Cecil Papers: 1580

Pages 174-189

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 13, Addenda. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1915.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.



The Lord Admiral.
1579–80, Jan. 18. Acknowledgment by Edward, Earl of Lincoln, Lord Admiral, that he owes 100l. to Thomas Drury.— 18 January, 22 Eliz.
Receipt by Drury for the same.
pp. (214. 14.)
Victuals for Ireland.
1579–80, Jan. 22. Declaration of victuals &c. shipped at Bristol and Bastable for Waterford, with what remains in store at Bristol.
1 p. (142. 55.)
Margaret Savile.
1579–80, Jan. 23. State of the cause concerning the wardship of Margaret Savile, daughter of George Savile, of Wakefield.
Endorsed: "Mr. Slingsby, 23 January, 1579." 1 p. (2289.)
J. Lloyd and 13 others to the Council.
[1579–80, Feb. 11.] In reply to the Council's letters touching slanderous rumours spread abroad here in North Wales, contrary to the meaning of the late proclamation of 15th December, which rumours somewhat touched the Earl of Leicester in honour and credit and caused divers persons to stay payment of their dues to him. Not only after the first proclaiming of the proclamation without warrant in the town of Beaumaris, certain Welsh rhymes or libels have been made, whereof some part were construed to touch the Earl: but also by reason of those lewd speeches divers friths or enclosures, being heretofore found by presentments to be encroached lands within the forest of Snowdon, have been cast open. The Council required them to suppress the rumours, and to see the Earl paid of his money: not requiring them to certify: yet they think it meet to signify the premises, and to send the examinations which they have taken.—Pentre, Vynachlog, in North Wales, 11 February.
1 p. (See Cecil Cal., II. p. 312, No. 816, which is apparently the enclosure referred to in the above.) (203. 81.)
The Lady Catherine [of Braganza, Claimant of the throne of Portugal] to [Queen Elizabeth].
[1579–80, Feb.] Your Majesty's expression of sympathy for the troubles caused in the country by the death of Don Sebastian, emboldens me to ask your sympathy for my sorrow at the death of the King [Henry], who died on the last day of last month, only three days after I was come to him. The case of the Succession to the throne, he desired in his will to have decided by law and justice. One of the claimants has however more confidence in his arms than in the justice of his claims and desires to make himself master of the kingdom by arms. For me in spite of my clear claim and the loyalty of the people to me I will never employ force, except to defend my rights against any who shall begin a war without having a legal sentence in his favour. I know that if your Majesty understood the circumstances of this kingdom, you would extend your protection to it, considering the ancient friendship and amity that existed between the two countries. Italian. Endorsed: "Copy of the letter written by Donna Caterina to your Majesty, which I translated into Italian for your Majesty's better understanding." 1½ pp. (205. 68.)
Stephen Foxe to the Queen.
1579–80, March 11. For a lease in reversion of the yearly value of 20l. for his fifty years' service to the Queen and her progenitors.—Undated.
Note by Thomas Sekford that the Queen grants the suit.— Court at Westminster, 11 March, 1579. ½ p. (1076.)
— to the Same.
1580, March 12. As soon as the King my master died Dona Caterina notified your Majesty the loss which these kingdoms had sutained by his death and the state of their affairs. On account of my many occupations at that time, I could not lament with your Majesty on this great sorrow or on the necessities of these kingdoms.
The question of his succession had been treated by his Highness to the end that claims might be made by the King of Castile and the other pretenders, yet never during his life did they send to ask for judgment before him as judge of the cause, before making ready ships and many men in battle array, who, as was always said, were intended to occupy these kingdoms by force. His Highness appointed in his will whoever was adjudged to have the best right, nominating as governors and defenders of these kingdoms five of the chief personages and having judges elected, sworn in the Courts and confirmed by himself to decide this matter. Forty days have now passed since his Highness died and the King of Castile has made no demonstration whatever. From this it may be understood that he consents to our Governors and will make his claim before the judges. Yet every day more troops are preparing in his kingdom and more fleets in his ports and it is given out in Castile that all this is contrived against this kingdom.
The Lady Caterina has continued to demand her rights with all quietness and modesty, as she still does and as we determined to do at all times. But whilst we have consented to acknowledge as King whichever of the claimants shall be declared the rightful one, we are resolved to resist with all our might any who shall attempt to take possession by violence and to defend the just cause of the Lady Caterina, which is very clear as we hope will soon be demonstrated by the judgment and then that the great indolence and the ancient peace of these kingdoms and the loss of Africa will be the cause of our not being invaded by hostile arms, and that more necessary matters may be accomplished for our defence and the opposing of any who without reason shall disturb us.
Your Majesty now has an occasion of increasing the fame of your power by assisting in the defence of the liberty of these kingdoms and of justice, as there is one who without any mandate from them is determined to make himself king by force. For not only is it fitting that powerful sovereigns should not permit violence but your Majesty by the laws of kindred and of the most ancient friendship owes this Crown all favour and help, especially at this time when it is without a King and so many pretend to it.
The Lady Caterina as being the legitimate daughter of the Infant, Lord Edward [Duarte] my master, brother of the late King my master, has a very clear right but this is a matter for the decision of the judges.
We pray your Majesty to order the provision of arms and munition with all possible speed and to give the King of Spain to understand that you will not consent that violence be done this kingdom and the claimants thereto.—Almeiron, 12 March, 1580.
Portuguese. 4½ pp. (161. 139.)
The Earl of Lincoln.
1580, April 13. Acknowledgment of receipt by John Byrd, citizen and draper of London, of 50l. from the Earl of Lincoln, Lord Admiral, in part payment of a recognisance for 100l.— 13 April, 1580.
½ p. (214. 12.)
The Same.
1580, April 15. Acknowledgment of receipt by Davy Morgan, sadler, of 10l. from John Wolmer gent., servant to the Earl of Lincoln, for wares delivered to my Lady's use.— 15 April, 1580.
1 p. (2275.)
Sir Henry Cobham to Lord Burghley.
1580, April 20. In your late letters you wrote me by all means to seek out a book which was set forth by some malicious persons, as it very well appeareth. I have used the best means I could in that behalf. First, Dr. Silvio upon the receipt of your letters came to me, letting me know how he had sent the copy thereof, of the which some leaves he showed unto me written in French, the which he said he could not let go out of his hands for some promise he had made. Whereon failing that way, I have since met as I think, with the very book printed in English; but for that the beginning and epistle dedicatory was rent out, and no mention made when it was printed, nor the author's name otherwise than G.T., I shall have no means to suppress the printing, but if the same be the book that you wrote for, may it please you I may know.
I hear tell of other books made by the Bishop of Rosse which should be printed at Rheims. So soon as I receive any of them you shall be advertised.—Paris, 20 April, 1580.
Holograph. Endorsed: Sir Henry Cobham. 1 p. (203. 16.)
The Earl of Lincoln.
1580, May 5. Acknowledgment of receipt by Roger Goade from the Earl of Lincoln of 3l., for the half year's rent of a messuage in St. Andrew's, London, near Baynard's Castle, due to King's College, Cambridge.—5 May, 1580.
(214. 13.)
Copies of Letters sent to the States.
1580, May 11. (1) Pierre de Meleun to the Four Members of Flanders or their deputies (Identical with No. 844 (2) p. 323 of Calendar, part II).
Contemporary copy. French. 1 p. (203. 17.)
1580, May 12. (2) Ro. de Meleun to the Four Members of Flanders (Indentical with No. 844 (1), p. 323 of Calendar, Part II).
Contemporary copy. French. 1 p. (203. 18.)
Sir Henry Cobham to the Lord Treasurer.
1580, June 14. His uncle Sir Percival Hart being dead, certain offices, as the usher of the Receipts, and keeping of the Star Chamber, have fallen to him. Begs his Lordship's favour therein, so that he may enjoy them with some comfort. Details his dealings with Spark and Peirson with regard to the deputyship of the offices.—Paris, 14 June, 1580.
Signed. 1 p. (203. 19.)
Genealogy of the Cecils.
1580, June 25. Genealogical chart of the Sitsilt family, by Robert Cooke, Clarencieux King of Arms, and Robert Glover, Somerset Herald.—25 June, 1580.
Vellum roll. (224. 1.)
Christopher Hoddesdon to Lord Burghley.
1580, July 12. Occurrents from Antwerp of the 3rd July, 1580. Those of Groeninghen will in no wise receive any garrison of the Malcontents, notwithstanding the siege by them removed. Whereupon the States men being again gathered together, with the English and French companies that lie in Flanders, who shall be with speed sent to their aid by order from the States, are to attempt the charging of the enemy, with hope to overthrow or drive them out of the country. And to the end the passage may be the better kept, if by repulse they were forced to fly, certain boats armed with munition and men lie waiting along the river of Rhine.
Those of Bolducque have received certain of the Malcontents' garrisons in their town.
The last week the Malcontents thought by practice and intelligence to have taken a town near to Doway called Bouchain, but certain of them, being brought thither with a train, were apprehended and taken as prisoners in the town by those that they hoped to have wrought, and had used to serve their turns.
Monsieur de Selles, brother to Northcarmes, being chief of this enterprise, was taken with 5 or 6 gentlemen more of mark, and above 30 or 40 soldiers, most of them all burgesses of Doway.
This de Selles was the only man that had driven and practised the last peace at Don John's arrival. Since his taking he has written his earnest letters to the Prince of Parma for Monsieur de la Noue's deliverance, and is hoped will be effected, the said Selles being one greatly accounted and made of by the King, the Spaniards, and others of the Associates.
The most force of the Malcontents lay about Tornay and now are retired nearer to Valencine, spending and spoiling of their own country for want of money.
The likelihood of divisions amongst them is very great: such jealousies they nourish, envying each other place and service.
The Duchess of Parma is said to be arrived at Namure, but neither brought with her men or money: a discomfortable hearing for those that have been long time in want, and upon hope of her coming bore it the more patiently.
It is said certain committees shall be hence sent towards Monsieur to offer him conditions, whereupon he shall be, if he like and accept them, received in government.
The Assembly of the General States continues, notwithstanding the resolution to make a land Council until the matter of Monsieur be determined and his answer received.— London, 12 July, 1580.
Signed. 2 pp. (199. 2.)
The Queen to Edward Stafford.
1580, July 13. Stafford. Your poor man's diligence as I greatly regard so will I not leave him unrewarded. For the charge that I have written unto Monsieur that I have given you, this it is. First. For the commissioners' authorities, I have good reason to require that they may be as I desired both for present mislikes as well as for after mishaps. It happened in Queen Mary's days that, when a solemn embassade of five or six at the least were sent from the emperor and king of Spain, even after the articles were signed and sealed and the matter divulged, the danger was so near the queen's chamber door that it was high time for those messengers to depart without leavetaking and bequeathed themselves to the speed of the river's stream, and by water passed with all possible haste to Gravesend and so away. I speak not this that I fear the like but when I make collection of sundry kinds of discontentments all tied in a bundle I suppose that faggot will be harder altogether to be broken. There is even now another accident of no small consequence to this realm. I am sure the States have accorded to the demands of Monsieur and do present him the sovereignty of all the Low Countries. Suppose now how this may make our people think well of him and of me to bring them to the possession of such neighbours. O Stafford, I think not myself well used and so tell Monsieur that I am made a stranger to myself, which must be if this matter take place. In my name shew him how impertinent it is for this season to bring to the ears of our people so untimely news. God forbid the "baynes" of our nuptial feast should be sauced with the sauce of our subjects' wealth! O what may they think of me that for any glory of my own procure the ruin of my land! Hitherto they have thought me no fool, let me not live the longer the worse. The end crowns all the work. I am sorry that common posts of London can afford me surer news than the inhabitants of Tours will afford me. Let it please Monsieur to suspend his answer to them till he send some of quality and trust to communicate to me and concur with that I may think best for both our honours. For I assure him it shall blot too much his fame, if otherwise he deal, not only in my sight to whom it hath pleased him to promise more, but specially to all the world that be overseers of his actions. Let him never procure her harm whose love he seeks to win. A greater loss than England's hate my mortal foe can no wise seek neither should death be less welcome to me than such mishap betide me. You see how nearly this matter wringeth me; use it accordingly. If it please him the deputies may have the charge of this matter joined with the other two that were afore mentioned. I dare not assure Monsieur how his greater matter will end till I be assured what way he will take with the Low Countries. For rather will I never meddle with marriage than have such a bad covenant added to my part. Shall it ever be found true that Queen Elizabeth hath solemnized the perpetual harm of England under the glorious title of a France's heir? No, no! It shall never be. Monsieur may fortune ask you "why should not the Low Countries be governed by the indwellers of that country as they were wont, and yet under my superiority as well as the King of Spain did?" I answer, the case is too far different, since the one is far off by seas distant and the other near upon the continent. We willingly will not repose our whole trust so far to the French nation as we will give them in pawn all our fortune and stand to their discretion. I hope we shall not live to that hour. Farewell, with my assurance that you will serve with faith and diligence. In haste, your Sovereign, Elizabeth.
Endorsed: Her Majesty's letter to Mr. Stafford the 13 July, 1580, for France. Copy. 3 pp. (133. 15.)
Simier to the Queen.
1580, July 20. Your Majesty will hear from Stafort [Stafford] of his Highness's illness and my (vostre singe) indisposition, which prevents me for the moment writing to you at length. That I will put off until Staffort's departure when I will tell you openly by him all my heart's thoughts both as to the directing of the commissioners, whom you desire to charge with a double commission, and as to the affairs of the Low Countries, as to which I can assure you that his Highness, in order to be obedient and complaisant to you, will suspend his judgment so that you may be advised of the particulars as soon as he shall have heard them. He has up to the present communicated every thing to your ambassador and especially what has passed for the Cambrésis. —Plesis les Tours, 20 July, 1580.
Holograph. French. 2 pp. (203. 20.)
[? Christopher Hoddesdon] to [? Lord Burghley].
1580, July 31. Occurrents from Antwerp of the 31 July, 1580.
The Malcontents have been this week mustered hard by Monns, and received one month's pay.
They have made great preparations of scaling ladders and bridges to attempt some enterprise, which to meet with all places kept by the States men have warning to be vigilant.
In Valencien there has been some stir because the Malcontents lie so long and spend their country thereabouts.
Tornay was this week succoured with 140 munition, victuals, and all other provision.
De la Mot is dead of the shot he received before Gaunt, in the shoulder.
Those of Bruxells went out this week with intent to have surprised Bims, but failed, and in their return met certain horsemen of the enemy's that lay in Hall (the town lately fallen malcontent) which they overthrew, and slew sundry of them.
Yesterday morning afore day a few of the enemy presented themselves before this town, and set on fire three windmills, whereupon the enemy, whom they could not well see, retired and caused alarm in the town, every burgher being in arms, but presently again quieted.
On Friday here was proclaimed that all spiritual men should go according to their calling, to the end they might be known from others, and all such whatsoever that were warned 6 months agone to depart the town, and were again returned should presently depart or present themselves to the Coronells.
News is come from Frisland that the enemy has left Delfsile [Delfzye], which they had environed, and are gone nearer Groeninghen, where the want which is already in that town has driven them to offer to come to parle, to which end the Count of Hollacq sent for Dr. Longelius, who lay at Lewarden.
Money growing low in Flanders makes churches, abbeys, cloisters and spiritual lands to be sold and otherwise disposed.
On Monday last the Common Council here resolved to accept of Monsieur, if those of Holland and Zeland have done the same, and so the Commissioners depart towards him within these 2 or 3 days with certain articles, whereunto if he agree, then will the accepting of him undoubtedly be finally determined.
1 p. (199. 3.)
The Queen to the Duchess of Braganza.
1580, July. Letter of credence, with blank space left for the name to be inserted, for an envoy to ascertain the present state of the negotiations about the rights of succession in the States, the resident ambassador not being able to give satisfaction on these points.—Oatlands, July, 1580.
Spanish. 2 pp.
Translation of the above. 1 p. (133. 13–14.)
The Duke of Anjou to the Queen.
[1580,] Aug. 17. I should be too wanting in my duty if, on the approaching departure of the commissioners, I did not advertise you of it, begging you not to allow the result of their negotiations to be otherwise than I have prayed heretofore and as Setafort [Stafford] can give you to understand on my part. I look to your goodness not to hold me importunate in this matter but to impute my humble request to my great affection and desire soon to be honoured with your beauteous presence on such condition that only death can separate me from it (avecque le subget de ne man separer que par ma fin). This is all the honour and happiness I want in this world, as my actions shall hereafter give good proof to you. I will not be more troublesome now lest I interrupt your Majesty's far better occupations. Only will I beg you not to impute to presumption my humble request to send me someone to whom I can say the things that I dare not entrust to paper.—Duplesis, 17 Août.
Holograph. French. 2 pp. (203. 27.)
The King of Scots.
1580, Sept. 26. Bond for mutual support and defence entered into by the King, Duke Arran and divers noblemen before Morton's accusations.—Holyrood House, September 26, 1480 (sic).
The names appended are James R., Arran, Ruthven, Setoun, Maxwell, Argyll, Lennox, Ogilbe, Craufurd, Glencairne, and M (?) . . ros.
Copy. 1 p. (142. 56.)
A. Cardinale-Vicario to the Cardinal of Como.
1580, Sept. 28. To-day the 26th of September I received yours of the 22nd of August in reply to mine of the 22nd July, and I was much pleased to find you contented with my service; and I hope that when His Holiness shall have heard how I have behaved, he will be fully satisfied, seeing that with God's help I have conducted myself in the manner and to the ends that you now bid me follow in the name of his Blessedness, knowing that the business required variation in the instructions from its very variety, yet still pursuing the holy intention of his Holiness to remove all wars, discords, effusions of blood, and opportunities for suspicious assistance. God knows I have done all this, and done much with his Majesty of Braganza, who might have come to an agreement with Don Antonio and in Lisbon I have exerted myself with all I could reach, though I was here at a distance. Certainly if that Bishop had not been on the look out, and had it not been for the quickness and intelligence shown by the King [of Spain] in that country, much blood would have been shed. At it was by the Grace of God the whole arrangement passed through my hands. One can put up with the misfortunes; for the City, churches and monasteries, have not suffered, and the whole harm consists in towns and villages sacked, and the death of 1,000 Portuguese. And although Don Antonio is still in the direction of Coimbra with 500 Moors, he will soon remove thence, for the Duke of Alva has sent Don Sanchio against him with foot and horse. The country is obedient to the King, has taken the oath, and is quiet. I think Don Antonio halted hoping some change, from the serious illness of the King, and that otherwise he would have embarked, as he will do, with all the jewels, gold and money he has with him and especially with the precious throne (sella). I have always in moderation kept up the course of justice, pointing out that now more than ever it behoved the King to show his good claims and that he had used arms to remove Don Antonio and not to expel justice, but there is no need to say more about it in my opinion. For the reasons already communicated to you, with the rest of the Commission I judged it not wise to go to Portugal. And when I asked leave of the King, I told him that I had orders to go there for his service and that to this end I expected instructions and orders from him. While awaiting such I noticed very great displeasure and suspicion, he thinking, perhaps, the opposite of that for which I was going, and so I withdrew feeling that to go there against his will would be a notable error.
It is now more than a month since I told the King that I had orders to assist him and not to leave him, so far as my service and obedience went, inasmuch as his Holiness wished thus to show him the love borne to him by his Blessedness. After the taking of Lisbon I made the same offer assuring the King that his Holiness would feel infinite pleasure at his acceptance; in the questions of the friars I have given him all proper satisfaction, and assuredly those orders are in the greatest disorder, and the King much displeased with them; it is of importance and in time some trouble might come of it. From here I do what I can with my means, and put my hand to some matters when I get the chance, but I cannot do all that should be done. Immediately after the capture of Lisbon as I wrote to you on the 27th of August from here I thought it right to push on the enterprise against England and although I was ill I asked for an audience, the more that I heard that letters that had been found between Don Antonio and the Queen which had put the King into displeasure. But when I recovered, the King fell ill seriously; he still has fever and has had for 23 days. In the meantime Zaias asked me if I had any intelligence about Ireland. I said "No" but that I was commissioned to speak to the King on that matter. He told me that the King was resolute in the enterprise and wished to send to the Nuncio to get some news of Ireland. He also showed a wish to learn from me what his Holiness offered to the King. I replied "Just what his Holiness offered on other occasions"; I had nothing express in my instructions, which were only general. He thanked me four hundred thousand times and so forth and I told him I knew no more than I had said.
Seeing that there was no chance of negotiating with the King, and the house being full of sickness with sick men even in my rooms, I resolved with the permission of the King to go to the Madonna di Guadaluppe. Before going the King asked for my blessing, and so I went to him and drew up a little memorial, of which I send you a copy, and taking my opportunity I spoke to him briefly, and left the memorial which he took readily. Hearing on the way that there was much infection in Guadaluppe, I came thence three days ago, and have found your Secretary to the Nuncio here, who says that he must speak of the English business with the Secretaries, if the King cannot be spoken to. I have told him that I was instructed on that matter, but I hear he has already talked about it. I will not fail to do my duty in the matter, though it will be weeks and months before one can speak to the King, if he recovers, as I hope to God he will, for his illness is a lasting one. In Lisbon the Duke of Alva has spoke much of the Irish enterprise, as you will see from the enclosed letter from Prospero Colonna. But the galleys here are turning back and many ships; the remaining two thousand Italians are breaking up; the adventurers are going home and the Spaniards who came from Flanders are going to the Italian garrisons. Monsignor Forte left five days ago after staying twenty-five days. With all his anxiety his family and property have not suffered in the plundering of the villages and towns.
I thank you "del offo fatto per li herede di Mr. Foscho b.m. se bene s'intende che la Camra pretende componere." And yet he died in the service of the Apostolic See. I trust in the goodness of the Lord.
I am anxious awaiting my recall. I do not see that there is anything more I can do here. In 25 days the galleys will all be in Barcelona, and I do not know when there will be another such opportunity. Here we are very badly off. An egg costs a "scudo" and folk are dying without end; in one church alone six hundred have been buried. In the churches they make a smoke fearing infection. All my people are ill, two very dangerously. Monsignor Mario and Monsignor Babazza are not well and all have coughs, colds and so on. If God does not help us and the recall does not come soon, we shall not half of us return to Italy after passing the winter here as we must do, if we do not get our letters in eight or ten days. The King intends, so far as I see, to wait for the present in the matter of Ireland and possibly to put it off until spring. I hear the Queen has sent thither a fleet with 2,000 infantry and artillery.
Since Monsignor Forte left only one despatch has reached here. The powers I have with me are much smaller than his. I have matrimonial power only in two dioceses. Certainly for the sake of the poor and to prevent sin my successor here ought to have a free hand. I should be ashamed to let any one see the powers I have.
I determined to send a summary of your letter to the Archbishop of Cuora, with orders that as the benefice was vacated in the month of God [N.S.] he should take possession of it, and send me an act of the same; which I will then send to you. But the plague still continues in Cuora and Contorno.
Although to-day September 28 the King is free from fever there is no possibility of my being able to discuss the question of England with him for a month to come. I therefore copied out two paragraphs of your letter, and sent them to the King through Zaias, in order that he might see how anxious we are for the enterprise. I do not write in cipher, nor have done for some days, my secretaries being ill.—Badajoz, 28 September, 1580. P.S.—I am trying to get the King's promise to omit the Turks from the truce; as things are one may anticipate a good resolution in him.
Holograph. Italian. 5 pp. (203. 21.)
Rowland Stanley to Sir William Stanley.
[1580 ?] Nov. 15. I have much wondered you have not given my father better satisfaction than you have. He desires to hear the manner of your proceedings, and the cause of your hindrance. He takes it very ill you write not to him, nor acknowledge thanks for that which he has already done. Concerning myself, I refer you to the report of this bearer, but I protest to God matters go not here as you think. We are at this instant remaining in the field, and are uncertain of our garrison. In what manner we lie the bearer will satisfy you. When you see John Poole and John Minshall, tell them they are so lulled in their pleasure that they forget their friends. "Your ever most assured brother."—From our Camp, 15 November.
(P.S.)—If the hawks be not come, send them with all speed. Let not my sister Stanley think anything that I send these to others and not to her. Let her have patience till I be a little more abler, and then she shall see what a token I will send her.
Holograph. Endorsed: Rowland Stanley to Sir W. Stanley. 1 p. (186. 148.)
The Duke of Anjou and the Prince of Orange.
1580, Dec. 29. Undertaking by François, Duke of Anjou, as sovereign Prince of the Low Countries, to acquit the debts incurred by the Prince of Orange for the maintenance of the armies which he has led against the Spaniards; and that the Prince of Orange and his descendants shall remain princes and sovereign seigneurs of Holland and Zeeland.—Cotras, 29 December, 1580.
French. Contemporary copy. ½ p. (203. 24.)
The Queen to the King of Scotland.
[1580 ?] Suppose not that my silence hath had any other root than hating to make an argument of my writing to you that should molest you or trouble me, being most desirous that no mention might once be made of so villainous an act, specially that might but in word touch a sacred person. But now I see that so lavishly it hath been used by the author thereof that I can refrain no longer to make you partaker thereof sincerely from the beginning to this hour of all that hath proceeded. And for more speed have sent charge with Bowes to utter all without fraud or guile, assuring you that few things have displeased me more since our first amities, and charge you in God's name to believe that I am not of so viperous a nature to suppose or have thereof a thought against you, but shall make the deviser have his desert more for that than ought else. Referring myself to the true trust of this gentleman, to whom I beseech you give full affiance in all he shall assure you on my behalf, and so God I beseech to prosper you with all his graces as doth desire your most affectionate sister.—Undated.
Copy. 1 p. (133. 17.)
Court of Wards.
1580. Debts due by noblemen upon specialities.
Endorsed: "Trinit, 22 Elizabeth R." 1 p. (139. 182.)
1580. Arrearages depending upon noblemen.
Endorsed: Trinit, 22 Elizabeth. 1 p. (139. 183.)
Beerhouse Wood.
1580. Particular of Beerhouse Wood.
1 p. (145. 67.)
George Darnetto to Sir Francis Walsingham.
[c. 1580 ?] Was requested by Giglio Baroni and Silvio Piccini to let them charter a ship of 180 tons, which he intended to send to Italy. On their voyage they put into Leghorn, and went before the Courts with a sham law-suit, whereby Darnetto lost the ship and charter up to 2,000l., and had to pay the sailors who returned to England by land. Upon Baroni's return to this country, Darnetto offered him security for all that he demanded from him, and demanded the same from him, but when it came to naming pledges, Baroni refused to go on, whereupon Darnetto had him arrested. Baroni then sent Signor Gozzi and Borzone to beg Darnetto that he might not be moved from the Counter to the King's Bench prison, the difference between them to be settled in the mean time by two friends. Baroni chose Signor Tomaso Cobeles, and Darnetto Signor Scipione Borzo, who after examining into the question for four or five hours discovered Baroni's evil doings. The chancellor then refused Baroni's petition that Darnetto be compelled to appoint two judges to his own two, while in the meantime he should be enlarged, though he granted letters warning Darnetto to appoint judges. Darnetto replied that he had already done so, and that if Baroni was displeased with the result, the law was open to all. Now Baroni applies to Walsingham, simply to put Darnetto in bad odour with him.
Italian. Holograph. 2 pp. (186. 20.)
Gawen Smith to the Queen.
[c. 1580 ?] Proposition, in consideration of a lease in reversion of 85l. per ann., or 1,000l. in money, for a vessel to pass between Dover and Calais for the Queen's services in all weathers within 24 hours to and again. Also that the said vessel or the like shall be ready at Dover or Sandwich to attend any shipwreck on the Goodwin Sands for recovery of wrecked persons: each person so saved to pay as follows: every gentleman, 10l.; every merchant, 10l.; every shipmaster, 5l.; every mariner, 40s.; every passenger, 40s.—Undated.
Petition. 1 p. (186. 144.)
Benedict Spinola to [? Lord Burghley].
[1572–1580 ?] Concerning the buying of the Spanish wools, which he hopes [Burghley] will find to the great advantage of the Queen and the merchants, as the price of 11s. the tod is very high, the wools being very evil conditioned. Terms of payment. If the Spanish owners will have the bargain, and pay what he shall disburse, he will be content; otherwise will stand to the hazard himself. As he should not be named for the buyer, wishes them to be bought in the name of an English gentleman whom he will name. Prays [Burghley's] help in the matter.—Undated.
Petition. 1 p. (186. 146.)
Duplicate of the above. (186. 147.)
Rowland Stanley to Tom Farlough.
[1580 ?] Stanley's father would have Farlough come over with his hawks as soon as they be well flying. He is to come to Doweye and stay at the English College with Mr. President, till he hears from his father or himself. He is to bring a good flying "marlione" (? merlin) for Stanley; also a brace of "groundes" (? grey hounds), for he has passed the finest country for coursing that he has seen, and the greatest store of hares. Commendations and messages to various friends. Thinks he must end his days in following the plough amongst them. It is three months since he lay either in house or bed, but what he has made with his own hands and the help of his trusty servant Rose. Never had better health, but all his comrades have been sick, and fears Captain Terriwet [? Tyrwhit] will not live.—Undated.
Holograph. 2 pp. (186. 149.)
Henry Howard.
[1580 ?] Answers to interrogatories by various persons, sadlers, merchants, tailors, drapers, provision dealers, and others, with regard to debts owing to them by Henry Howard, apparently of West Ham.—Undated.
8 sheets. (216. 4.)
The River Thames.
1580. Plan of the mouth of the Thames; by Robert Norman, "fecit in Ratlif."—1580.
Vellum. [Framed.]
1580. Report of the state of Portugal, by E.B. 1580. Includes list of revenues received. Also list of towns where the King of Spain has placed garrisons, and the numbers.
3 pp. (246. 26.)
Cranborne Chase.
1580. Book apparently compiled circa 1617, containing copies of documents relating to Cranborne Chase, Cranborne and district, from temp. King John to 1580.
144 pp. (Vol. 248.)
— to the Queen.
[After 1580.] In spite of the prohibition of the use of logwood alias blockwood for dyeing, it is found that several sorts of stuff are so dyed. Petitioner prays for licence to search for the offenders, and also, to seal all lawfully dyed goods at certain charges.
1 p. (142. 207.)
Tetney Grange.
[After 1580.] Note of lands, part of Tetney Grange, with Parker Thinge, Lincoln: late of the monastery of Lowth Park dissolved, and late in jointure to Lady Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk deceased, now in the Queen's hands for want of livery, of the yearly rent of 3l. 16s. 2d., in the tenure of Nicholas Saunderson.—Undated.
¼ p. (2230.)
Callow Grange.
[Probably after 1580.] Particular of the Grange of Callow, formerly of the dissolved monastery of Louth Park, Lincoln.
Endorsed: "Sir George St. Poll's particular." ½ p. (2287.)