A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 6, January 1657 - March 1658. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.
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October (3 of 3)
Sir Thomas Bendyshe to secretary Thurloe.
Since my answer to your first (which I question not but you long since received, and therewith some satisfaction to your expectation) I have binne honoured with your second of the 4th of May, the inclosure of a copy of my master the lord protector's commands, the originall whereof arrived not long before. Sorry I am, that so faire promise of testifying my zeale to so good a cause, and (in some small measure) due service and respects to yourselfe, as I once had, when the prince of Transilvania stood firme to the confederation, should so shipp my hands, as by his unexpected retreat from it (whither upon any suggestion or compulsion I say not) it unluckily hath; for now so altered is the state of his affaires (since his disastrous encounter, where (no doubt) you have had exact accounts) as not only to putt him upon new councels for his preservation, but consequently his friends (such as his misfortune hath not estranged) upon new methods of serveing him; for what while hee stood was but error in him, is now (since his fall) a sinne unpardonnable; and hee that might freely sue for his pardon before, if now but mentions him, seems to neede one himselfe. So insolent is the displeasure of this Porte against him, which neither doe they studdy to conceale, it seems, in that they have long and slightingly denied audience to his internuntio, although sent (for his better admission sake) in the name of the state, and not of the prince, whome at length, after many putt-offs) they have commanded to attend for audience at Adrianople, whither the grand signior lately removed: and so full of anger are they against him, as that they seeme to shew it even upon his friends, it being suspicious, that his majestie of Sweden's ambassadors heare have suffered the long delay upon that account, as if his friendship were infectious: yet the more proper cause of that is to be feared, is their designe upon Polland, which by the detainement of them here they thinke may bee, though not much promoted, yet somewhat secured; and what makes my belife thereof the bolder, is the Germain resident's being summoned to attend the grand signior wheresoever he goes; whether to catch what advice may come to him, or prevent any hee may give, who knows? What I have endeavoured, or how farre intended for the promotion of the intrest your lordship recommended to me, I nowe mention not; for where the harvest failes, there to talke of preceding cares and husbandry, is but to make an emty and dry boast: yet this I may confidently say, that I had once (with arguments from their own convenience, and the satisfaction my master would receive therby) so well tempered and disposed this Porte, as to belive it their interest rather to countenance, then any whit discourage the prince in his enterprize; but now, without father instructions, I dare not so forwardly as formerly oppose or act for him; however, I continue all officious assistance to his majestie of Sweden's ambassadors, for whose honorable dismission I very lately urged the new chimacham, who promised, by a speedy dispatsch to the visiere (who makes all the bussiness, of any moment at least, dance after him) to move him ernestly therein, not doubting, as he said, to give me sodainly a satisfactory account therof; which I have the more hopes of, it being no more then what the former chimacham had effected (all letters then being in readiness for the seale) had hee endured but two days longer, when, I presume, they will soone be at libertie to returne, which I wish may be in much saftey. And now, my lord, though therby the former occasion of your commands (unless my necessarries heare to the king of Sweden's interest (which I shall with all faithfullness, when ever occasion, promote) should receive it) seemes to be removed, yet lett an assurance of my greate desire and readines to serve you administer a new one, by which I may have some oppurtunity of making good that character (in some part at leaste) which my werthey friende sir Jo. Pettus honoured me with; which cannot better be done, then by such actions as may speake me fully sencible of your favours, and withall,
Charisius to Petkum.
I Have been hindered through sickness from answering your letters, yet I have not failed to give advice to our king of the soldiers raised in England by the Swedish ministers. The Bishop of Munster perceiving this state was in earnest with their resolution to relieve Munster, hath made an agreement with it; so that the militia of the state is countermanded to their garrisons. You will have the particulars by another hand of our king's victory obtained in Schcnen against the Swedes. Your brother's taking an employment under mr. Meadowe, embassador for the lord protector, is turned to your disadvantage, and not well taken at court. The sieur Rosenwing doth protest to me, he is so busy, he cannot answer your letter. You will do well to continue your correspondence with him. He is gone to Amsterdam to receive 6000 guilders, which those of Holland send to his majesty at 5 per cent. per annum; for which they have the customs and toll of the Sound assigned them for their payment. I have no longer time. I am
A letter of intelligence from the Hague.
I left plaisant, que le sieur Nieuport dit en sa lettre, qu'il a dit au protecteur, que ce sont des calumniateurs, qui disent, que les estats-generaux ont animé le roy de Dennemark à faire ce qu'il fait. Le roy de Dennemark mesme est done tel, car luy-mesme par sa lettre du 3e June le dit; comme de mesme le sieur Rosenwinge dans sa premiere proposition icy declare & represente, comme un grand benefit, que l'an 1653 son roy a fait à cet estat, s'en ayant laiffé induire à rompre contre l'Angleterre, ou se laissant animer à la guerre contre l'Angleterre. Et le 170 demonstre une notable legereté, soy tournant avec tout vent, là où il peut avoir advantage. Je suis,
An intercepted letter of sir Robert Honywood to sir Walter Vane.
The war of Munster is ended, wherein the town thinks to have lost nothing, but I believe would have made themselves gainers by it, if the bishop, who got the first notice of the resolution taken here, had not concluded with them before they had notice of it. There is some trouble yet amongst them about paying of the soldiers who only had quarters. The patents, to return all to their old garrisons, went hence wednesday morning. There is at present a rew jealousy started up in the land of Cleve, the elector of Cleve having sent 15 troops of horse, and as many companies of foot, to have quarters there, and demand 150,000 rixdollars besides; which alarms the people of that country, enough oppressed already, and might, it's believed, easily perswade them to stand upon their terms, and demand protection of this state, if the elector had not 15 or 20,000 men on foot, 10,000 of which quarter in this country of Brandenburgh at present, he daring not to disarm them, having first disobliged this estate not only by not ratifying the treaty made with them, when these had paid the sum of money agreed upon betwixt them, which is yet owing, but at the same time entered into an alliance with Sweden, offensive and defensive, against Poland and Dantzick, whom he hath now forsaken, and is now entered into the same against Sweden with Poland and Dantzick, at which not a few are mad. The king of Sweden used lately the said duke's envoy but roughly, and talked as slightly of his master. That king is at Wismar, where he hath put his fleet in the best order he can, and is resolved to find out the Dane, and try a day of battle before the winter. Some say, he will not be perswaded from going abroad himself, do what all his council can; but I should not think that probable: in the interim, he leaves men every where, and hath treated with most part of those, which were before Munster.
Lord Broghill to secretary Thurloe.
I only write this to acquaint you, that I am now goeing to attend my lord Harry at Kilkenny, from whence I shall give you an account of your last commands to me, and I hope a satisfactory one. Neither his lordship nor I have received any thinge from you this post; which, tho' a verry great trouble, yet is it a greater to us, to think, that your want of health has denyed us this satisfaction; a hint whereof I received last night from Will. Rowe. I shall beseech the Lord to restore you to it speedily, both for the publicke, your frends, and your own sake, which are still thirstinge after a settlement heere; but while you are sick, I beleeve that affaire wil be soe; so that the publicke dos sumepathise with you, as well as your frends; in which number be pleas'd to allow me to list my self under the title of
A paper relating to the settlement of the earl of Warwick's estate upon his grandson's marriage with the protector's daughter.
That in consideration of 15000 l. portion desired of his highness with his daughter, the lady Frances, that the whole entailed estate of the said earl, being about 8000 l. per ann. with Warwick-house, and the 19 or 20 advowsons and vicarages, shall be forthwith settled for the use and benefit of the said earl for his life, without power to commit waste; and thenceforth for the lord Riche for his life, but not to commit waste; and thenceforth for the use of the said Robert Riche in like manner for his life; the remainder in tail to his issue male, as the learned council of his highness and of the said earl and lord Riche shall advise; so as the lord Riche may receive out of the rents and profits of the said estate 1050 l. yearly, during the joint lives of himself and the said earl; and the said Robert Riche and lady Frances may receive 2000 l. yearly, during the said joint lives of the said earl and lord Riche, and 2500 l. yearly from the death of the said earl, in case he die before the lord Riche, and 3050 l. yearly from the death of the said lord Riche dying before the said earl; and that the lady Frances surviving the said Robert Riche, may receive 2000 l. yearly during her life for her jointure; and also Warwick-house after the death of the said earl and the now countess of Warwick. And that competent provision shall be made for maintenance of the children of the said Robert Riche and lady Frances, and for portions for their daughters and younger sons, in such wise as the council of his highness and the said earl shall think reasonable: and that the lord Riche marrying with the said earl's consent, may charge such parts of the estate, as shall be agreed upon in the said settlement, with a jointure of 500 l. per ann. during the life of such wise only: and that the lord Riche may charge other parts of the estate (not exceeding 500 l. by the year) for the benefit of such younger son or sons as the said lord Riche shall leave at his death; the said 500 l. per ann. to revert to the said Robert Riche and his heirs males, for want of such younger son or sons of the lord Richc: and that 4000 l. of the said portion shall be paid at the day of the marriage, for discharge of the debt of the said lord Riche, and with his consent; and the residue of the said portion to be disposed of by the said earl.
Good provision shall be made for the repairing of houses, parks, pales, walls, and sences, and not doing waste; and that the furniture of the several houses be preserved, so as it may come to the said Robert Riche, as shall be advised by council.
And lastly, 2000 l. a-piece for the three daughters of the lord Riche now living shall be raised out of a part of the said estate, within ten years next ensuing; and if any of them die in the mean time, such daughter's portion to be saved to the estates.
Major-general Jephson to secretary Thurloe.
According to my promise in my last of the 19th instant, I doe herewith send you a transcript of the awswer, which the king of Swede hath beene pleased to give unto the proposition I made him in my second audience, to accept of his highnesse's mediation in a treaty of peace betwixt the crownes of Sweden and Denmarke; to which I have added that agreement therein mentioned to bee made between the two crownes in anno 1644. Touching the preliminaries of their treatyes, truly I am of opinion, that a peace with Denmarke is very really desired here; not but that I believe the king and all the Swedish nation are sufficiently incenst with that most unseasonable (they say unreasonable) interruption given by the Danes to their affayres in Poland: but that the k. of Sweden hath at present soe many e n e m y s to deale with, that unlesse hee make peace with some of them, it seemes almost impossible, that he should b e able to p r e s e r v e his in t e r e s t in Sweden 299 and Germanie. I am the rather induc't to beleive that he w i s h e t h this peace, because he t o l d m e upon fryday, that he had received some d i s a d v a n t a g e in Sweden, in a sight betwixt his and the Danes for c e s; wherein if the Danes had vigorously p u r s u e d their victory, they might probably have s p o y l e d great part of his c o u n t r y; which makes him see, how danger o u s a thing it is to have war with his next neighbour, when he is in war against so many powers fall princes so fa r from home. But as I formerly tould you, there is a greate jealousy here, that there is no r e a l i t y intended in Denmark, which hath been very much increased of late by a copye of articles of peace concluded betwixt the k. of Den. and k. of Poland, which latlye came to the king's hands (whereof I likewise send you a copye;) which if it beetrue, I see 14 29 not how the k. of D. can treat w i t h o u t the k. of Pol. I suppose nothing will more provoke him to it, then some apparent testimonye of his h i g h n e s's conjection with the k. of Sweden, which is e a r n e s t l y e x p e c t e d here to be e effected by the k. of Sw. his ministers in E n g l a n d; which (as I told you in my last) is the reason why no new 13 proposition is ma d e to m e here. I have already sent the kinge's awnswer into Denmarke to mr. Meadowes: when the king's proposition thereupon shall be known, some probable conjecture may bee made, whether this will come to a treaty in earnest. In the meane time I doe confess, I doe not well understand what necessity there will bee of my stay in these parts; for the businesse betwixt the king of Sweden and us, I conceyve it may be soone dispatch't, when I can bee certainly informed, how farre you have proceeded in England, and shall receyve your farther instructions thereupon, and for the other treaty betwixt the crownes of Denmark and Sweden, which is like to be so dilatorie, I hope his highness will not banish mee soe long, as to tye mee to attend that, who have beene already in his service 14 months absent from my familye. Sir, here are arrived three under the character of embassadors extraordinarye from the states of Holland, to whom the king hath refused to give audience, as hee did formerly, because there is as yet noe satisfaction given him for their refusing to treat with his resident in Holland, or to give an anwswer to such propositions as hee made him concerninge divers injuries, which hee intimated to have receyved from that state. As soone as I heard of their comming to this towne, I gave them a visit, which they were pleased this day civilly to returne. And by some discourse, which I had with them, I was induc't this evening to wayte upon his majesty, which when after I had a long discourse concerning their affayres, I found it to bee his resolution not to give them audience untill it should please the states to give them power to give him satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned: and in this I find him very positive. I dare not take upon mee to give advice in a matter of soe greate concernment; it beeing not my part to act more then that of a true informer of the state of affayres in these parts where I am employed; but certainlye, so much I may say with modestye, that it is of noe small concernment, that somthing be acted speedilye for prevention of such inconveniencies, as may arise to the publique interest from these differences. In the meane time I shall use my best indeavours here. I write this letter late at night, upon intimation, that his majesty sends away an expresse to-morrow morning; and am forc't to omit some things which you shall (God willing) receyve by the next post from
I find from the k. Sw. that the t r u e r e a s o n why he r e f u s e t h a u d i e n c e to the Dutch am. is, that he would first have the treat y with Denmark f i x e d, that soe he may not be put to r e f u s e their m e d i a t i on in it, which he supposeth they would t e n d e r, though not to the advancement of the i n t e n d e d peace. I am of opinion that k. Swed. has much m i n d, that the st. generall should be his publick e n e m y s, then like friends to the Danes; or that if they should clearly joyn with the Danes to take the whole power of the Baltick sea out of his hand s, the protector would be forced to i n t e r p o s e all his s t r e n g t h by s e a to hinder that d e s i g n e.
A letter of intelligence from col. Bamfylde.
Although I hope my former letters have all come to your hands, yet leaste any of them should have miscarryed, I have thought fitt to answer to your laste of the 1st October, to make a repetition of some particulars, which I have allready mentioned. First, the tyme of the election of the emperour is very uncertayne, neither the French nor Spanish faction being desirous to hasten it: the first from the expectation to draw considerable forces into Lorain, Alsatia, and the frontiers of Germany, to encourage such as have inclinations to translate the imperiall dignity from the Austrian family to some other, to confirme those who waver and resolve to followe the strongest party, and to terrify others, whoe yet seem to favour theyr enemyes, and untill there may be (if possible to be effected) an accommodation wrought betwixt the two crownes of Sweden and Denmarke; which if accomplished, will, in all probability, turne the ballance in theise parts, and engadge most of the Lutherane princes and states in that interest, whoe are much more affectionate to the king of Sweden then they are to the French. The Spanish party desire to retard the election untill the king of Hungary be of age, his minority being a very materiall objection against theyr choise of him at this present; soe as upon the circumstance of tyme there can be noe more sayd, but that the deputation of the ambassadours continues here (though there has been lately some thoughts of their separating) whoe, I beleive, will shortly fall upon the discussion of those greivances, which both the kings of France and Swede complayne of: by which debates and determinations wee may the better judge, which party will have the greater influence upon the moste important affayre, which for the present, I assure you, is not clear enough for the wisest man upon this place to be able to give you the categoricall accounte that you desire in your laste letter. Touching the other particular, which you would be inform'd of, whoe they would have, that decline the house of Austria ? I can only tell you, that there have been propounded in private discourse (there not having hitherto been any debate in the assembly upon that subject) the king of France, the duke of Savoy, the duke of Newburgh, and the duke of Bavaria. For the first, the same objections are good against him, which his ministers have alledged against the choise of an emperor out of the house of Austria, that the conjunction of the Roman empire with the crowne of France in one person will tend more to the infringing the antient priviledges of this government, and conduce more to the makeing of it hereditary, and occasion greater jealousys amongst the neighbouring princes and states, then the king of Hungarye's being invested therewith can doe, although he should succeed to the crowne of Spayne; by reason, that France bordering upon Germany, can with much more ease and expedition bring forces thence into the empire then the Spaniard can, who must pass through Itally and over the mountaynes: besides another objection, which signifyes very much in this countrey, that the king of France is not of it, and the other is. For the duke of Savoy, he is not able to support the dignity without being chargeable to the empire; and though he be a sœdator to it, he is noe Germane. The nomination of the duke of Newburgh was thought ridiculous by all: in sine, neither of these three nor theyr ministers now think of it themselves: but the duke of Bavaria may stande fayre for it, being a Catholique, a German, an elector, little inseriour to the other either in quality, power or wealth; being in a streight league with France, and nowe allyed to that crowne by the marriage with the duke of Savoy's sister, his wealth and power is sufficient to supporte the dignity of the empire, and not soe great as to enable him to invade the libertyes and priviledges thereof: soe as I assure you, 'tis a verry difficult matter to judge as yet whoe is likelyest to carry it, the king of Hungary, or he. France is for him, and 342 for France: the elector of Collen is his unckle, and therefore will probably be for him, unless the Spaniards are extraordinary powerfull in Flanders, which may terrifye him from his inclinations and the interest of his family, his territoryes lying exposed to their invasion: and Grammont is very confident of the elector of Treves, both from his interest and his promise; soe, as if either the elector of Mentz or of Brandenburgh can be gayned to this party, the French interest will carry it away clearly for the duke of Bavaria. Mayence giv s great hope t o Fran ce, that prince R o b e r t, whom he trust e s much, a n d in gag' d him in the service of Hungary, assures the contrary. For my part, I think it very doubtfull at the best. The elector of Mayence was advanced to that dignity from the condition of a private gentleman by the power of the French marshall de Turenne having in a manner constrayned his election, by countenancing of it with his army. The French ambassadours and he are seldome asunder, and great appearances of intimacy between them; but what 'twill amount to in the conclusion is hard to judge. The duke of Saxony is undoubtedly for the house of Austria, and the electors of Mayence and Brandenburgh are beleived by some whoe pretend (and have reason) to knowe much, inclined that way: but, for the last, it is most likely, that he will steer according to the proceedings and advice of the states of the Lowe-Countries, and appear for the other party, in case of an accorde betwixt the Dane and the Swede: and for the firste, if he findes the French and theyr interest considerable enough to ballance that of theyr enemyes, I beleive he will not expose himselfe for the house of Austria. This is, I am confident, the certaynest accounte you can have of this affayre at the present from any hand, unless they will pretend to know more then is to be knowne. The king of Hungarye's army consists really of aboute 36,000 men; in Poland and Prussia are 16,000; in Hungaria, upon the frontiers of Transylvania, are 8000; and in Bohemia and Austria are quartered about 14,000 more. They are levying about 8,000 more. Touching the dispatch you mention, I have informed my self better now then I had done by the laste. There was not any taken comeing from hence; but about seven weekes since, both the courier and pacquett was taken, that went hence to the court before theyr arrivall at Mets. It was done by the souldiers of the garrison of Luxemburgh; but not any thing could possibly be discovered either of persons or buissinesses, the whole dispatches being in a very intricate cypher, except the names of persons and places, which were in a particular caracter, much more impossible to be discovered, then if they had been in figures. As I have always given you some information, the elector of Mayence has continued the assembly, to consider of the severall greivances complayned either before the late emperor's death or since, and to prepare proper remedies for them to be confirmed in the electorall colledge, and to be ratifyed by the emperour that shall be, before his inauguration. I have not heared any thing concerning the duke of Yorke's comeing hither; and doe not thinke it likely, that the king will consent to it; and hope it is not soe. Generall Wi del t a z a c, who c o man d s for elector Palati n, i s gone yesterd. p o s t to the French court at M e t s, about m o n y for more l e v y e s; at h i s return: he goe s t o Brandenburg and to the land g r a v e ct H e s s; both from France a n d Palatinate. I have noe more to say for the present, but that I am,
Major-general Jephson to secretary Thurloe.
Having notice upon saturnsday in the evening, that his majesty intended early the next morning to dispatch away an expresse with letters from England, I wrote to you that night at large, soe that I have not much more to say; but I know it is very possible, that this by the ordinarye post may come first to your hands, and therefore shall re Peate some of the most materiall thinges in that letter, and make some little other addition of such other thinges as I might eyther forgett or have fallen out since. I send you here inclosed a duplicate of his majesty's awnswer to the propositions concerning his highnesse's mediation between him and the king of Denmarke; and doe assure you, that according to the best of my observations, here is a very reall inclination to that treatye, if it may be w i t h o u t i n c l u d ing the king of Poland and house of Austria: and in this opinion I am confirmed every day more and more, upon the grounds in the aforesaid letter mentioned; and doe believe, that nothing will more probably incline Denmark to a r c a l i t y in that treat y, then a s t r i c t and s p e e d y c o n j u n c t i on b e t w i x t E n g land and Sweden. I cannot heare, that Brandenburg hath proceeded or is like to goe further than a neutr a l i t y wl i t h Poland; and some late injuries, which hee hath received from the party in Pomerania, g i v e s hopes here, that he will not longer continue in that. I had last night late an intimation, that king of Sweden is sending one of his councill to him. I doe Believe, nothing will more tend to settlement of affeyres here, then if you would be pleased, if it may bee done with conveniencye, that some f e w of your frigat s did appeare t o w a r d the Baltic sea; which I know noe reason but may bee done as well a s states-generalls. What I formerly wrote to you in relation to this place, was upon supposition of peace with Denmark; though, if I bee rightly informed, it is not altogether impossible to passe thro' the Sound, without his l e a ve. I heare that my letter to mr. Meadowes is gone from Hamburgh under covert of a merchant's letter, wherein I hope hee will safely receyve the king of Sweden's answer to the proposition of peace, and wee shall not long bee without the king of Denmarke's reply. Sir, I gave you intimation in my last of the dissension, which was like to bee betwixt his majesty and the states of Holland, upon the account of his refusall to give their embassadors audience, because they, upon some dislike of the person, refused to treat with the resident here, or to give any satisfaction to some propositions of his complayning of severall injuries done him in favour of the Danes. Having discourst with his majesty concerning it on saturnsday late in the evening, I find him positive in his resolution of not intertayning them, untill some satisfaction be given him in the above-mentioned particulars. Beeing willing before the goeing away of the post to give you some further account of this matter (yesterday beeing the Lord's-day) I had this morning some conference with one of them (mynheer Hubert) who is of Zeland, w h o m by my intelligence I find to b e best a f f e c t e d to E n g land and Sweden, and whose discourse confirmed me in that opinion. Hee is very apprehensive, that the k. of Sweden's r e f u s ing them a u d i e n c e will soe p r o v o a k e the states-gen. that upon notice of it they will r e c a l l them; which is like to make the breach wider, and bee very prejudiciall to the Protestant interest: and therefore I doe reiterate my humble advice, that some present indeavours from England may bee used to prevent this mischiefe, in which I shall still use my utmost industrye. I herewith send you the duplicat of the small paper, which I sent in my last, to make use of as you think sit. I shall give you noe further trouble at present, because I am still in doubt, that all the letters are too tedious, which you receyve from
I find from Poland, that the t r u e r e a s o n why he r e f u s e t h a u d i e n c e to the Dutch embassadors is, that he would first have the treat y with Denmark f i x e d, that so he may not be put to r e f u s e their m e d i a t i on in it; which he supposeth they would t e n d e r, though not to the advancement of the i n t e n d e d peace. I am of opinion, that the Swede hath much m i n d, that the states generall should be his publick e n e m y s, then private friends to the Danes; for that if they should clearly joine with the Dane, to take the whole power of the Baltic sea out of his hand s, the pro tector would be forced to i n t e r p o s e all his s t r e n g t n by s e a, to hinder that d e s i g n e.
A letter of intelligence from Blank Marshall.
This is my third since I received yours, and I am consident I have given a perfect relation; but it is almost impossible to give you an exact account of the number the army is of, in regard the most of the foot are begging in the country. For this last week the army was drawn out; all the foot they then had could not make 1200 men. But there is a month's pay gone hence for them, which is believed will draw the forces again to lodge there: if they do, they cannot be above what was said in my last. For the garrisons, there is none of them strengthned with men but Graveline.
I desired in my last, that you would be careful of Mardyke, and likewise, that you would place trusty governours. On thursday last, at night, Mardyke was assaulted upon the out-works; which, they say, they have thrown down with little loss. One captain Tuck was shot in the foot with a great shot. All the great ones of the army were there. Ormond had his horse shot under him near Bristol. All belonging to Charles Stuart were there but Rochester, who is sick in Dunkirk; and Taasse, who is sick at Brussels. The duke of Gloucester is here, going this next week to Breda. Your men come daily from Burburg. Those that desire passes have them, and those that do stay are entertained by colonel for Charles Stuart his life-guard, who is quartered in Dyxmuyde. I will assure you, there is another assault intended for Mardyke; and that they will find a smart one. Let the ships be watchful, whenever an easterly wind blows. Charles Stuart and the duke of York are still at Dunkirk. Upon my word, the French have not played their part: if they had, you would have been in possession of Dunkirk, and the rest. We hear, they have made off. If true, let Mardyke be watchfull. If I may be believed, this is truth, and we may be very hopeful to see you this winter.
Sir, if you do not answer my last request, I do not know what to do; for I am a prisoner here for want. If you please to supply me, I have need of it. Dunkirk will be my best for you to reside in. I am ashamed to be thus troublesome, but necessity forces me. For news we have little; only we are daily troubled with English poor soldiers, that pass this way for England. The Hollander will have no more of that trouble; for they have given order, no more of that fort shall come their way; for they fill their guest-houses so full, that they have not room for their own. So humbly beg pardon for this tedious digression.
Mareschal Turenne to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.
I believe, that you have received my last letter: and when mr. Lockhart parted hence, he believed fully, that the proposition, which was made of the rasing Mardyke, was only least they should lose it, and so receive that affront: and I have taken all other expedients, as soon as I had let them see, that it was impossible, that the army of the king should continue there, to make them go on with the works: and thereupon we sent thither 400 French, of whom I am confident mr. Reynolds had very good satisfaction in this last asfault. Mr. Lockhart lay this night in my quarters, and this morning went for Paris. That which made us at the beginning despair of Mardyke, was the little care, that the English had of it; and if there should any thing chance ill, the only cause would be, because the pallisadoes and the carpenters have been so long a coming. In business of execution as this, before men can speak and answer, the thing is done, and there needs no manisesto to justify the marchings or fashions of proceeding here; and I assure myself, that my lord protector sees well, that we act therein very sincerely. I received yesterday letters from the court, while mr. Lockhart was with me; and I shewed him almost all they writ to me. I am much deceived, if he went not hence very well satisfied: he writ all the night long for England. I do verily believe, that the intention of my lord protector is, that Mardyke should be preserved; but as he fees, that that is not a thing certain, he would not have the shame nor the expence of it. On this side we shall act therein, as if it were the interest of France itself. The expence will not be so excessive, as they should hinder the execution of other things necessary; of which there are two things especially may hinder the enemy from the retaking Mardyke: the one is the working about the low fort, which is the principal; for we know certainly by letters intercepted, that if it were in good condition, the enemy would not assault it. The other, that the fleet be always in the channel with four or five hundred soldiers in it: my lord protector might take them out of his old regiments. I pray you, propose this from me; and to answer in sew words to what you write me, there is no body, that knows not there is no marching in Flanders, unless one first take some place upon the Lys. After the taking St. Venant, I marched to the succour of Ardres. Afterwards, being come back to pass the Lys, I marched with diligence into Flanders, and came to Wate, from whence I sent mr. Talon to England. After the taking of Mardyke, I believed I might have continued near Graveline, which was impossible; and after that I shewed mr. Lockhart plainly, that it was impossible for the army to return to Mardyke: and in case it had been possible, it was not reasonable; for it was necessary to employ all this time to labour in the communications of Bourburgh, without which Mardyke is useless; and I believe they knew in England, how our army returned to Mardyke as soon as we knew it was assaulted. For Dunkirk, it had been to be wished, that we could have assaulted it; and I have no other reason to give, but that I judged we could not. It is a month and more since Mardyke was taken, and that they have not wrote about it. If there chance any ill accident, that will be the cause of it. And notwithstanding all the assurances, that have been given of pallisadoes and carpenters, they have continued till now without being able to fall to work; and you may say, that if the army had been at Mardyke, it would have been of no use there, there being nought of all that which was promised should be there: all those things are now out of season. I agreed with mr. Lockhart, that I should give an order to mr. Reynolds to command for the king in Mardyke. He desired very much, and very much insisted to have a French commander put into it; so that the business rested in this equality or temperament.
Secretary Thurloe to H. Cromwel, commander in chief of the army in Ireland.
My last letter will make your lordship beleive I was very melancholye at the writeinge thereof: I confesse I was under a very great sence of the present posture of affaires, and shall scarce be otherwise, untill I see a remedy suitable to the disease. What that is, I trust the Lord will leade unto, or at least help us to say, with all contentation and acquiescence, Not our will, but his will be done. It is very probable, that the affaires of Ireland may be setled to morrow, thinges beinge put into some readines; but I shall not trouble your lordship with perticulers, least I shall doe a vaine thinge, and speake of that, which may receive alteration before I write againe. I desire your lordship to burne my letters, both this and my last, without any communication of them to any person whatsoever. The cavaleir partye is exceedinge buissie againe, and the face of thinges looks as if they would suddenly breake out; and I know some perticuler persons in England, whom they have engaged, that were never outwardlye of their partye before, and could not have beene well suspected, but that wee have thinges very perticular and certeyne concerninge them; and its sure, that more then ordinary hopes are conceived by them. Thinges here are puttinge into the best posture wee can to prevent a suddeine irruption; and warninge is given to the severall quarters of the army and garrisons, to be aware of a surprise, and to be carefull of their charges; and I suppose your excellency will give the same comaunds to the army there. There are some perticuler persons, whose names I have, who are of the Irish in Conaught, that doe not only corresponde with the enemye, but are able to serve their interest, which I shall be bold to transmitt to your lordship, when I have a further knowledge of what they doe; I knowe soe much already, that Ireland is one parte of the present designe.
Our forces in Flanders hinders very much their present action, which made them put very harde to remove them out of Mardyke the other night, where sir John Reynolds is in person: the manner was this: Upon thursday night last, about 10 of the clocke, the enemye came before the fort with 3000 foot and 4000 horse, bringinge with them many thousand faggots, pioneers tooles, hand-granadoes, &c. in waggons; intendinge, as was supposed, a suddeine storme; and in order thereunto they endeavor'd a way over the first graft, (for their are 2 grafts) and got over, and came up to the counter scarpe of the other grast: but the defendants did their parts soe well, that the enemye found the worke soe hott, that they drew of by 4 of the clocke in the morninge, and lest behinde them all their waggons, faggots, tooles, granadoes, and many armes. What men they lost is not knowne; 50 were found buryed into the sand, with 7 horses, one of them had a very rich saddle. Charles Stewart and the pretended duke of Yorke were in the field, hopeinge the English would have betrayed the garrison to them: the designe was managed by Caracene and Marcyne, too of the best generalls they had.
I suppose your lordship hath had a full account of the duke of Buck's marryeinge the lord Fairefax his daughter. My lord Fairefax was here this day with his highnes, to desire favour on the behalfe of the duke and his new wise; the duke being now fought for to be committed to the island of Jersey. H. H. dealt freindly with him, but yet plainely, and advised him to doe that now, which he should have done before; that is, consult with his old freinds, that had wente alonge with him in all the warrs, what was fitt for him to doe, and to listen noe more to those, who had brought him into this evill, and to looke upon them as those, who are enemyes both to his honor and interest. My lord Fairefax laboured to justifie himselfe as well he could, and was willinge to beleeve, that the duke was a better man then the world tooke him to be: and soe his highnes and he parted.
I had letters this day from colonel Jephson from Wismar in Mecklinghberge; 'tis a port of the kinge of Sweden's upon the East-sea: the kinge himselfe is there on purpose to intend his fleet, which is in that harbour; it consists of 34 ships, and hath on board it 3000 land-men. The Dane's fleet, which is much stronger, hovers about that court; but I doe not perceive, that there is like to be any engagement at sea. The kinge is alsoe endeavouringe to get forces together, to stopp the Poles in Prussia; but there hath beene noe action any where in those parts. The Swede's cheif armye lyes in the king of Denmarke's countrye. His highnes's envoye with the king of Denmarke hath beene treated with all respect; and haveinge offered his highnes's mediation, to compound the differences between hym and Sweden, that kinge hath accepted thereof, but yet in somewhat doubtfull expressions, which need explanation. There are noe letters come from Ireland this fortnight. I feare I have beene too tedious in these affaires, for which I humblye begge your lordship's pardon, and remayne
Memorial of the Swedish commissioners.
Whereas his majesty of Swedeland's commissioners, that were appointed and arrived here nine months ago, have understood, that a scruple was objected after their long staying here in this place, touching the time and term of the first meeting and plenary negotiation with the commissioners of the state; namely, that the time expressed in the treaty concluded on both sides was expired a great while ago; they cannot but wonder, why such an objection was not moved unto them at the first arrival, or at the presenting of their first power, or at least before the commissioners of this state were ordained, and had a full power given them to meet and treat with them. And because a firm treaty hath been once in clear and plain terms concluded on between both sides of the confederates, and rectified, the Swedish commissioners do not conceive to be in their power to alter and change either any thing of the commission or the time therein comprehended, by a new convention, or to renew the same in such an important and weighty business, without the consent of him, from whom they received their commission, unless it be done without prejudice to their sovereign, and upon equitable and tolerable conditions; since it doth appear, that they on their side have not solely made no delay, nor given chiefly any occasion of such a long putting off and retardation.
2. The Swedish commissioners would not make great difficulty, especially this business belonging to the upholding and establishing of the inviolable amity of both confederates, to the end, that the good intent and laudable meaning of both states might be furthered and promoted, if they might hear, that this state would make some reflection upon their long and fruitless stay here in these parts; and in consideration whereof, favourably to come to a resolution, that without any further delay a certain day might be appointed and fixed for their meeting, whereby the negotiation itself may be begun; and afterwards from that day, during only of two months following, all the differences in question on both sides may be examined, and fully determined, and also the whole may be precisely, and within that time ended and finished; which the Swedish commissioners are verily perswaded to be feasible, since they conceive, that the pretences hereunto belonging of the subjects of the king of Sweden may be finished within a very short time, if only the superfluous and unnecessary disputes and scrupulous questions be avoided on both sides, according to the tenor of the treaty.
Thirdly, Moreover, the Swedish commissioners conceive, that the execution it self, that is, the restitution and satisfaction of the damages should be fully, and without delay, made and given within the space of one month after each sentence pronounced by the commissioners, by the king or state, whose subjects shall be adjudged to perform the satisfaction by virtue and force of the treaty concluded. But they do by no means understand thereby those ships and goods, which many months ago have been pronounced free of this state by the equitable sentence of their judge, whose execution both of restitution and satisfaction they think should be in readiness, without any either exception or longer delay. Likewise also they conceive, that all the cautions and securities given and made here before the discharge of some ships and goods should be immediately released by the states, or upon their orders.
Fourthly, The Swedish commissioners are also of an opinion, that all differences lawsuits and process depending either in prima or secunda instantia, being yet undecided, especially being of that nature to be propounded according to the tenor of the treaty, and to be determined by the appointed commissioners of both sides, should be immediately referred, without any delay, to the commissioners of both states.
Fifthly, Lastly, the English commissioners conceive it to be just and necessary, that the ordained commissioners of both sides should, in the entrance of the treaty, and before the overture of the negotiation have mutually an oath of impartiality, because of some weighty reasons, in all those controversies, which shall be propounded and exhibited, administred unto, and according to a certain form, which may be agreed upon, being grounded upon the equity and treaty itself.
If now these afore-alledged conditions may be accepted, and speedily take an effect, which the Swedish commissioners do desire, and think to be just, they would not make difficulty at all to meet with the commissioners of this state; since this very same would be on this side a real demonstration of the desired fruits; and by this means their long and fruitless stay would be made up; and thus upon these conditions they might have a just cause to renew the time, and no reason in this case to refuse or deny what should be sitting and equitable. But if, to the contrary, they should not have shortly an answer, and a certain resolution agreeable to the treaty, returned unto them, they hope and confide, that their unnavoidable departure from these parts would be well excused, and taken in good part.
The Commissioners from the king of Sweden, to secretary Thurloe.
We question not, you have sufficient notice, how our affairs at present stand; as likewise how prejudicial long delays may prove; which causeth this importunity, earnestly to desire you will please to give us notice, whether we shall wait upon the commissioners to morrow; that according to your last promise we could get a final determination, which his majesty highly desireth. And this will much oblige
Draught of a letter concerning the Swedish affairs, to general Mountagu.
The designe for the 20 ships is to give countenance to Sweden, whose affairs are in a most dangerous condition, being left alone in the midst of very many powerful enemies, as the Pole, the king of Hungary, the Muscovite, and the Dane, and feares also the Dutch, who give money, and if need bee, will send to the Dane the eighteen ships, which were appointed to lye upon the Dogger-bank. The ministers of Sweden are of opinion, that if twenty ships were sent that way to wait upon the motions of the Dutch, though no act of unkindness past, it would keepe the Dutch from him. Before the instructions will be ready, a person will be sent down to confer at large with your lordship upon the way of management of this business. This is under absolute secrecy, and is not to be communicated to any.
Consul Maynard to the protector's council.
In my laste to your honor, which was the 20/30th October, I signifyed, that Meroan, a garrison the Spaniards lately tooke, was to be surrendered to the Portugal general on the 29th; which was accordingly performed. The army is not yet returned this syde the river. If the raine do not hinder them, they intend to sitt downe before some other garrison of the Spaniards. The Lord hath been pleased to manifest himselfe much of late to these people; for besides the retakinge of Meroan, the greatest parte of the Brazeel fleet are arryved. At the end of October here arryved a galion from the Byhia in Brazeel, which brought the governor of that place. The next day after came in capt. Cox of London from the Rio de Janeiro, with the governor of that place. The 5th of this moneth came in 33 shipps more of that fleete, the 23d came five, and yesterday entered eight. There are yet wanting about 30 sail, which is hoped they will all escape the Hollanders; for they have been forced lately by fowle weather to goe off the coaste. De Rutter was joyned with Opdam's squadron before the storme, as wee have advise by two English ships, which came from the island de Azores; so the Dutch fleet are in all 28 saile. De Rutter's vice-admiral examined the masters of two Inglish ships, whether they had any goods for Portuguese accounts? which they denied (notwithstandinge one of them was loaden with corne for account of the Portuguese). They suffered them to come into this porte without any further trouble.
The French ambassador is now in a fair way to conclude with the king of Portugal. They are agreed on the sume, which is two millions of crownes. They differ only in the tyme of payment: the Portuguese would have paid it in foure yeares. The French engage to make warr on the Spaniard in Catalonia.
May it please your honor, I have made bold to send mr. James Abrathot, a merchant, for the 100 l. I paide mr. Metham, which I was loath to doe; but I am at a very great charge. The minister will cost me about 300 l. a yeare; and I have disburst about 200 l. for intelligence; and henceforward my intelligence will be more chargeable than formerly, else I should not presume to have troubled your honor with this some; for which I heartily beg your honor's pardon, and rest
Consul Maynard to secretary Thurloe.
I received your letter by don Roberto, whoe staide with me not above a quarter of an houre. About the end of this weeke I shall speake with him again, whoe, I know, will write you what agreement wee made. At present there is come to my knowledge a businesse of great concernment to his highnesse the lord protector of Ingland. In Porta de Sancta Maria there lives an Inglishman, called Henry Rumbel, who keepes no secrett from me, by reason of the good opinion the duke hath of me. He declared to me, that he keepes correspondence with several of the deceased king's party, and particularly with one, whoe was lately a prissoner in Spaine, and was sett at liberty on condition, that at his comeing to London, he should free a captain, that was taken in one of the India shipps, that was a prissoner there, whose name was don Francisco d'Andrade. He is a person of about 28 or 30 yeares of age. It may easily be discovered whoe this person is, by knowinge what Inglish were lately prissoners in Spaine, and the person that freed don Francisco d'Andrade. It will be of great concernment to the lord protector, that this man be found out, for he will discover others, that have been sente lately out of Sparne, who intend some high piece of treason against his highness the lord protector of Ingland; which I gather by ther beinge in company with the duke de Medina-Cely and don Vincente Tottavilla. The duke said to don Vincente, London costs a vast sume of money, but I can see nothinge performed of what is promised from tyme to tyme. To which don Vincente Tottavilla answered, if our intelligence be true, the businesse is well followed, and we shall speedily have our desire. Henry Rumbel hath another correspondent in Faro, whose name is Henry Johnson, an Inglishman, that gives him all the intelligence of the Inglish fleete; but the duke presently knowes it. Rumbel hath another correspondent at Lisbon, that writes him of all passages from thence, and I shall be in a little ty me able to tell you his name. There is likewise another Inglishman in Port St. Maria, whose name is Anthony Oton, to whom the duke pretends greate kindnesse, but will not trust him, because he hath advice from London, that he is a confident of the lord protector's. What occurs hereafter in this and other businesse you shall be sure to have an account of. So far my intelligence.
Your honor will see by this, that those that eate his highnesse's bread are traitors to him. That Johnson of Faro hath gotten many a 100 l. by buyinge prize-goods, and the generals would have none to buy their wynes in Faro but him. I cannot yet imagine whoe is Rumbel's friend in this citty; but it shall be my care and dilligence to find him out. There is one mr. James Wilson, that lived long in Cadix formerly, and hath noe imployment here at all, nor ever comes into company of any Inglishman out of the family he lives in; but he is conversant with all the commanders of the fleete, especially the very admiral that now is: he is very often aboard the fleete, but never comes into the citty; and he imbarkt lately for the bay of Cadix, and retourned here againe with the admyrall. He gave out he went to buy prize-goods; and I am told he intends to retourne againe for the bay with the admyrall. Besides this, I have noe cause to suspect him; but wherever he be, I question not but I shall soon discover him. The friggott is just on departure, so I cannot enlarge. If the admyrall had not occation to sende this ship, I should not have been able to have given your honor this intelligence, which may be of very great consequence to his highnesse my lord protector. I beseech your honor to be pleased to consider of sendinge an order, that I may have a friggott to send home, if there be occation. The Lord of heaven ever blesse and protect your honor, are the dayly praiers of
The examination and confession of Patrick Croley, gent. taken the 29th of October, 1657.
Who saith, that about the middle of August last he came from Brussels to Zealand, and stayed a fortnight there for a wind; and then took shipping in a Scotch vessel, and was nine days at sea, and very sick, and so was at landing at Disert in Scotland, where he hears he stayed about a month, being very weak with a quartan ague; and as soon as he was able, he came to Edinburgh to general Monck, to obtain his pass for Ireland; who gave it him, after he had examined him of several particulars concerning Charles Stuart, and of his party in Flanders. And being demanded what pass he had from Brussels? saith, the said general asked him the said question, as he now doth; that he had no pass, there being no need of any in those countries, where no strangers are hindred to travel; neither are those, that command either in the Spanish dominions, or the states, accustomed to give any passes to strangers. And being also demanded, why he came over into Ireland ? saith, he hath been sick of the quartan-ague and fever above a year; and being advised by physicians to come into his native country, there being no other probable cure for him. Also he saith, he hath been 13 years out of Ireland, and hath, during that time, studied the civil-law, and took the degree of doctor; and that he may have liberty to practice in that profession, doth not intend to follow any other: and faith, that his commission he above five years since to be vicar-general of Clogher diocess, he will disclaim and burn it presently; if he may have leave to do it. And being enquired, if he had lately seen Charles Stuart ? saith, he saw him osten at Brussels, where he hath been all the last summer, having the house assigned him to live in there, which the old queen-mother of France had, and a pension from the king of Spain; and that he spendeth his time amongst the ladies there: but that the duke of York hath been in the field all the summer; and also, that the duke of Gloucester is much given to martial exercises; and saith, that there are six regiments under the names of Charles Stuart's forces, whereof are colonels the duke of York, the duke of Gloucester, marquis of Ormond, lord Wilmot, the earls of Bristol and Middleton; and believes they are not above 2500 men, and that they are all Irish except about 50 English and Scotch soldiers, which regiments the duke of York did command all the summer in the field in the Spanish army: also he saith, there are five Irish regiments more, commanded by these colonels; viz. colonels Philip O-Reily, Murto Brian, col. Murphy, col. Dempsey, and col. Fitzgarret, which are reputed about 3500 men, and which are also to be under Charles Stuart, when he hath any design for them, which, as he heard, was about a year since part of these dominions; but that shipping was wanting but being demanded what hopes there was now of shipping ? saith, that the Hollanders have lately sold about 50 ships to the king of Spain for lands in Guelderland; and that they were sent away about August, the last of them to the coast of Spain, there to be mann'd and provided for sea-service: and further saith, it was reported in Flanders, that the duke of York was to go for Spain this winter, to sollicit for money, and to set to sea some frigots formerly imployed on the sea under Charles Stuart's command and commission; and further saith not.
Mr. Longland, agent at Leghorn, to secretary Thurloe.
I Se by your letter of the first of October, that Mardyke is delivered up by the French into the hands of his hyhnes the protector. I hope it wil not be longer Dunkirk follow. Thos rich countreys will be happy under his hyhnes's government, and Ingland no les happy in their conjunction, which I hope is not farr off. This day cam ashore here the cardinal Barbarini, being brauht hether by six ships of war from Tollon: from hence he goes to Florence and Rom.
It is not unknown to your honor, that his hyhnes has latly commanded me to reciev the gran seignor's provisions (which captain Ell very unworthilly brauht hither) and retorn them to their ryht owners; wherof I hav given his hyhnes an account by the enclosed. I went to Florrence, and sollicited the great duk therin, who very readily granted whatsoever his hyhnes the protector requyred. The ship and commander are under a sequestration, and wil so continue, til his hyhnes be pleased to giv further order therin. The great duk told me, a Spanish carvil was arryved at St. Sebastians with 400 thousand pieces of eight from Havanna, and that a million of the mony was saved out of the gallions sunk last year nere Havanna. He lykwys tould me, his agent writt to him from Viena, that the duk of Brandenburg and the Pole wer agreed to leav Prussia regal to Brandenburg, and he to furnish the Pole with 6000 souldiers. How true this is, I refer to your honor's better consideration. I am,
From monsieur D'Ormesson.
The passage of the pacquet boat hath surprized me, &c. Mr. Lockhart came back into this town much satisfyed with the success of the assault upon Mardyke, and with mons. Turenne's marching without one quarter of an hour's delay to succour it. He is gone for Paris, after seeing mons. Turenne in the camp. Mons. Talon is at present at Mardyke, to hasten the works, and put them into a condition of defence. I have sent thither a hundred French, taken out of the best of our bodies of men or regiments, and I have sent money thither, and many provisions necessary, till those arrive, that ought to come from England. The fortifications of Bourburgh, and of the forts that are about it, will be finished within a few days. In the mean time I have sent them all things, that they will have need of for six months, so that in that time they will want no further refreshments. Mr. Fly shewed me a letter from his correspondent, who sends him a musquett, a pike, and a covering, to lett me see what kind of ones he can send. If I find it advantageous to make them come from London, I will entreat you to facilitate the transportation of them by your authority, and I will give order to pay for them in ready money. News at Paris, the death of mons. de Elbœuff and young Chastillon, and that shortly the place of first president of parliament will be filled.
Col. Tho. Cooper to H. Cromwell, major-general of the forces in Ireland.
The inclosed is a chardg against capt. Readinge of my regiment exhibited by some of his owne souldiers. The men I hear a veary bad report of, and am apt to think they have done it veary maliciously: what of truth may appear in it, tyme will manifest; but I hope they will not bee able to prove against him what they have alledged. The captaine hath been in the service from the first of the rebellion, and by what I have heard, hath carryed himselfe veary stoutly and veary faithfully in his comand: he hath been much from the regiment in out-garrisons, by which meanes I fear his company hath not been soe much under discipline as was meet; and have by that meanes (it may bee) occasioned their officers to correct them more arbitrarely, then otherwise was meet. I doe not speake to excuse any thinge, but rather to give your lordship a trew accompt of the matter, and thought it my duty to make it knowne to your lordship, and to acquiesce in what your wisdome shall think meet to have done it, and remaine,