Simancas: August 1583

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.

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'Simancas: August 1583', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, ed. Martin A S Hume( London, 1896), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp499-506 [accessed 4 December 2024].

'Simancas: August 1583', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Edited by Martin A S Hume( London, 1896), British History Online, accessed December 4, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp499-506.

"Simancas: August 1583". Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Ed. Martin A S Hume(London, 1896), , British History Online. Web. 4 December 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp499-506.

August 1583

1 Aug.
Paris Archives, K. 1447. 201.
354. The King to Bernardino De Mendoza.
Geronimo de Sousa, who has been serving Don Antonio in England and France, has gone to Juan Bautista de Tassis begging him to obtain my pardon, as he had determined to submit to me and serve me in Flanders or here. He has in the meanwhile gone to England, as he says for the sake of safety, he being known to you. If he or others like him should go to you, my desire is not to shut the door against them, but to give them hopes of pardon and get them to give the fullest possible account of all Don Antonio's plans and secrets, and his understandings in all parts. Although Sousa may be told that I will pardon him, it must be with this condition.—Madrid, 1st August 1583.
19 Aug. 355. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King.
I last wrote on the 4th. (fn. 1) As soon as the Queen heard of the orders given by the king of Scotland that the conspirators should retire to their houses and stay there until his further commands, not approaching the Court with more than 12 horsemen, and also that the people at large were overjoyed at seeing their King free, she resolved to send Walsingham to confer with the King. He strenuously refused to go, and went so far as to throw himself at the Queen's feet and pronounce the following terrible blasphemy. He swore by the soul, body, and blood of God that he would not go to Scotland even if she ordered him to be hanged for it, as he would rather be hanged in England than elsewhere. The Queen therefore considered the sending of Lord Hunsdon, but decided to wait until letters from Scotland were received. I understand that in answer to his friends, who blame him for refusing the mission, Walsingham says that he saw that no good could come of it, and that the Queen would lay upon his shoulders the whole of the responsibility for the evils which would occur. He said she was very stingy already, and the Scots more greedy than ever, quite disillusioned now with regard to the promises made to them ; so that it was out of the question that anything good could be done.
Since then I have other advices from Scotland, saying that the meeting of nobles had been fixed, and that it was certain that in it they would put the King into the possession of his government, as he has now entered his eighteenth year. He was proceeding with much greater spirit against the lords of the English faction. This news has caused the Queen to re-adopt her first resolution to send Walsingham, and he is now making ready for the journey. His commission is entirely verbal, and he is instructed to take the steps he may consider most advisable, in accordance with his knowledge of the Queen's wishes. He is to promise the King, in her name, that if he will not marry out of the island, and will bind himself to England, she will declare him her heir, and great hopes are to be held out to him also of the release of his mother. I have advised the latter of this, and send herewith copy of a letter of hers to me.
I have seen a priest whom Hercules (Guise) had sent to the queen (of Scots), on the opportunity of the going of two Scots ladies from France to serve her, he having been to her before on a similar pretext. His errand was to give her an account of the resolution that Hercules had adopted, and the arrangements that had better be made with her Catholic adherents here for the successful carrying out of the enterprise. I understand this priest was with the queen (of Scots) last year, and on his return to France Hercules sent him to his Holiness, and from Rome he went to Bavaria to see the Duke on the matter of the enterprise. He gave me a full account from Hercules of the decision arrived at, and told me that, seeing the way in which the king of France was treating them, he and his brother would be obliged to take up arms, either in France or England ; for which reason Hercules desired that it should be in so godly a cause as the welfare of Christianity and the liberation of a captive Queen. He begged me earnestly to send him a cipher, which would enable him to correspond with me, and also prayed me to give him precise information, as a soldier, as to what could be expected from the Catholics and friends of the queen of Scotland here, which information he said he would depend upon, and upon no other. He was driven, he said, to ask this service of me, as he could not see Juan Bautista de Tassis to obtain my opinion through him ; and the nature of the business itself was such as to make it necessary that there should be as few intermediaries as possible. I sent him the cipher, as I thought it could do no harm and might do good in your Majesty's interest, and I shall not give him any information that he might not otherwise receive from the queen of Scotland, whilst my being in communication with him will enable me to keep well posted as to his designs and the people who are in his confidence here ; and at the same time it will bind the queen of Scots more closely to us when she sees your Majesty's Ministers in intimate and cordial relations with Hercules. The liberation of the king of Scots has caused this Queen to judge that her interests will best be served by stirring up war in France, which would necessarily keep the Guises busy, and consequently secure the queen of Scots. She therefore immediately ordered Cobham secretly to send his secretary to the duke of Alençon, to say how sorry she was, out of her own affection for him, that his brother should have treated him so coolly in the matter of the Netherlands war, which had compelled him to retire shamefully from the country. When he wished to resent this behaviour, she said, as she was assured that he would, she offered to him the support of all she had for the purpose. Alençon replied to the secretary that he was going to see his brother, and if he found him as backward as he previously was in helping him in his claims, he would at once send a report to the Queen ; and he gladly accepted in anticipation the promise then conveyed to him. In order to lose no time in inflaming him to a quarrel with his brother, the Queen has appointed Stafford as her ordinary ambassador in France. He is not considered a man of any understanding, but the Queen has the idea that no one is so well acquainted as he with Alençon's humour. (fn. 2)
With regard to the debts owing by the rebels, upon which I wrote to your Majesty that I had made a representation to the Council, Walsingham replied that it was a matter of justice and they could not interfere or prevent its being done. This involves the recognition of the Netherlands rebels not being in rebellion, since they allow your Majesty's subjects to be prosecuted for their debts. This they are glad to do, as it will enable the States to raise money more easily to maintain the war.
The ships I have mentioned as intended for the Moluccas are now being fitted out with furious haste.
One of the Hamiltons, the elder brother, who lived in France (fn. 3) with a pension from the King, was told by the Queen that, if he would come to England, he should be enabled to return to Scotland with the Scotch King's pardon. As soon as Cobham gave him the message, Hamilton secretly posted off with a single servant, without saying a word to anyone in France. I understand he is now here in disguise, and not very well pleased, as the Queen has not received him so warmly as he expected ; nor will she now help him to return to Scotland, which she previously desired, because he was an opponent of the duke of Lennox, whose son she hears the king of Scotland has summoned from France.—London, 19th August 1583.
356. Bernardino De Mendoza to Juan De Idiaquez.
These people are as venomous as ever against His Majesty's interests, and it is impossible to imagine how far their insolence and wickedness will go, seeing their reply which I relate in the letter to His Majesty.
The Queen has gone from Greenwich to Oatlands, where they say she will stay all this month hunting, instead of continuing her progress further. She continues to make much of the new favourite very openly. He is contributing a good share to the Moluccas venture. (fn. 4)
An English ship belonging to Lyme has arrived here. She was at the island of St. Michael's as a spy, under pretence of being a merchant ship, until the safe arrival there of the fleet. She reports that she and another ship in her company sailed together for Terceira as soon as the fleet bound for Terceira appeared at St. Michael's. Their object was to give timely advice to those at the former island and allow the French ships and others there to get away, so that if the marquis (of Santa Cruz) do not find them there on his arrival it will not be surprising. By this you will see how industrious they are in doing harm everywhere.
Holograph enclosure on a separate sheet :—
The person I mentioned in my former letters has, in consequence of an accidental circumstance, been ordered not to go where the other person is, and he consequently has returned what had been given to him, saying that he does not wish to deceive any one, as the opportunity had not served. This is a sign that he was proceeding straightforwardly, but that God wills that the business shall not be done in this way. (fn. 5) —London, 19th August 1583.
19 Aug.
Paris Archives. K. 1562. French.
357. James VI. to the Duke Of Guise.
I cannot express the pleasure I experienced at receiving your letter so full of friendship and kindness. Young Frenti who brought it told me fully of the great care you show in the preservation of our person and estate, which I also experience daily from the divine goodness of God towards me. Most especially do I thank Him for preserving you in the midst of so many dangers in the service of the King, my uncle, in order that you may at last succour the Queen, my mother, and myself in our greatest need.
The offers you make me are so agreeable to me that I am very happy, and desirous of accepting them when the state of my affairs will allow me to do so. I esteem it the greatest treasure I have on earth to find so near a relative, who is universally acknowledged to be the first captain of our time, both for valour and prudence, ready to take my part if need should arise. What M. de Meyneville has spoken so much about, my virtues and rare qualities, which you write that God has been pleased to grant me, (fn. 6) greatly encourages me to imitate the virtues of our ancestors of the house of Lorraine, who have so borne themselves that their name will be honoured to all eternity. If there is in me anything which, by God's grace, may be considered worthy of praise, it must be attributed in part to your house of Lorraine from which I descend through my mother.
I am quite sure that M. de Meyneville in his discretion and courtesy will have very honourably represented me, and much better than I gave occasion for, the events at the time of his coming having been, as everyone knows, so very untoward. He will also have assured you that I have arrived to a certain extent at the maturity and perfection which I hope in time to attain with your aid and council, and that of my other friends.
If, when I received your letter, I had been in the same state as when M. de Meyneville left me, the arguments you employ would have impelled me to seek to increase my fame by trying to gain my liberty, but thank God, the plan which I had to commence and carry through myself has succeeded so well, by the aid of a little patience and prudence with which God has endowed me, that I have extricated myself from the difficulties which surrounded me by my own contrivance and the aid of a few faithful servants and subjects chosen by me for the purpose. I thus placed myself at liberty without trouble, and almost unexpectedly, and am ready to avenge myself as opportunity may present itself. I have learnt by your letters of the great affection and friendship you constantly show to my mother and myself, and, by her letters of 13th August, of the complete confidence she has in you, and her wish that I should follow your guidance above that of any other of our relatives.
From the words used by Frenti in your name, I also see that you greatly desire my mother's release, and that success should attend our claims. I rejoice at all this, and consider the means proposed to be very apposite, supposing that affairs be dexterously conducted, whereat I am extremely pleased, as I will convey to you in a few days by means of Frenti, who will take my private opinion on the whole matter. It is an affair of so much importance that it is worthy of being managed with secrecy and prudence. By my special orders, Frenti has only spoken of it to two of my Council, namely, the earl of Morton and Lord Ruthven, of whose fidelity and secrecy I have experience in many affairs of importance. I am anxious that no one else should hear of it in Scotland until I give you fresh notice. In the meanwhile, let me know by this same channel what is the state of things with you. Try all you can to send M. de Meyneville back hither, but, if you cannot do this without suspicion, let M. d'Andrages come. on the pretext of conducting his sister and nephews if you think well of this. I will be guided entirely by you, my cousin, to decide what is best. I do not think you will accuse me of having broken the promise I gave you through M. de Meyneville respecting William Holt, whom I set at liberty for your sake to the great annoyance of the English ambassador and many others. I will write to you in my own hand by another channel, but things of consequence must not be risked except in cipher, seeing the danger that exists. For all else I refer you to my mother's ambassador in France, who is well informed of what happens here.—Falkland, 19th August 1583.
Jaques, R.
22 Aug.
Paris Archives, K. 1562.
358. Instructions given to Richard Melino, the Envoy sent by the Duke of Guise to Rome.
His Holiness is to be informed in full detail of all the preparations and arrangements now made in England and Scotland for the success of this enterprise.
After full consideration, the queen of Scotland and the nobles of the country having written to say that affairs are extremely well disposed, particularly towards the Scottish border, whither the Spanish forces are to be directed, arrangements have been concluded by which the Catholic King shall send 4,000 good soldiers if he cannot send a larger force. It is, however, necessary that the expedition should take with it funds to pay 10,000 soldiers of the country for some months, as well as corselets, pikes, and harquebusses to arm 5,000 men of the country. The preparations and the disposition of the country are subject to many changes, and there is danger of discovery if the affair is allowed to drag, as it has passed through so many hands ; and the king of Scotland has lately written, in accordance with his promise to M. de Meyneville, to say that, unless he is helped, he cannot maintain himself in the liberty which he almost miraculously gained, the queen of England being busy promoting her faction in Scotland. His Holiness must, therefore, be begged, in the name of Hercules and all the Catholics of that country (Scotland), to deign to stretch a point and provide a sum of money at once proportionate to the magnitude of the enterprise, things being now in such a condition that money alone is needful. His Holiness is also begged to leave the whole management of the business to the Catholic King and Hercules, so that it may be carried through as soon as possible— perhaps this year. His Holiness must be informed that we are certain of obtaining seaports in England to enable us to land in all security, (fn. 7) and the affair will be greatly aided by the ports which the Catholic King has recently recovered in Flanders, from whence troops may be sent to join Hercules, and support be furnished if needed. The port where the Spanish forces will land is called in English "the Pileos Foudre," (fn. 8) which is quite safe and ample, where we are certain the force will be welcomed gladly by the Catholics, who are exceedingly numerous. They will be able to raise in a very short time at least 20,000 horsemen to join the said force, as follows, namely, from the Scottish border, 3,000 from the earl of Morton, 3,000 from Baron Fernihurst, 4,000 from Lord Dacre, 3,000 from the earl of Northumberland, 1,000 from the earl of Westmoreland, 1,000 from the earl of Cumberland, 2,000 from Lord Norton (?), and from the new bishop of Durham ... These are all in the neighbourhood of the Scottish border and the port of debarcation for the Spanish force, but, in the interior of the country, there are many gentlemen who are favourable to the enterprise, such as the earl of Rutland, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Arundel, Viscount Montague, and others.
Some good ships and seamen will go from the port of Fouldrey to meet the expedition and conduct it to England. Orders have already been given for them to hold themselves in readiness.
It will be necessary for the Catholic King to retain Don Bernardino de Mendoza in England until everything is ready, and a few days before the carrying out of the enterprise he will retire to Dunkirk to join Hercules' forces, which he will accompany to England. His Catholic Majesty will also write to the prince of Parma telling him to give passage to the troops who will go to Dunkirk, and other places in Flanders, to join Hercules. He will also give leave to all the English Catholics now with his army in Fland ers, or otherwise in his service, to join the forces of Hercules, and finally he will give all possible help to the latter both as to victuals and men. His Holiness must also be begged, in the name of Hercules, to condescend to issue a bull declaring that the expedition is being undertaken by him (his Holiness), and explaining the reasons which move him. He will declare that he has entrusted the execution of the affair to the Catholic King and Hercules, and will give indulgences to all those who engage in so holy a work. He will also renew the bull of Pius V. against the queen of England, and all those who help or support her, as well as those who in any way oppose this saintly enterprise.
His Holiness will be pleased to appoint Dr. Allen to the bishopric of Durham, and either make him, or some other person with the Spanish force, his nuncio in England to publish the aforementioned bulls. He will also send another nuncio in the force that is to go from France, and it appears that a fit person for this post will be M. de Savona, rector of the county of Avignon.
His Holiness must also be informed that M. de Aromini, his nuncio in France, is dead. (fn. 9) He has done much good here, exhibiting great virtue, prudence, devotion, and edification, and greatly favouring this enterprise. His Holiness is requested to be pleased to send another representative as soon as possible, who should resemble his predecessor and not be attached to either side, but dependent entirely upon the Pope, and should be able to resist influence of every sort.
His Holiness will please pardon us if we speak very boldly on this matter, as we are only moved by zeal of the honour of our Lord, his Holiness, and the welfare of Christianity.
28 Aug.
Paris Archives, K. 1562.
359. Instructions given by the Duke Of Guise to Charles Paget, his secret envoy to England. (fn. 10)
Mopo (i.e., Paget) will go to England at once to take thither the decision we have adopted, which is that, having been assured of the ports where the Spanish forces are to be welcomed, we only now desire to know which place they think most appropriate for the reception of the expedition led by Hercules. Who are those (in England) who will join Hercules' forces? What strength have they? The English will also be informed of the forces which Hercules will take with him. We may say that these will amount to 4,000 or 6,000 men, if necessary, and we request the opinion of the English on this point. We have already assured them that we are firmly resolved to stand by them, and never to abandon them until they are in the employment of complete quiet and security, or we jointly sacrifice our lives honourably in the attempt.
Let them consider what ports and harbours they can count upon. The most convenient situation would be within 50 leagues above or below Dover for the landing of our men. It would be desirable, if possible, that the place selected should have a fort or walled stronghold.
Who are the persons who will have to seize this place when news comes of our embarkation, and who will be there to receive us? What forces will they have? What store of victuals, munitions, ordnance, powder, &c.? We desire to know this in order that we make due provision if they are lacking in anything there. They should let us know also what number of pikes, corselets, harquebusses, &c., they will need to arm the people of the country.
It is very necessary that early consideration should be given as to where they will obtain a supply of victuals, and the houses and waggons to carry the stores, arms, and other munitions, and also as to the number of troops that will need to be paid in England, in order that we may know the amount of money we shall have to bring with us, so that the people of the country shall not be troubled but helped, and be made to understand that this is not a war against the country, but for its consolation and repose.
They will give us their opinion with regard to the safety we may look for on our passage across, what number of boats the Queen can bring against us, and what means can be adopted to impede them, or whether we shall have to be strong enough to successfully resist them.
Assure them, on the faith and honour of Hercules, that the enterprise is being undertaken with no other object or intention than to re-establish the Catholic religion in England, and to place the queen of Scotland peacefully on the throne of England, (fn. 11) which rightly belongs to her. When this is effected the foreigners will immediately retire from the country, and if anyone attempts to frustrate this intention Hercules promises that he and his forces will join the people of the country (fn. 11) to compel the foreigners to withdraw.

Footnotes

  • 1. This letter is missing from the Simancas Archives, as also is nearly all of Mendoza's correspondence for the months of September, October, and November 1583.
  • 2. Sir Edward Stafford had from the first been one of the principal intermediaries in the private negotiations with Alençon, and had for some time resided with the Prince as agent for the Queen.
  • 3. John Hamilton, Lord Abroath.
  • 4. In the King's hand :—"I do not know who this is. If he has written elsewhere let me know." Probably the new favourite was Raleigh, who was one of the adventurers of the enterprise in question.
  • 5. In the King's hand :—"I do not understand what circumstance this can be, if the matter had been well arranged." Probably this refers to Throgmorton's plot to kill the Queen.
  • 6. These words have been underlined by Philip II. who writes in the margin : "He is quite ready to confess them himself."
  • 7. In the King's hand : "This is very apposite for those who go by Flanders."
  • 8. The Pile of Fouldrey, a rocky island near Dalton-in-Furness, Lancashire.
  • 9. This was the bishop of Rimini, Giovanni Baptista Castelli.
  • 10. In the King's hand : "To judge from these instructions things do not seem to be very ready yet."
  • 11. The King has underlined these words, and has called attention to them in his usual manner by writing against them the word "ojo."