Excuse this short and abrupt accompt in hast from, Sir,
July the 8th, 1656. Naseby fregate.
Your very humble servant,
A letter of intelligence.
18 Juillet, [1656. N. S.]
Vol. xl. p. 242.
On m'escrit de Paris, qu'il y a la un certain Jean Whyte, qui sous pretexte de poursuivre un proces se mêle d'affaires d'etat, & a grande intelligence avec la maison royale d'Angleterre, & il recoit beaucoup de nouvelles d'Angleterre, qu'il communique au mylord Jermyn.
Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, major general of the army in Ireland.
In the possession of Joseph Jekyll esq.
I Hope his highnes letter to your lordship of this day senight hath given you some satisfaction in the perticulers yours of the 2d instant mentions; and that there will be no cause for your lordship to take up any resolution of retireinge from your present station, which I beleeve hath beene, and amidst the varietye of humors, that are every where, will be trouble enough. But, my lord, it is not your portion alone; if opposition, reproach, hard thoughts, and speeches of all sorts, would have made his highnesse to have quitted his relation to the publique, he had surely done it longe since. And I perswade myselfe, your lordship is not ignorant, how he hath beene exercised in this kinde. Every body can keepe his place, when all men applaude hym, speake well of hym; but not to saint in a day of adversity is the matter. He, that lookes for more then his owne integritye and sinceritye in publique worke at this tyme of the day for his reward, will be mistaken; and truly he, that hath that, can looke difficulties enough in the face.
To this let me add, that the calumnies of your enemies have not had that effect upon your friends here, as your lordship supposeth. There might be reason to speake with some persons for satisfaction sake, and yet noe intention thereby to put any **** upon your lordship, or necessitate you to disowne your freinds. And wheither there was or not, I will referre myselfe to ***, which I beseech your lordship to expect with the same patience, with which you have hitherto manadged all your affaires. I will not trouble your lordship further upon this subject this tyme. Sir John Reynolds will be dispatcht *** this week, by whom your lordship will understand all thinges more fully.
The elections for the parlament wil be about the 20th of August, the day of meetinge beinge the 17th of September next. Wee have had noe letters from the fleet these two months, soe that wee are uncerteyne of their condition; nor have wee had letters from the agent of the peace with Portugall, but doe enclyne to beleeve it, haveinge seene many merchants letters to that effect, and suppose that others may have miscaryed. Valencienne is neither taken nor releived. The French presse hard upon the towne, (which is well desended) and the Spanish army lyes within shot of the French, threateninge to force their lyne; but it's beleeved the French will be forced to rise for want of provision. The affaires in Holand remayne as they did. I am
Your lordship's most humble
and most faithfull servant,
8 July, 1656.
I forgot to tell your lordship, that his highnes is endeavouringe to send into Ireland as counsellers, Sir Tho. Widdrington and the cheife baron chancelor, Mr. Wm. Berry of Lincolneshire, and Mr. Hopkins; all which will be very serviceable men, and such as your lordship may trust. And I know there is no greater care his highness hath, then to settle that affaire soe as may be to your satisfaction; and I dare say this with confidence, that this contest hath been soe farre from puttinge any prejudice in his highness of your lordship, or occasioning any doubt in hym concerninge your principles, that it hath turned greatly to your advantage with hym. My lord, I beseech you doe not doubt his highnes affections towards you. I knowe they are entire; and if I had not knowne thinges thorowly, I would not have writt with that confidence as formerly I have done upon this subject. My present station gives me some better advantage to understand the bottom of thinges, then those, who are further of. Let not your lordship thinke I would delude you.
Your lordship's most humble servant,
Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwell, major general of the army in Ireland.
In the possession of the right hon. the earl of Shelburn.
Mr. R. Vaughan being upon his returne to Ireland, I was willing by hym to give your lordship the trouble of lettinge you knowe, that upon the letters, which I received from your lordship and the councell of Ireland, concerninge Mr. Vaughan's fittnes, I have (contrary to the resolutions I formerly had) appointed hym to be my deputy postmaster upon termes sure and profitable unto hym, but dangerous and doubtfull unto myselfe, as will appeare by the termes, which he is required to present to your lordship, as you shall appoint, and from tyme to tyme to receive such further commands from your lordship, as you shall thinke necessary; and this beinge all the occasion I have to trouble you at this tyme, with the tender of my most humble services I make bold to subscribe me
Your lordship's most humble
and most devoted servant,
Whitehall, 8 July, 1656.
The effect of the meeting of the fifth-monarchy-men.
8 July, 1656.
Vol. xl. p. 159.
In the hand writing of secretary Thurloe.
That Lawson, Ireton, &c. and several others of the commonwealths-men met to consider, what opportunity they might have from the parliament's meeting, and whether they were not to endeavour elections of good men. Okey and Goodgroom were gone out of towne. They were more tender in their discourse at this time, because Goodgroom being at Whitehall, H. H. asked him several questions about his being with Harrison and Bradshaw, and told him, he heard he was become a statesman, which made him think, that his highness knew somewhat of their meeting; as also because my lord deputy sent for alderman Ireton, and told him, that he was informed here, that his brother Clement Ireton had meetings to the disturbance of the state.
The same day the fifth-monarchy-men met, where it was debated, when the time was for destroying and pulling down Babylon and its adherents; and secondly, what the means of doing it are; it being agreed, that the saints must do it; they shall bind kings in chains: and they concluded the time to be now, and the means to be by the sword. Then the question was, in what posture they were to engage in the work. The discovery of that was thought to be dangerous in the whole company, and yet necessary to be known, in order to their acting. After some consideration it was agreed upon, there being five distinct meetings, one should be chosen out of every meeting, to whom all the rest should make known what readiness they are in, with what force they have, what arms, what money, and when to be ready. By this means all may know their posture, and yet but one in every company discover the persons. And it was agreed, that those persons may from time to time let the company know the numbers and their readiness, but not the persons. Mess. Okey and Goodgroom were about a month or six weeks ago with serjeant Bradshaw, who told them, that the long parliament, though under a force, were the supreme authority of England, and encouraged them in their discontents.
General Mountagu to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl.p. 173.
I have lately troubled you with divers letters, one by capt. Clerke, who sett sayle home for England with the Jersey, Dragon, and little President, July the 4th; another I sent by the Bristow, who sett sayle hence for England with the Kentish and the Mermaid July the 8th. This I now send by the Griffin, who setts sayle for England attending the Taunton and the Guinney. The Assurance, who is designed to follow them, is not yet come from Lisbone (which we a little wonder at) when she comes, she will dispatch away also. I have nothinge to adde, but that we have this day loosed our fore top sayle, and (God willing) intend about 12 at night to weigh anchor and sayle for the Streights with about 14 sayle of shipps, leaving the vice admiral with about 12 shipps here before Cales. God send a good voyage and good newes from England at our returne. Thus I remaine
July 9th, 1656. Cales bay aboard the Nasebye.
Your very humble servant,
A letter of intelligence.
Paris the 19th July, 1656. [N. S.]
Vol. xl. p. 197.
The Spaniards have given a great defeat to the French before Valenciennes, the manner thus: they assaulted with their army in three several bodies commanded by don John, the prince of Conde, and the marquis of Caracena. They drew up by day light before mons. de Turenne's quarters, by that means to oblige him to strengthen his quarters, rather than la Ferté's, who was divided from him by the river; and having advertised them in the town to let go all their sluices, by the next morning the water had overwhelmed and broken their bridges of communication, and before day the Spanish army got to mons. la Ferté's side, where they fell on with their three bodies, having 500 granadiers and 500 pioneers in the head of each body; and after a long and sharp dispute they carried the line, where first the prince of Conde entered, and after the other, each where they gave on, and in a short time after la Ferte with all his horse and his officers, both of horse and foot, to the number of 6000 were killed and taken prisoners; some 4000 of his foot soldiers saved themselves on a dike between two waters; his cannon and baggage is all taken. Mons. de Turenne, though he saw all this, yet all he could do was to get three regiments of foot put into the boats, and sent to their relief; but they were no sooner landed, but all cut off in his sight. All he could then do was to draw off with his cannon, baggage, &c. his army consisting of 12000 horse and foot, which he did without any other loss than one waggon, that was overturned. This loss will be of ill consequence as to the loss of divers towns gained last year by the French; but yet all Frenchmen as well as Spaniards rejoice at it, being in hopes, that it may produce a peace between Spain and France.
A letter of intelligence.
Paris 19/9 July, 1656.
Vol. xl. p. 175.
The news here is great, which will bring with it a great change infallibly. On sunday morning at the three of the clock, don John with his whole army and the town together fell upon that part of the French army, which was under the command of la Ferte, which was the weaker, half the army being divided from joining by the river, that parted them; the bridge over it made by the French being first broken down, in so much that Turenne, who commanded the other, could not succour his friends; only at the first drawing up of the Spaniards, he made shist to put over three regiments of his best foot with their friends, who were intirely cut off. At the first and second attacks the Spaniards were repulsed; at the 3d they entered the lines, and between the army and the town made great slaughter. They took la Ferte prisoner, killed and took the lieutenant generals, and the whole army bag and baggage; a few only saved themselves by swimming. In the the mean time the mareshall of Turenne marched away, his army consisting of about 12000 horse and foot, to meet their convoy, which should that day have been brought into the camp, of 6 or 7000 men, and so met it near Canoy, where all the army is retreated for the present.
An intercepted letter to G. Ratchliffe.
Paris the 19th of July, 1656. [N. S.]
Vol. xl. p. 183.
This day sennight I expect to hear something concerning Francis his removal /the duke of York from this place; what company goes with him, I doe not as yet know. I hear that some, that are now in request with him, have no great mind to the journy. I believe, that your friend must make one of them, that shall go. I thought the voyage might have been put off for want of money, but now I see there is hope of a little supply.
Don John and the prince of Conde have raised the siege of Valenciennes. On sunday morning before day they attackd the lines, and after a strong opposition they broke in, and in a manner quite destroyed that part of the French army under mons. de la Ferte, who himself is wounded and taken prisoner. Mons. de Turenne lay on the other side of a water the town let out upon them, so as he could not come over to assist la Ferte; only he got three regiments to pass the water; but they were all instantly cut off. There are a great number of men said to be slain on the French side, but mareshall Turenne with a great part of his army got off with most of his cannon and baggage; yet the Spaniards pursued him.
The consequence of this action is like to be very great. It is scarce credible what joy is in Paris for it out of their extream dislike of cardinal Mazarin. On the other side it adds great reputation to don John and the prince of Conde. This latter, it seems, hath a great many friends in France.
It was a great happiness my master /duke of York was not in the army. It was much against his will, that he was not there. I hope God hath reserved him for better service.
A letter of intelligence.
Brussels, 19 July, 1656. [N. S.]
Vol. xl. p. 187.
At last is come here the resident of the United Provinces, who is to reside here on their behalf; but he hath not yet made any address, and we know not whether he will address himself to the privy council during the absence of his highness. He comes in full of rejoicing for the success, which our army hath had before the Valenciennes, whereof I will not tell you the particulars, in regard they are public. This is a great benefit, which God had done to a poor people, who without that would have suffered very much, not only in Valenciennes, but in the adjacent places; for the Frenchmen, wheresoever they come, do misuse very much the inhabitants; and that is almost the only thing, why the people in these Low Countries do remain so faithful to the king; for if it were not for that, the country had revolted several times. The prince don John before his departure abolished the licences upon the Escault, wherein he did very much oblige, as well those of Antwerp, as all the towns having interest in the commerce. Likewise the removing of the archduke and Fuenfaldagna doth encourage the people very much; for their manner of doing displeasures in the end to all manner of people made them not beloved. Don John and Caracena on the contrary do give great hope of redress, being both of them very active and valiant. Don John likewise doth not give access to the Jesuits as the archduke did. Two things remain to be done; the removing of the president Ovinus, who hath the reputation of too covetous a person, the advancement of his kindred, and not to give a dispatch to business; secondly his highness hath given hope, that he will permit the states of the provinces to have an interest in the finances, and to redress the same; for the abuse therein is too notorious and great. It is made to appear, that the country can easily support the war, and entertain the garrisons, provided the country be not made to give free quarter to the soldiers. As to the king of England, they do not yet give him any thing; they say the king of Spain hath not yet ratified the treaty made with him here. In the mean time it is hoped, that the English will make peace with us, in regard they do nothing. The advice from Spain is, that they have very much endeavoured to land, but in vain; and we know very well, that the western parts of England do drive a great trade with Spain, and do suffer very much, by reason of this interruption; and that which London and the north of England suffer is seen daily; and at Jamaica the English will never thrive. And in the mean time the English cause their neighbours to laugh, who flourish in their trade, and make their advantage by it; and this success of Valenciennes will serve very much for the pope to advance their peace between the crowns, which cannot but prejudice the English.
A paper of the Spanish ambassador in Holland.
Read 19 July, 1656. [N. S.]
Vol. xl. p. 191.
The underwritten ambassador of Spain having desired by a letter of the 11th of March last the king his master, at the request of the lords States General, to give leave to the college of admiralty of Amsterdam to export 24 pieces of ordnance, which they had caused to be cast there, and bought in Biscay, hath received command from his majesty, to declare to their high and mighty lordships, that he doth most willingly consent, not only to the said exportation, but to all other, which their high and mighty lordships should desire of him for their use and service, being glad to meet with an occasion to please their high and mighty lordships, and to give them some signs of his royal good will, and of the desire, which he hath, that the commerce may increase between his subjects and those of their high and mighty lordships.
To Nieupoort, the Dutch ambassador in England.
Vol. xl. p. 179.
The Swedes are now of another opinion, perceiving, that their high and mighty lordships fleet are set sail from the Sound for the Baltic; for they were of opinion, it would be sent no further. In the mean time they are very busy to know the extent of their design, whereof several opinions go up and down here. The Swedes are much troubled at it; and likewise that the Muscovites are fallen into Lisland and Ingermerlant; so that rex Sueciæ seeing that Dantzick is patronized by the lords States General with so powerful a hand, which doth so highly prejudice his designs, he may chance to take up some desperate resolution to make some advantageous end of his business in Poland, which may tend to further difficulty.
It is believed by many understanding men, that if the flect of their high and mighty lordships appear once before Straelsond, Pillaw, and Memell, that there will appear in those places more inclination to their high and mighty lordships than to the Swedes; adding this withal, that it were best for the duke of Brandenburgh to rid himself out of those difficulties (the sooner the better) wherein he had plunged himself by his agreement with Sweden.
19 July, 1656.
Col. Barkstead, lieut. of the tower, to secretary Thurloe.
Vol. xl. p. 171.
The returne I received this evening from Hackney-marsh is, that there were of cittizens and others neere 150 horsemen running of races, from the bridge that goes over into Essex, to the way that leads to Hackney. It was late before my men came thither, so that they could gaine but little more than the names of some. Major Sedaske was there, the lady Brook's two sons, and many of that family; serjeant Maynard's son, a youth of about eighteene years of age; one Mr. Browne, and Williams of London. To morrow is appointed a more than ordinary meeting, of which I shall not sail to give you a particular account on friday morning. I am, sir,
Your affectionate freind,
and verry humble servant,
Tower Lond. July 9, 1656.
Sir William Higgs, with many other gentlemen of Essex, doe frequently. meate there.