A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 7, March 1658 - May 1660. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.
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February (2 of 2)
A letter of intelligence.
Yours of the 17th currant I have received, which brought me verie acceptable newes, that you have spoken to the gentleman, (you know who I meane) and that he desires me to continue to write the intelligence weekly to him, and that it shall turne to accompt for the time to come. I owe you many thankes for haveing been mindefull of me; and I dare trust you, that care shall be taken thereof. Sir, you may be sure, that I never shall faile to continue my writing weekely to the sayd gentelman, having your intimation of the command of the sayd gentleman to me. I perceive by your last letter to me of the 17th currant, that my letters to you of the 7th currant were not come on yet at London, when your post departed, in which I had enclosed a letter for the sayd gentleman, with a paper in Latin of concernment. It seemes our posts come on there, as long as some of yours doe here. I have since the 7th of February continued everie post to write to you, and to the sayd gentelman. You are to receive of the 7th, of the 14th, and of the 21st February. I hope before this time they will be arrived. Sir, you desire also in the letter to know of me, if there be any other place then now, where I am, where I thinke I might be more serviceable to the state of England, I should give you notice of. I have hereupon examined severall parts of Europe, where the interest of England lyes; and so much as I have studied it, I finde, that the citty of Danzig is at present the place, where I might be more serviceable to the state of England than here, because the treatie betwixt the Pole and the Suede is held there at a place called Oliva, a cloyster a mile onely from Danzig, where severall embassaders and publick ministers are met together for to take care of the interest of their masters. I beleeve England hath his interest likewise in the sayd treatie at Danzig (which I forbeare to remonstrate, being well enough knowne to the gentelman without me). If the gentelman please to command me to goe thether, lett him freely dispose of me. I shall be at any time ready to obey his commands; and when his directions come to my hands, I shall make all haste and speed for to goe thether, where and when he shall command me; but whether it be better to be sent thether with a publike caracter, or without it, I leave that wholly to the gentelman his owne consideration; yet if I should be sent thether privately, it will be necessary to have a pass in Latin from the sayd gentelman, under such a name and seal, as he shall thinke fitt, for to passe with more security to the place of treatie; and that in the sayd passe mention might be made of a businesse committed to me without naming it, I finde would not be amisse. But this I write onely to you, without any prejudice to you or any other. I referr this and other particulars touching this buysinesse to the great wisdome and large experience of the sayd gentelman; and I am very willing to obeserve exactly with much respect the commands of the same gentelman. I believe, if I be commanded to goe thither, or somewhere elce, I shall have some generall heads sett up for my secret instruction, and moneyes ordered for the journey accordingly. I pray, Sir, be pleased to acquainte the gentelman of all I have written to you, or to shew him my letter. I have intimated these my thoughts to you at large, because I would not be troublesome to the gentelman with such a prolix letter as this. I have here enclosed a letter to the gentelman from me containing the newes from these parts. Be pleased, Sir, to have it carefully delivered. For newes I referr you to the prints herewith enclosed. Thus I am
There is no great delay to be made for sending me to Danzig, because the treatie there goes on currantly; and if this journey be found to be of no great concernment for England, I am readie for any other journey, where the gentelman shall please to command me to goe to.
By letters from Danzig we have, that the Suede hath wrought out a stillstand for 20 yeares with the Pole. The Roman emperour, Dane, and Brandenburger are much disappointed of their aymes, being they stood so hard against peace, but a still-stand they could not hinder. This newes will make the Dane hasten his peace also with the Suede; and then the Suede will be able enough to oppose the Roman emperour. There will be a hot warr in Germany, if the peace with the Dane and the Pole be concluded.
The Danes have a dessein to besiege the strong castell Tonningen, where the duke of Holstein resides at present. They are much discontent with him. I forgot in my letter to mention France or Flandres, where I may be likewise serviceable to the state of England.
A declaration of the lord Broghill, and the officers of the army of Ireland, in the province of Munster.
As the freedom of parliaments is their undoubted right, so are our utmost endeavours for restoring them unto and preserving them in their freedom our undoubted duty. Our interest also is involved in our duty; and if we truly love that, we cannot decline this, since whosoever inquires into the foundations of his own freedom, his posterity's, and his country's, in a free and full parliament, as in a common centre, will find them all to meet. And therefore he, that is not free in his representative, has little reason to hope he shall be so in his person or property. The theory of this truth hath not been more believed by other nations, than the practice of it hath been sadly felt by ours. For ever since the first violence, which was put upon the authority of parliament in 1648, we have been without foundation, it having cost us more blood and treasure to maintain consusions, than ever it did cost any former age to free itself out of them. For whilst we are fighting for our properties and liberties, we have even almost in our successes lost both; and whilst we contended for reformation in religion, we have almost lost the very being and life of it, more heresies and schisms being introduced, whilst the highest light was pretended to, than ever the darkest times were involved in. And whilst we seemingly aspired to perfectness, we actually lost that charity, which is the bond of it, becoming thereby a reproach to ourselves, and a derision to that Protestant part of the world, unto which, whilst our supreme authority was inviolated, we were a bulwark; the universities and schools of learning in our nations having been looked more after to poison them than to keep them found, that not only our streams might be impure, but even our fountains. Many have been imployed to teach, who stood in need to be taught; and the legal maintenance of the ministry of the gospel conferred on men unable, unwilling, or unfit to dispense it, who had less ill deserved a maintenance for their silence, than their speaking. Never greater taxes raised for the armies and fleets, and never fleets and armies more in arrear. Taxes and impositions laid, which past ages never knew, and many thousand families of the present have been beggared by. Powers have made laws, and subsequent powers disowned and nulled what the preceding powers had acted; that now the questions are not so many, what is the meaning of the law, as what is a law; whereby that is become a subject of debate, which formerly was a rule for ending of it. All which are yet inseparable effects of such a cause; for whilst an authority itself is disputed, their acts will always be the like; and whilst many are unrepresented in making of laws, few will be satisfied to be obliged by them. And what is enacted by any but a full and free parliament, will always be questioned, if not repealed, when such an one doth sit. Nor can it be believed, that the laws of a parliament, the very much greater part of whose members are kept out without impeachment or trial, will ever pass the test of a free parliament, left thereby they should encourage others to serve them in like kind. These sad miseries and these certain truths made us believe we hazarded more in submitting to that force, that was so lately over us, than in taking up arms to oppose it, and thereby endeavouring the restauration of the parliament's authority; in which God was pleased so to own the duty of our endeavours, that in a few days we were not only at unity among ourselves, but even able and willing to offer our assistance to our brethren in England and Scotland, which had it been needed, it had been as readily sent as offered. But we must confess, we could hardly so much as imagine, that those members, which had so recently felt, and justly exclaimed against, a force upon themselves, would, when it was taken off, have denied their brethren to participate in that right they saw the three nations had engaged their all to restore them unto. If it be a justice to declare for the restoring of some parliament members under a force, it is a greater justice to appear for the restoring of all, that are under it; yea, as much as the whole is preserable to a part, so much greater is the duty of this declaring than of that. We were more than hopeful, that when the cause ceased, the effect would do the like; and when the rebellious part of the army was broken, those members would have been readmitted, which hitherto we were made believe were kept out only by it. The happiness of the new members restoration, and of the suppressing of those forces, which lately had interrupted them, would not have been greater, than the honour they would have acquired in making those other members, which had participated with them in their sufferings, to have also participated in their restitution. We were loth by an address of that nature to have lessened the beauty of their expected performance; and had rather have enjoyed the right and happiness of having this parliament full and free, as the product of the justice of this present house, than as any effect of our solicitations.
When the violence was put upon the parliament in 1648. we did with much contentment observe, how solicitous those, that sat, were to have it taken off, thereby asserting their rights, though they were denied the actual enjoyment of them; which made us the more chearfully engage ourselves to restore those to the power of doing justice, who then manifested they wanted not the will; it being a crime too great to enter into our beliefs, that they asked, because they were sure to be denied, and would approve, when they had the power, what they condemned, when they had not the power; which, though then objected against them by many, we did not then credit; and we wish we never since had cause to believe. Nor was it unobservable, that though such members of theirs, as have been lately put out of the house by them, as Sir Henry Vane, and others, were known to be guilty of joining with that rebellious part of the army, yet they admitted them to sit in the house, till particular charges were brought in against every one of them; they heard and judged by the house. If such be not the true and ancient manner of proceeding against members of parliament, why was it practised to those so deeply guilty ? And, is it be, why is it denied to others, who have not hitherto appeared to be so ? Doubtless such as were kept out of the house by a rebellious part of the army, merited at least as much favour and justice, as those who joined with it. We do the more deplore such a procedure, because from it pleas have been raised for the like violence acted on the members now sitting; and happy are those, who condemn not themselves in the things, which they allow.
What more pregnant proofs need there be of the want of those worthy patriots so long excluded, who with the earliest stood in the gap for our liberties and properties, than that petitioning to the parliament is now punished as a high crime in the people, which at the parliament's first meeting was declared to be their undoubted right ? And though a constant experience hath taught us, that the people may lawfully petition for repealing an act of parliament, which is grievous to them, and therefore much more against a vote, which is so; yet to our trouble and amazement we understand those worthy and eminent persons, who in obedience to their country's desires presented petitions for the restoration of the excluded members, an imprisonment in the tower was their answer; that, we again say, which was declared the right of the people, being now become their transgression. Is it not high time to declare for that justice, which, when petitioned for, is punished ? And because we know the common aspersion to such a declaration is, that it favours of a design of introducing the common enemy, we shall here set down some of those many grounds, which make us experience, that in the duty we now engage in, we are not to be frighted by such words. It may indeed terrify and dare others; but such, who mean what they say, and are satisfied in what they do, will only pity those, who therein believe what they speak, and contemn those, who therein speak what they do not believe. We rather doubt, that if the house be kept so empty as it is, it will admit the common enemy, than the house so filled; for whilst eight parts of ten of the people are unrepresented, and two nations of the three intirely, may not it too probably provoke those people to join with whoever will promise them their right, than lie under that power, which hath hitherto denied it to them ? To keep out most of the members, that a few may keep him out, is to do evil, that good may come thereof. We love to do lawful things lawfully.
That the house ought to be fuller than now it is, seems of late to be the granted opinion of the members, that now sit in it; and that we conceive can no way so probably with safety be effected, as by admitting all those, who in the year 1648. and since were excluded, those being likeliest to take care of our safeties and settlements, by whose authority our actings were influenced during the greatest heat of our wars; and therefore in interest as well as justice will be most concerned for us. And when such are admitted, there will be no fear, that the necessary qualifications for those additional members to be futurely elected, to supply the vacancies of delinquent and dead members, will be disobeyed, being enacted by so unquestionable an authority; nor that those then chosen can be able to over-vote so full a house, were that as much their design, as it is far from our thoughts to have so unworthy a belief of them.
We believe, under submission, that we have acted and sought against the pretended king, as long as any others; and therefore ought to apprehend his coming in as much as any others. But through the mercy of God, our principle is not to act an evil of ourselves, to secure the doubts of some, that our supreme authority else would commit one. We are not to speak nor think evil of the rulers of our people, nor out of the fear of an uncertain ill to decline a certain duty.
If the said excluded members be readmitted, they must be either the greater or the lesser number in the house: if the lesser, where is the danger of their admission ? if the greater, where is the justice of their exclusion ? For then it will appear, that the minor number keeps out the major. And if in the apprehension, that a parliament, when full and free, will abuse their authority, it be a received maxim to keep them from the exercise of it; a certain foundation is laid for all, that have the greatest force, to have also the greatest authority: and whoever hath strength, and this tenet together, may too easily be perfuaded to believe, that he hath as much right over the minor part of a parliament, as the minor part has over the major. Neither can any act of a supreme authority be so evil, as is the admitting, that any but the supreme authority ought practically to judge what is best for the nations. The one can be but an ill act in governors, but the other is a destroying all government. We do not desire, that any of the secluded members, if they have offended, may not be tried; but we humbly desire, that they may have a parliamentary trial: and though we much value their persons, yet we can with as much truth aver, we ask this for their cause, not for them; and had those members, who now sit, been in the condition of the excluded members, and the excluded members in their condition, we had as chearfully appeared for these, as now we do for those.
And considering that in past ages, and more particularly since the beginning of the late horrid rebellion in Ireland, our brethren in England have abundantly manifested a tender and compassionate sense of the condition of Ireland, and were careful to receive us in our lowest estate, as bone of their bone and flesh of their flesh; which we do and shall ever acknowledge with humble thankfulness, and (as a debt, which we well know to be due from us to them, above all people in the world) shall be for ever as tender of their happiness and welfare, as of our own, which indeed is involved in theirs, and without whom Ireland cannot be happy. We therefore remaining constant in the reasons of our brethrens declaration of the 14th of December, 1659, for adhering to the parliament, in defence of its privileges, and the just rights and liberties of these nations; all which we see now are apparently more and more violated by the non-admission of the said excluded members, and by not filling the vacant places, whereby the house might be full, and, being freed from force, might uninterruptedly act according to their judgments and consciences, towards resettling these nations, which otherwise in all human probability can never be restored to peace and tranquillity; we do therefore declare for a full and free parliament in England, consisting not only of those, that sat on the 11th of Oct. 1659, but also of all such of the members of parliament imprisoned, excluded, or withdrawn in December, 1648, as are yet living, who we desire may be restored to the freedom and liberty of their sitting and acting, according to the trusts committed to them by the several counties and places, which did chuse them; that so they may be no longer debarred from discharging their said trusts; and that vacant places may be speedily supplied by the free and due elections of the people, yet so as none of the persons to be admitted or elected be any of those, who have been in arms, or otherwise aiding, abetting, or assisting the late king or his son in the late war against the parliament, or that have put rebellious violence upon the parliament; and that the house so filled may proceed unanimously to consult the best means for resettling the peace of the nations, the re-establishment of true religion, (the surest foundation, as of all government, so of all the happiness of a nation) the fundamental laws of the land, (whereby all mens rights and liberties are preserved) and the liberties and freedom of the people, which are supported by those laws.
And for these ends, and in discharge of our duty to God and our country, we do resolve (by the blessing of almighty God) to join with all our brethren in England, Ireland, and Scotland, who have or shall join with us for the ends aforesaid; and do resolve, for the maintenance and preservation thereof, to hazard our lives and estates, and all that is dear to us. And we doubt not, but all our brethren in the said nations, who disdain to be made slaves, will join with us herein, as being with wisdom and reason desirous to deliver over to their posterity that liberty and freedom, which was conveyed to them at so dear a rate by our ancestors. And then we trust, that by the great mercy of God will speedily follow a happy settlement of these yet miserable and distracted nations; and consequently, that the true Protestant religion, in the power and purity thereof, may be established; the godly, learned, and orthodox ministers of the gospel maintained by their tythes and other their accustomed rights, their persons supported and countenanced, the universities and all other seminaries of learning cherished, heresies and schisms suppressed, needless impositions and taxes on the people removed, and no charge to be laid on any of the nations, without their own free consents, given by their representatives in their several and respective parliaments; manufactures and public trade and commerce at home and abroad advanced, justice in its due and wonted course administred, the just debts of the nation satisfied, the treasure and revenues thereof preserved and returned to their right and proper chanels, the arrears of the army and other public debts duly satisfied, the armies and forces continued in due obedience to the supreme authority, and not presume, as some have done, to give laws thereunto, which hath been the root of a great part of our miseries; the nations inriched, united, and strengthened; the reformed Protestant churches abroad supported and countenanced; the honour of the English nations restored, to the comfort of friends, and terror of enemies; the plantation of Ireland, in the hands of adventurers, and soldiers, and other English Protestants, advanced, as a further accession of honour and greatness to the English nation; and so, by the blessing of God, all will shortly terminate in the glory of God, the peace and tranquillity of these nations, the strengthening them against foreign invasion and intestine rebellion, and the comfort, contentment, and satisfaction of all the good people in these nations.
Capt. Sir Mau. Fenton.
Col. Ralph Wilson.
Lieut. col. J. Widenham.
Lieut. col. Ben. Lucas.
Lieut. col. A. Barrington.
Lieut. col. Fr. Foulk.
Major Will. Wade.
Major Will. King.
Major N. Purdon.
Major Ri. Goodwyn.
Capt. And. Ruddcok.
Capt. J. Wakeham.
Capt. Ge. Dillon.
Capt. Ja. Manserghe.
Capt. Jo. Russell.
Capt. Jo. Nicholls.
Capt. Sams. Towgood.
Capt. Thomas Cullen.
Capt. D. Coghlan.
Capt. Hum. Hartwell.
Capt. Tho. Lucas.
Capt. Will. Pope.
Capt. William Hartwell.
Capt. John Frend.
Lieut. Hum. Ray.
Lieut. Jo. Zane.
Lieu. Rich. Wakeham.
Lieut. Rich. Ashwood.
Lieut. Pat. Dowdal.
Lieut. Zac. Holland.
Lieut. Hen. Hayward.
Cornet H. Fagetter.
Cor. Mat. Pennefether.
Cor. Dan. Rono.
Ensign Bar. Foulk.
Ens. John Brown.
Ens. Ant. Shackleton.
Ens. John Sloughter.
Ens. James Banting.
Ens. Hen. Bindon.
Quarter-master Jason Whitroe.
Rob. Fletcher, comm.
Intelligence sent from Holland by resident Downing.
I find myself obliged to advertise your lordships, that I have not signed the letter, which my collegues sent you that day, because in my particular I could not consent to the preventing of the project, which they there speak of, finding nothing thereof in the orders contained in the resolution of the 3d of October last, and your letter of the same date. For altho' the senators Vrop and Reets have formerly declared, that the declaration of the 4. Sept. was thrown aside and unprofitable, as we have made mention with more circumstances in one of the 13th of Jan. last; yet his majesty of Denmark hath not been wanting to make known to some of my collegues roundly upon the 13th instant, that his intention never was to revoke it absolutely; that the words of the said senators ought not to understood, as if it had been annulled; but that it was null and rendered unprofitable, seeing, that for want of a like declaration on the Swedes part, that was not obtained, which this kingdom principally desired, viz. a good peace. Also that they were the same day at the lodgings of the ministers, to tell him, in the name of his majesty, that he was in no way intended to revoke it, but to leave it in its force and vigour: which declaration, in my opinion, ought to have contented us without pressing upon another project, (of which I never had the reading nor communication) a second declaration on that side, which in nothing could contain more than the former, whereby the king of Denmark embraces all, that the conventions of the Hague comprehend; and that therefore the king of Sweden ought yet to repair the damages, according to the said letter and resolution of the 3d of Oct. in regard there is no difficulty but on his part; and not having as yet received the conditions of them, he is the true cause why the peace hath not been brought to its conclusion.
Having upon the 25th Feb. given you notice of the conditions of the treaties of peace between the two parties, I know not how there hath been some alteration, or at least they do not go forward, as I am told, but rather go backwards; seeing that the Swedes had again demanded a great sum of money for the charges of the war, which the Poles took so ill, that they came presently back again to this city, whence they had gone the day before towards Struys; but the true reasons were, to enter into secret council with the king, as they have done several times, it not being possible to know what passes there, which is contrary to the humour of this nation, which used to be more frank; so that it is impossible for me to send to your lordships the certainty of it; and the rather, in regard the commissioners of Poland give me no knowledge of it, which cannot but confirm the suspicion, which is had thereof. However I have not been been wanting to put forward very seriously, and upon all occasions, the desire of your lordships, in relation to the affairs of Denmark, to make them be approved; and I spoke yesterday to the king himself upon the whole matter; but his majesty did not engage himself in it, nor in the matter of the Protestant religion, for the protecting and maintaining of it in the kingdom; praying me to make a little memorial, comprehending their points in writing, which I promised to do with all speed, and I hope I shall obtain a favourable answer thereupon. His majesty added farther, that I might send them sealed by some of my people, without coming myself to bring them; whereby it may be seen clearly, that the matter of them is not too pleasing; and that he doth not willingly listen to them, nor the queen neither, who excuseth herself therefrom. The city of Dantzick is much inclined to favour the intentions of your lordships; and one of their burgomasters told me, that their deputies have express orders therein; but that the worst is, they will have little credit at court. It's talked, that the embassadors of the emperor have orders to accept the peace, when Poland hath concluded it. I cannot yet learn, that the commissioners of Sweden have orders to receive the mediation of your lordships, notwithstanding the letters, which they have had from the king their master. Mr. Lombres hath not spoke to me a good while hereof, and those of Poland take no care of, nor use any endeavour in it, as being a thing indifferent unto them; so that to my great grief I can do no great service to your honour here. They speak of sending a minister to France, but he is not yet named.
After the writing hereof, the envoy of Nieubourg sent me word, that he was yesterday at Sappol, with the commissioners of Sweden; and that he understood by them, that if they did desist from demanding moneys for the payment of the garisons and the jurisdiction of Roses in Livonia, the peace should be concluded in 24 hours; farther adding, that perhaps more might be learnt this week.
A letter of intelligence from the Hague.
Derechef il y a eu conference sur les affaires de Munster; le sieur Vander Hooge, Berer, d'Amerongen, & le tresorier y ayant esté adjoints; & au sieur Friquet ne sera que fait ou donné notification; mais à l'evesque & à la ville sera escrit serieusement; & autant, & plus que ne porte le concept, estant notifié à l'ambassadeur de Portugal, qu'on persiste en la demande, qu'on a fait au roy à Lisbon, par les sieurs ten Hove & de Witt. Le dit ambassadeur a demandé conference cest apres-dîner. Toutefois l'on remarque, que l'Angleterre s'en veut mesler, & favoriser à ce qu'au Portugal icy l'on ne soit pas trop rigoureux, ny que si precisement en leurs demande des terres.
Le memoire de l'ambassadeur de France touchant Morus est mis en mains de ceux des eglises Walonnes en ce pais-cy. L'affaire de l'equipage est encore accroché à la pretension des Cruyssers de Zelande. Toutefois par provision est arresté l'equipage: & sont ceux de l'admirauté convoqués à venir icy au plustost.
De l'affaire de Munster est fait rapport, et de la lettre, qui seroit escrite à l'evesque de Munster; mais la Hollande mesme & d'autres n'ont pas voulu condescendre à la faire aller avec la clause comminatoire, de peur que cela ne rendent l'estat inutile à la mediation. Toutefois l'on persiste en la dimission & declaration de l'an 1658, & par provision le conseil d'estat parlera aux deputés touchant l'argent, qu'on leur fourniroit; à quelle condition ils le prendroient.
Samedy passe ce furent les deputés de cest estat, qui demanderent conference; & icelle accordée par l'ambassadeur, on luy a dit la declaration de cest estat, qu'on desire la paix sur les conditions presentées il y a deux ans par les sieurs ten Hove & de Witt à Lisbon. Et sur cela l'ambassadeur a promis de respondre. De Copenhagen n'a rien esté. Tant les Danois que Suedois ici nient ce, que les deputés de cest estat ont escrit de la grande apparence de paix.
Les ambassadeurs extraordinaires de Dennemarc ont derechef presenté une memoire assez longue, contenant les raisons iteratives, pourquoy il importe, que leur roy soit aidé à r'avoir ou à renconquerir Schone, &c. & specialement ils concluent pour avoir les 20 ryxdoilars par mois pour la garnison de Copenhagen.
Le sieur Coyet a veu le sieur president, & a tasché encore à l'induire, à ce qu'icy on voulusse entrer en conference avec luy, pour trouver la paix; mais le president l'a fort renvoyé vers Zelande, asseurant, qu'icy on ne fera rien en ces choses.
Il y a eu derechef deliberation sur les affaires de Munster. L'intention ou proposition du conseil d'estat est proprement de fournir à la ville cent mille francs; mais par provision ce ne sera que 25 mille francs; sur quoy le conseil a advisé plus expressement aujourd'huy; avisant, que la ville en payera quatre par cent, & promettra de ne s'engager pas ailleurs sans le sçeu ou aveu de l'estat.
La princesse royale aura agrée l'accord provisionel; mais l'on craint que le roy de France ne l'aura pas pour cela de vouloir le chateau d'Orange en ses pattes; & aucuns disent, que cela dechargera le prince de 60,000 francs par an, que luy couste ce chateau.
Le sieur Boreel a esté en l'assemblée; ou il a discouru de la paix, qu'à Brusselles, & dans le Pais-bas, ils sont mal-satisfait de ce que le roy a quité à la France tant de pais & tant de belles places, laissant le reste presque depourveu de frontiers & defension.
Les Anglois parlent mal de ce que le roy de France a abandonné si totalement le Portugal. L'on tient, que par l'article secret l'Espagne aye promis tout le Pais-bas à la France, en cas que faute vint du prince d'Espagne.
On a sait rapport de la conference tenüe avec les ambassadeurs extraordinaires de Dennemarc; qui ont singulierement insisté sur les 20,000 ryx-dalers par mois, provisionnellement pour trois mois, montant à cent cinquante mille francs. Et à cela les provinces ont comme presté l'oreille; quoyque pleinement cela n'a pas esté encore conclu, estant toujours l'esperance, que le pais se fera au nort. Cest affaire est encore renvoyé au conseil d'estat.
L'ambassadeur Boreel aura fort discours du grand revenu du roy de France, que cela desja monte à 72 millions par an; que dans peu on le feroit monter à plus de cens millions, que de 40 millions il en depenseroit, & espargneroit le reste.
Les estats de Hollande, par placart, ont dispensé de serment, (de ne pas frauder) que l'année passée ils avoient imposé pour la tendresse de consciences d'aucuns, tellement, qu'icy on a des tendres consciences, aussy bien qu'en Angleterre.
A letter of intelligence from the Hague.
Till the coming of this post we were here filled with news from Brussels, that the lord Monck had declared for a free parliament, and without abjuration to the king, or oath to the commonwealth; but the post coming in, we were otherwise informed; and yet Nieuport writes, that a man can write of affairs with no certainty; that all is floating; and though at present all be settled and established, yet within three hours a man must write quite otherwise. In effect, we see very well, that it is not enough to have taken away the monarchical government, for every body afterwards might have the chief direction, which is in effect to be king; as elsewhere and ordinarily it is said among the ministers, men have taken away the pope, but every minister doth desire to have the direction, that is, to be pope. The lord Lambert had lately done so well, dissipating the insurrection of Booth; others likewise; but what doth doing well signify, unless a man persevere ? Men know how to overcome others, but not themselves. Every body laughs at the lord Fleetwood and Disbrowe. In short we laugh at all. Those gentlemen seem to have been drunk with their fortune, dulci fortuna ebrii. Wise and prudent men know, that it is a mere folly, yea a madness; to be at difference; and that the greatest states of the world crumble to dust through civil diffensions; yet there is hardly one, that will yield a little to preserve the whole.
The king of Sweden is more fool than the English, if he believes, that any great good can come to him from thence; and as well states general as Denmark, emperor, &c. are also fools, if they fear, that any great harm or hindrance can happen to them from the English. And I know not what the resident will do here; for he knows not, to whom he is. And thus they speak here after this manner; but si resipiscant, si præteritus amor redit, all will go to the contrary: they will belye what they have spoken, and all that they have prophesied.
For the king of Sweden there is nothing better than to make peace; and what demonstration of kindness soever France makes for him, it is nothing. France indeed doth desire, that Sweden should raise itself with the depression of Austria, but not with the depression of Denmark. And England shews sufficiently, that they are of the same opinion; and, besides that, England is not in a condition. There is likelihood, that it will do something for Portugal; but however in se divisa.
An extract of a letter written the 5th of March, (stylo novo) from Brussels.
On tuesday last the marquis of Caracena went to the Scots king, by the commands of the court of Spain, to assure him of all possible assistance towards the recovery of his right, and delivered to him and the duke of York their pacquets. That of the Dutch contained a letter from the court of Spain, to offer him the charge of high admiral of all his fleet, both in the Indies and Europe; to have the disposition of 1000 landmen, in order to the king of Spain's service: and wheresoever he lands in any of the king of Spain's dominions, to command in chief. Every of these particulars are very certain, and hath filled these parts with admiration. My lord Jermyn and Crofts are come to Brussels this morning with such proposals, as will certainly bring a war into England, if not seasonably prevented by the prudence of the future parliament.
A letter to Boreel at the Hague.
From Marseilles we hear, that the king hath ordered, that all provinces shall contribute towards the charges of the citadel there to be built; that six ships of war at Toulon would be speedily ready; and that they are to come into the western seas, to join with those in Bretagne: that the cardinal hath resolved to make France more powerful and formidable by sea; for this purpose also 24 galleys are building. They are debating of a new tax again upon all strangers ships trading in France: that the king hath absolutely resolved to be master of the castle of Orange; and in case the governors refuse him, to force it by a siege: 4000 men are ordered to approach the city. His majesty hath declared himself guardian of the prince of Orange, in regard of the estate, which he hath in France. The clergy press it much under divers pretences; and it is alleged, that it will be advantageous to the young prince, who, by the demolishing of the castle, will be freed from the maintaining of the garison, which to no purpose consumeth more than the revenue of the principality. The king hath offered to content and protect the prince his kinsman in all his rights. The 3d instant went hence by post the lord Jermyn, with 17 gentlemen, all English, as well for the business of Orange, as the affairs of England.
In the river of Bordeaux there is not one vessel, by reason of the new tax, which much damageth the trade in those parts, if no Holland ship come. Much discourse there is, that the prince of Condé, after the death of the present king of Poland, shall succeed him; also that in France there will be made a grand marshal to exercise the place of constable.
Copy of M. H.'s letter from Brussels to secretary Thurloe.
This day we expect the lord Jermyn, Crofts, and Mr. Montagu, who bring much good news with them from the French court to the king of the Scots: you shall have the particulars by the next. From Spain this week is presented a patent to the duke of York, which intitles him prince of the sea, and captain general of all the land-forces in the Spanish fleet, and high admiral of his navy in Andalusia, giving him full power in all parts.
We hear, that Monck is joined in appearance with the city, and hath written a severe letter to the parliament; but it's believed here to be nothing but a disguise; and that he intends not the calling of a free parliament; and that if he hath no design for himself, he will keep to the present parliament. The Spanish, French, and Hollanders augment their courtship to the king of Scots. A good sum of money is already paid in Madrid for his use, and the bills of exchange will shortly be here: he is at present much indebted here, but that will discharge his debts with overplus. The Spaniards in these countries are not hasty in publishing the peace, the greater part of them not being at all pleased with it. The Spaniard will press very hard upon the Portugal this summer; and in appearance Lisbon itself may run some danger. Whether the French will assist the Swede, as they make some shew, a little time will make visible. The prince of Condé, who is highly courted at Paris by all the French nobility, made his first visit to the queen with great expression of his zeal to serve the king of Scots; and the cardinal's nieces have been of late observed to make their visits far more frequently than formerly they have done. I hear there hath been an English vessel made prize by the duke of York's commission, and carried into Brest in Bretagne. If the French permit that, it is no sign they will continue long in amity with us; and what the French and Spaniards together may do, taking advantage of your distractions, is much to be doubted.
You know with what reality and cordiality I have served Mr. secretary Scot and my lord Fleetwood. Had I had timely supplies, I had been capable of doing much more. I perceive money is so extreme scarce with you, that I have thoughts of returning back to England speedily: but above all keep my name secret. My life lies at stake.
The English plenipotentiaries in Denmark to the speaker of the parliament.
We have within these two days heard the certain news of your being restored unto the exercise of your trust, and the reassuming the government; which we will rather congratulate with the three nations than with you, since they are to receive the benefit of all your labours and counsels. God hath done great things by you, and given us reason to hope for all good things from you. The experience of what we have seen, and received, gives us a very unmoved assurance, that you will ever continue in that good and glorious path, in which you have hitherto walked; and not to take rest unto yourself, until the people under you may rest in liberty and safety. Having been for these last months far from you, we have not been able to give any other testimonies of our desires to serve you, than by our diligence in the work here, which you had committed unto our care; and in that we have not yet been so successful as we have desired. The difficulties are great in reconciling various interests. The king of Sweden hath, until of late, shewed reluctance unto the peace we have proposed unto him: within these few weeks he hath seemed to be of a gentler temper, and we believe, in a short time, all the difficulties on that side would have been removed, when it pleased God, by a fever, to put an end to his life, on the 12th of this month; by which we are fallen into new difficulties, and have sent this bearer, our secretary, to desire your orders how to behave ourselves in them. We have good grounds to be confident, that the queen regent and senate will readily, according to the orders received from the dying king, embrace the conditions, that have been proposed, some little things being altered, which may be as much for the Danes advantage as theirs. But if you should consent to the solicitations of the states of Holland, in changing the conditions agreed at the Hague, as we hear they will endeavour to persuade you, we do not know how great difficulties will arise, nor how long the conclusion may be retarded. The dead king did ever say he valued your friendship above any states or princes in the world. His friends and servants hope you will continue unto this infant king, and his mother, the same friendship, which you have shewed unto him; and the protection of them hath something of noble and generous in it, besides the concernment of England, which is nearly interested in the preservation of the crown of Sweden, which is now in danger to be broken, and those to get the pieces, who will make use of them to your prejudice; which inconveniency may be, in a great measure, avoided, by keeping the United Provinces to these agreements, from which they cannot recede, but by your consent. We have made a full relation unto the council of the state of affairs here, and our proceedings in them, who are