America and West Indies: August 1683, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 11, 1681-1685. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1898.

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'America and West Indies: August 1683, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 11, 1681-1685, ed. J W Fortescue( London, 1898), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol11/pp462-473 [accessed 15 October 2024].

'America and West Indies: August 1683, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 11, 1681-1685. Edited by J W Fortescue( London, 1898), British History Online, accessed October 15, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol11/pp462-473.

"America and West Indies: August 1683, 1-15". Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 11, 1681-1685. Ed. J W Fortescue(London, 1898), , British History Online. Web. 15 October 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol11/pp462-473.

August 1683

Aug. 1.
Barbados.
1170. The Clerk of the Assembly of Barbados to William Blathwayt. Forwarding duplicates of the quarterly returns sent in April. Signed, Ri. Cartwright. 1 p. Inscribed and endorsed. Recd. 25th October 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 42, and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. VII., p. 209.]
Aug. 1.
Philadelphia.
1171. William Penn to Secretary Bridgeman. I owe you thanks for many civilities since I left England, "I know not by what else than a kind providence and thine inclination to be good to the absent." There is a gentleman in that office who has sent a venture, that is, who has been friendly at a venture; pray give him my special thanks. I congratulate you on your respective returns and wish you the reward of your integrity and ability. Captain Markham, the bearer hereof, goes as my agent to Court on my poor affairs, and is very fit for it, as he has already acted as Deputy Governor of this province. I beg your friendship for him, few being equally able to second his endeavours at Court; and without skill it is losing time to solicit. The scene is changed since my departure and a man may miss the door. Courts are like loose grounds, they must be constantly watched and marked. But I dare promise myself that he will not want access to my ancient and noble friend Lord Sunderland nor good usage in your office. I send you a poor present of the country's produce. Signed, Wm. Penn. Holograph. 2 pp. Addressed to Secretary Bridgeman in Lord Sunderland's office. Seal perfect. The second person singular is used more rarely than the second person plural. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 43.]
Aug. 2. 1172. Commission to inquire into the forfeiture of Lord Culpeper's patent for life for the office of Governor of Virginia, on the ground that he absented himself from his government for three months without appointing a deputy to act for him. Issued to Philip Lloyd, William Bridgeman, P. Burton, Aaron Pengry. Latin, 5 pp. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXXXII., pp. 106–111.]
Aug. 3.
Christiansport,
St. Thomas.
1173. Extract from a letter from the Governor of St. Thomas to Captain Carlile, H.M.S. Francis. Your recommendation from Sir William Stapleton and your own merit would never have led me to expect such an action from you as that you should by night secretly and under pretence of friendship have set fire to a frigate which was no pirate, but the property of the King my master. No good soldier would have done such a thing, considering that I caused the men to leave her, and put a small guard of my own on board that you might the more safely come in. You excuse and gloss over your proceedings with following a sea-robber and ruining him. If there were such a person his faults are unknown to me. None are executed without a hearing, and the sole jurisdiction lies in me. What should you say if one of our frigates did the like in an English port? The ship was already disarmed, unmanned, and confiscated to the use of the King my master. You complain of the shot fired from the Castle. It was to make you give due salutes, and you would have done the same; but since you accuse me of correspondence with pirates I send you the man who fired the shot in irons. The rest are fled. Your threat of summoning more frigates is unbecoming a soldier. Signed, A. Esmit. Copy. 2½ pp. Endorsed by Sir William Stapleton. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 44.]
Aug. 3.
Whitehall.
1174. Edward Randolph to Sir Leoline Jenkins. I venture to give my reasons for taking a passage to Boston in a merchantman instead of waiting for a frigate. The quo warranto issued by the Attorney-General is returnable next Michaelmas term, and at the time I could hear of no ship that was going to Boston, whither I was ordered to take the notification of the writ, within three months. I thought that so long delay would give a handle to the disaffected party, and that it would be impossible for them to comply with the return of the writ, and I therefore asked for the use of H.M.S. Mermaid, but finding her required for other service and a merchantman on the point of sailing, I think it best to take my passage in her and bring the first news of the quo warranto together with the royal declaration. If the first frigate bound for the West Indies be ordered to call at Boston and bring me a copy of the King's orders the effect will be as great as if I had sailed in her. I am now informed that H.M.S. Rose of Algerees is already fitted out for a voyage to the Bahamas, with orders to call at Boston for two or three weeks on the way. I am equally ready to embark on her or on the merchantman, whichever be ready first, for despatch is the great object. Holograph. 1½ pp. Endorsed. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 45.]
Aug. 4.
Barbados.
1175. Depositions about the ship Resolution. Two batches, one of four and one of six sheets, written in a very large hand, taken in the Admiralty Court of Barbados, and referring either to interlopers or pirates. Endorsed. Reed. 10 Oct. 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No8. 46, 46 I.]
[Aug. 5.]
Port Royal,
Jamaica.
1176. Petition of the Justices, Churchwardens, Vestrymen, and other inhabitants of Port Royal, to Governor Sir Thomas Lynch. Though Port Royal is but sand and salt water, yet the convenience of the port makes it very great and populous. Most of the poor of the islands are brought thither by sloops; the inhabitants are charged with guards, with building of a church, of fortifications, which cost 3,000l. a year, have suffered heavy losses from pirates, amounting in one year to sixteen thousand pounds, and have spent a thousand pounds in fitting out vessels to put down those pirates. Your Excellency to support this heavy expense appointed a market to the parish, and gave the clerk's place of the market to the churchwardens for the use of the parish, a system which worked well for six years. But in Lord Carlisle's time came a patent giving to John Byndloss, then and now living in London, the clerkship of all markets and fairs, and many other offices in the Island, contrary to the express orders of the Lords of the Council. Having made the late Governor [Lord Carlisle] his attorney, his Lordship granted a fresh patent empowering John Byndloss or his deputy to take up the streets, set up stalls, and charge a shilling a day for them, and hold a market every day, Sunday not excepted. The patentee has now put in one, Mr. Craddock, as his deputy, who executes the office to the vexation of the people and the ruin of the place. Petitioners pray that the matter may be represented to the King, and that if their own patent be found invalid no patent such as that of Byndloss be again granted. Large sheet. Inscribed and endorsed. Recd. 5 Aug. 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 47.]
Aug. 6.
Barbados.
1177. A general view of the affairs of the Island of Barbados, by John Witham, Deputy Governor. I am obliged to keep up the dignity of the Government to a higher degree than has been since Lord Willoughby's term, and am teaching the duty of obedience to all officials, and more particularly to the military officers. I am sure to command only what is readily obeyed. I engage myself in no dispute but where I have authority, and can exert it. I see that my orders are carried out, and where I observe remissness, give severe reproof, warning that a second offence will bring disgrace. No one in the militia attempted to trifle with me except Lieutenant-General Henry Walrond, who, as he retained that command after the Governor's departure, endeavoured to persuade some that he was in absolute command of the Militia. He would have put a slur on a Commission given by Sir Richard Dutton to one Elliott, to command in place of one Rawlins (an ill man), and I ordered the Lieutenant-General to draw his regiment into arms, and exercise them according to the discipline of war, and to publish Major Elliott's Commission. He obeyed the first order but would have neglected the other, and encouraged Rawlins to appear in arms, which Rawlins said he would do, and that he would take his orders only from the General. Having notice of this I laid an ambush for him, but Rawlins did not prove so hardy as he talked. I now called the Lieutenant-General and Rawlins before me; the former attempted at first to justify himself, but I gave him so severe a reproof that he tried to excuse himself and Rawlins, and since then he has not openly been so very troublesome. I have baffled all his attempts, though he never ceased trying to put difficulties on me; but I know him too well to trust him to look after any interests but his own. He and his brother Thomas use their positions only for their own ends, only not disobliging creditors or others that fawn on them. I hope it may be considered how serviceable they are to the King's affairs. Mr. Peers is not much short of them, and though not so troublesome in public, does mischief in private and betrays all that passes at the Council Board. I told both Sir Jonathan Atkins and Sir Richard Dutton as much. I gave you an account in mine of 14th June of another gentleman of the Council born in the Island, and of his disposition. The two Walronds who refused to take the new Councillor's oath, finding that all the rest of the Council had taken it, took it on the 12th July, fearing that I should suspend them if they delayed any longer. They had been tampering with Colonel Newton and Mr. Howell (who were absent at first) to persuade them to refuse it, but they were too worthy to be prevailed on. Henry Walrond then began trifling with the Governor's Commission, but if he had not presently asked pardon as he did, I should then and there have discharged him of his Lieutenant-General's command. This, indeed, I must do at some suitable opportunity, for the truth is that it makes him presume too much on his authority. I know that in doing so, I shall fulfil the Governor's wishes, who warned me beforehand of Walrond, though I know him well enough myself. Sir Richard expected that he would have been more obstructive, but Walrond found me stronger than some others that he has had to deal with. He has tried from time to time to persuade the Governors that they can accomplish nothing in the Assembly without him, and being the worst of trimmers, he had a correspondence with Codrington and other members of the faction of the Assembly. Once he helped a little in getting the Assembly to give the Governor money, but that is the only time I have known him serve any Governor, or, indeed, anyone but himself, or occasionally one of his creditors.
In my opinion there is an inconvenience in the Governor's Commission, and has so been since August 1672, when the model was first begun, that in case of a Governor's death the Government should be vested in the Council. This was done by Sir Peter Colleton, through his interest with Lord Shaftesbury, who was then Chancellor and President of the Committee of Plantations. The inconvenience has been apparent. On the death of William Lord Willoughby the Government devolved on the Council, and factions were immediately formed therein, which quite forgot the country and everything but their own importance. The Governor's Commission now provides not only that the Government shall be in the Council, but that the senior resident member shall be President. This is dangerous. There are some Councillors, who, if the Presidency should devolve on them, would simply seek for popularity and assent to everything proposed by the Assembly, instead of promoting the interests of the King and Crown. This I can say from my own observation. Heretofore in case of the Governor's death the Government was to be in a Deputy-Governor, and I know that the hope of a Governor's death makes some the more presumptive and troublesome, and it has flushed others so much that they cannot forget their former authority, but think to usurp joint authority with the Governor. This has been the more impressed on me, for they believed that, being one of the Council, I should have increased its power and diminished the Governor's. The Governor warned me against the factions intention of three men, Henry Walrond, Thomas Walrond, and John Peers, the first two brothers, the last two married to two sisters. They do not love one another, but they combine to promote. Henry Walrond, and being a third of the Council they become, with a thin attendance of five or six members, a half or even a majority. I write all this for your consideration, whether those men should be continued in the Council. I might cancel Henry Walrond's command as Lieutenant-General (which is agreeable to the Governor's desires), but do not presume to suspend them from Council, nor should think of it except in case of some enormous offence. The two Walronds and Peers command the fortifications of Oistins precinet. I called upon them among the rest of the commanders for an account of their fortifications, their condition, wants, &e. None of the three would ever meet on the business, and the junior commanders of the division, seeing their seniors hang back, were naturally unwilling to act without them. On receiving a second sharp order from me, the juniors met (though not one of these three) and gave me an account, which is the worst rendered in the island, and by their delay made the accounts of the whole division six weeks later than those of the other divisions. The same three gentlemen seldom attend to any business but their own; they rarely come to Council except to the Chancery, when they are generally engaged in some suit, and I foresee a dispute as to whether the Chancellorship be in the majority of the Council or in the Governor. The Walronds, of course, are for the former, for their own ends. I have already shown you on what reasons they rely; but I beg you to decide the question of juris-diction once for all. I shall permit no disputes about it here, though I may suspend judgment till I receive orders from you. I do not yield in these matters to solicitations, though some Governors (since the Lords Willoughby) have preferred to grant unfit things rather than seem disobliging. Sir Richard Dutton knows my resolution to uphold the King's prerogative, and I hope that it will be approved. I cannot affirm the two Walronds to be Whigs, but they are the worst sort of trimmers. They are indifferent what Government rules, so they are but gainers in protection and ambition. I gather from yours that Sir Richard Dutton may not return as Governor, so I sent the names of several gentlemen whom I think best fitted for the Council. 8½ pp. Holograph, though unsigned. Inscribed and endorsed "By Mr. J. Witham." [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 48, and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. VII., pp. 222–230.]
Aug. 6.
Windsor.
1178. The King's warrant to Sir Thomas Lynch for the appointment of John Bourden to the Council of Jamaica. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. XCIX. p. 217.]
Aug. 6.
Philadelphia.
1179. William Penn to Lords of Trade and Plantations. I hope that business may be my excuse for my delay in writing. The difficulties in the settlement of six-and-twenty sail of people within a year makes my case exceptional. I hear from my agent that Lord Baltimore has already given you an account of our conference to my disadvantage, so I must write, not only because my silence might be thought neglect, but also to make my defence. First, then, I thought it improper to trouble you about my transactions with Lord Baltimore till they had come to some result, which they had not, for we parted till spring and were then to meet over the heads of our proceedings only. Secondly, Lord Baltimore's narrative was taken by his order without my consent by one of his attendants in a corner of the room. Lastly, when I complained to him of this usage, he promised on his word and honour that it should go no further, and that he had done it only for his own satisfaction. I told him that that mitigated the thing somewhat, but that if he divulged before I saw and agreed to the copy, I should look upon it as a most unfair practice. What to call his Lordship's behaviour I leave to my betters to decide, but the surprise and indigestion of the whole (sic) will, I hope, excuse me of neglect or disrespect, for though I am unceremonious I would by no means act the rude or undutiful. I now give a brief narrative of the whole matter, without the weakness and tautology that Lord Baltimore's relation makes me guilty of. As soon as I arrived, on 24th October last, I at once despatched two persons to Lord Baltimore with my respects and neighbourly civilities. While they were on this errand I went to New York that I might pay my duty to the Duke of York in visiting his Colony. Returning at the end of November I found my messengers newly arrived from Maryland, and the time fixed being the 19th December, I prepared myself to go in a few days to that province. On the 11th December I came to West River, where I met Lord Baltimore, who took occasion by his civilities to show me the greatness of his power. Next day we had a conference about our question of the boundaries, both at the same table with the members of our respective Councils. First, I presented the King's letter, which consisted of two parts, one that Lord Baltimore had but two degrees, the other that he should begin at Watkin's point and measure the said degrees from thence at sixty miles to a degree. He read it first privately, then publicly, and told me that the King was greatly mistaken, and that he would not leave his patent to follow the King's letter, that a letter could not void a patent, and that by his patent he would stand. This was the substance of what he said from first to last during the conference. I answered that the King might be misinformed, but that I was afraid that mistake would fall of his side, for though his patent begins at Watkins' point and goes to the fortieth degree of north latitude, yet it presumed that point to lie in latitude thirty-eight, else Virginia, which ought to extend to that degree, would be wronged. I assured him, however, that when I petitioned the King for five degrees north latitude and the petition was referred to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, it was represented by some present that Lord Baltimore had but two degrees; upon which the Lord President turned to me who was standing by his chair, and said: "Mr. Penn, will not three degrees serve your turn?" I answered: "I submit the how and what to the Board." To this his uncle, the Chancellor, returned that, to convince me his father's grant was not by degrees, he had more of Virginia granted him, but as this was planted and as the intention was that only unplanted land or land possessed only of savages should be granted, he left it out that he might not forfeit the rest. Lord Baltimore in his narrative takes no notice of this that I remember, but according to that answer he can lay no claim to Delaware, which was bought and planted by the Dutch before the passing of his patent, and therefore could not be granted, and even if it were granted should be forfeited, inasmuch as in the course of twenty years it had not been reduced under the English sovereignty, of which he held it. It was finally reduced by the King, and therefore his own to deal with as he would. Perceiving that my pressing the King's letter was uneasy to him, and being resolved to dispose him with all softness to a friendly arrangement, I waived the two degrees and pressed the next part of the letter only, viz, the admeasurement; for though it were two degrees and a half from Watkins' point to the fortieth parallel, yet let it be measured at sixty miles to a degree, and I would begin at forty, fall as it might. My design was that, every degree being seventy miles, I should get all that was over sixty,—the proportion intended for Lord Baltimore by his patent and the computation there assigned to a degree. Thus he had enjoyed the full favour intended him, and I had gained a great door to the peopling and improving of the province. But this also he rejected. I told him that I acted not from love or need of land but of water, that he abounded in what I wanted and had harbour and access even to excess; that I would not be thus importunate but for the importance of the thing to save a province, and because there was no proportion in the concern. Were I a hundred times more urgent and tenacious, the case would excuse it, because the thing I insisted on was ninety-nine times more valuable to me than to him—to me the head and to him the tail. I added that if it were his and he gave it me, planting it would recompense the favour, not only by laying his country between two thriving provinces, but in respect of shipping. For the ships that come yearly to Maryland for tobacco would have the carrying of the merchandise of both provinces because they can afford it cheaper, and thus Maryland would for an age or two be the mart of trade. This, however, led to nothing; Lord Baltimore only hoped that I would not insist on these things at the next meeting. After three days we parted and I returned hither.
When the spring came I sent to ascertain the time and place of our meeting to settle the business. I followed close on my messenger that no time might be lost, but his expectation of a visit from Lord Culpeper twice disappointed our meeting till the month called May. He then sent three gentlemen to appoint a meeting at the head of Chesapeake Bay. I was then in treaty with the Indian Kings for land; but three days after, we met ten miles from Newcastle (which is thirty from the bay), where I entertained him as well as the resources of the town would permit at such short notice, and, finding himself desirous only of speaking with me in private, I suggested that we should sit with our Councils at different lodgings and treat by written memorials, which would prevent any abuses from ill-design or ill-memory. He avoided this, saying that he was not well, that the weather was sultry, and that he would return as soon as he could, reserving any other treaty to another season. And so for that time we parted. I had before been told by divers that Lord Baltimore had issued a proclamation inviting people, by lower prices and larger grants of land, to plant in the lower counties, in which the Duke's goodness had interested me as an inseparable benefit to the whole province. I was unwilling to believe it, but being in haste I omitted to ask him; but I had not been long returned when two letters came from two Judges of the County Courts that such a proclamation was abroad, that the people abhorred to hearken to it, but yet prayed my directions. I bid them keep their ground and not fear, for the King would be judge. I then sent three of my Council with its clerk to Lord Baltimore. As they went, they got an authentic copy of the proclamation from one of the sheriffs, to whom an original had been directed; but as the last civility that I could yield to Lord Baltimore, I forbade them to seem to believe anything but what came from his own mouth. Thus they delivered my letter. At first he denied any such proclamation and, turning to two of his Council, asked them if they remembered any such thing. They also denied it; whereupon my messengers produced the authentic copy. This refreshed their memories and they remembered that there was such a proclamation, but Lord Baltimore said that it was his ancient form, and that he did it only to renew his claim, not to encourage any to plant there. They then begged him to recall it lest trouble should ensue, but he refused. This was during a civil treaty, without any demand made, after the place had been for many years in the peaceable possession of the Duke. What to call such behaviour I leave to my superiors. As to Lord Baltimore's claims to those parts, I have given instructions to my Agents who, I hope, will not be able to detect weakness or inconsistency in them. This is a true narrative, of my business with Lord Baltimore. As I have sent an Agent to the King and his Ministers on the affairs of the province, I shall hint only at two or three things at issue between myself and him, as to finding the fortieth parallel of latitude. 1. I have common fame backed by long experience on my side, that the fortieth parallel lies about Pool's Island. Lord Baltimore does not deny it; the country acknowledges it, and I can adduce the testimony of some able captains of ships. 2. If this was an error, it was grounded on such skill and such instruments as gave standard at the time when his patent was granted, and if he has got upon Virginia by that error, he should not get upon me by an exacter knowledge, considering that Carolina, which is bounded by degrees, would encroach as much upon Virginia, if the reputed latitude of unprejudiced times were rejected. If Carolina advances her bounds by new observations beyond the place generally accepted for latitude 36½, Virginia must lose, for she cannot encroach to the same extent on Maryland, which is bounded by certain places. 3. I therefore beg to be judged by the standard of ancient times, by which persons so far from America as in England have governed themselves; or that, if it be allowed that Lord Baltimore had not his grant by degrees, then the degree may be computed at the old rate of sixty miles, so that I may not lose the benefit of admeasurement from Watkins' point (whatever its latitude) to the fortieth parallel. I have only to add that the province has a prospect of extraordinary improvement, not only of English subjects but by foreigners; that we have the greatest veneration for the King's authority; and that I have taken the Bishop of London's advice in buying, and not taking land from the natives. I am on very good terms with them. Thanks for many favours, which bind me the more to obedience to your commands. Signed, Wm. Penn. 6 pp. Endorsed. Recd. 12 Feb. 1683–84. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 49.]
Aug. 8.
Barbados.
1180. Deputy Governor John Witham to [Sir Leoline Jenkins]. I thank you for the high favours you have bestowed upon me. The King may rely upon my loyalty and faithful service. I am striving to restore the dignity of the Government which was much impaired by Sir Jonathan Atkins, who was ever afraid of offending the Assembly. Holograph. Signed: 3 pp. Endorsed. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 50.]
Aug. 8.
Barbados.
1181. The same to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. I have obeyed all your directions, and added some matters not n entioned in your scheme of enquiries, not from presumption but from zeal. Holograph. 2 pp. Inscribed and endorsed. Recd. 10 October 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 51; and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. VII., p. 208.]
Aug. 10 1182. Warrant of the Commissioners, appointed to inquire into the forfeiture of Lord Culpeper's patent, to the Sheriff of Middlesex to produce twenty-four jurors. Names of the jurors. 1½ pp. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXXXII., pp. 112, 113.]
Aug. 12.
Windsor.
1183. The King to the Government of Massachusetts. Ordering them to seize interlopers who are found trading within the bounds granted by the Charter of the Hudson's Bay Company. Counter-signed, L. Jenkins. 1 p. [Col. Entry Bks., Vol. LXI., pp. 187, 188, and Vol. XCIX., p. 218.]
[Aug. 13.] 1184. Petition of Edwyn Stede to the King. Eleven years since received a patent for the office of Provost-Marshal of Barbados which he has duly executed ever since in person or by deputy; but of late has been so much afflicted with gout that he cannot perform the duties without the help of his Deputy, George Hannay. Prays that the surrender of the patent may be accepted and granted to George Hannay. Written below: A reference of the above petition to the Lords of Trade and Plantations for their report. Windsor, Aug. 13. Signed, L. Jenkins. Inscribed above: Reported 25 August 1683. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 52, and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. VII., p. 188.]
Aug. 13.
Nevis.
1185. Deposition of Thomas Phips taken before Sir William Stapleton. An account of the capture of the ship Thomas and William of London by the pirate La Trompeuse and of the subsequent cruise of the pirate on the Guinea coast. Copy. Certified by T. Boffenton. 5 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 53.]
Aug. 13. 1186. Duplicate of foregoing. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 54.]
[Aug. 14.] 1187. Petition of Planters and Merchants of Jamaica to Lords of Trade and Plantations. In November 1680 you appointed the Royal African Company, by their own consent, to supply us with negroes at eighteen pounds a head. The Company, thinking the price too small, has since desisted from furnishing negroes, to the prejudice of the King's customs and of the Island. Petitioners pray that the matter may be considered and dealt with. Signed, Wm. Coward, Ransford Waterhouse, Wm. Beeston, John Bathurst, Saml. Nash, Wm. Sweeting. 1 p. Endorsed. Recd. 14 Aug. 1683. Read 17th and 31st. Copy sent to the Company on the 21st with notice to attend on 31st. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 55, and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. I., pp. 94, 95.]
Aug. 15.
Nevis.
1188. Sir William Stapleton to Lords of Trade and Plantations. Captain Carlile, being ordered by me to cruise for the pirates, has lately met with the Trompeuse (not as vulgarly called Trampouse) in St. Thomas's harbour and burned her. Had she been well manned she would have got off. This is the ship that took seventeen ships on the coast of Guinea, and killed and tortured many English subjects, yet she is protected by the Government of St. Thomas, which is worse than the pirates themselves. It harbours them, mans them, and victuals them. The Governor has ejected the rightful Governor, his own brother. I mean rightful in respect of his commission from the Danish King. This Governor has none; the last was as bad as he is. If I might have the liberty, I would blow him out of his fort if he refused either to hang the pirates or to deliver them up for punishment. No punishment can be invented severe enough for such villains. Captain Carlile goes this very day to look for one Cooke and one Bond, two English pirates fitted from St. Thomas. I have furnished him with men and powder lest he should be overpowered. I hope that you will bear me out herein, and that my actions may be construed by my intentions. The pirates are well manned, and may be desperate if they meet not with such a receptacle as St. Thomas, which they cannot in any inhabited place this side of the tropics, indeed, I believe, this side of Sallee and Algiers. You shall have the affidavit of an Englishman who was taken by this pirate shortly. Captain Carlile is a brave discreet young commander, fit object of your esteem. If he had had a better ship he would have got another for the King in that action. There is more need of such in the Leeward Islands than in any other Government, with their mixture of Spanish, French, Danes, Dutch and Indians. I beg for double the five barrels of powder supplied to Captain Billop, and the six supplied to Captain Carlile; they are worth more than twenty-two barrels here, where I pay 6l. 5s. a barrel. Forgive me if I remind you again of the arrears due to myself and the soldiers. Holograph. 1½ pp. Endorsed with a long précis. Recd. 13 Oct. Read 13 Nov. 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 56, and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. XLVII., pp. 102–104.]
Aug. 15.
Nevis.
1189. Sir William Stapleton to the Governor of St. Thomas. I am sorry that your late conduct has convinced me and all the world that the reports of your being a protector of pirates were true. I have affidavits to that effect from some you had on shore, and from the pirates themselves. It is plain from the fact that you secured John Hamlin, the arch-murderer and torturer, and neither tried him nor delivered him to Captain Carlile, but allowed him to escape. I now conjure you to deliver him up to Captain Carlile. The King of Denmark will not protect you, who are an usurper against my master. He sent the Ruby, a powerful ship, in pursuit of Hamlin, under the command of Captain Carlile, who burnt the Trompeuse at St. Thomas. You said that ship was a frigate of your master's; we now know that Hamlin was in possession on the night when she was burnt, and that so far from confiscating her you had received him kindly. If you do not deliver him or make some atonement for the injuries you have inflicted on the English, I warn you, have a care. I shall come from the Leeward Islands with an armed force, blow you up as quickly as the Trompeuse, and pound any pirate that you may have fitted out. If you have a spark of honesty in you, restore to me the sloop and runaway servants that I have already claimed; and I promise that if you comply I will befriend you and yours in anything that you may desire of me. Signed, Wm. Stapleton. Copy. 1½ pp. Endorsed. Recd. 13 Oct. 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 57.]
Aug. 15. 1190. Deposition of John Gould. Attesting the facts that the Trompeuse was warmly received by the Governor of St. Thomas on her arrival; that the plunder was lodged in the Castle; that Captain Hamlin was on board of her on the night when she was burned; and that he was sent out from the Castle by the Governor with an armed party and a boat. Certified by Sir William Stapleton. 1 p. Endorsed. Recd. 13 Oct. 1683. [Col. Papers, Vol. LI., No. 58.]