Spain: August 1533, 1- 15

Pages 757-771

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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August 1533, 1-15

3 Aug. 1108. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 228, No. 48.
On Sunday the 4th inst., being the day appointed by this king to receive Master Jehan [Le Sauch] and myself, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty, we received a message by one of the King's gentlemen to the effect that owing to the sudden illness of his own physician and other officers of his household, who had suddenly been taken with the sweating sickness, (fn. n1) the King had been obliged to remove to a Royal seat (une mayson prince) with only a few of the most private gentlemen of his chamber. For that reason he could not receive us then, and the audience had to be put off Unless, therefore, our commission was of such a nature that it could not be delivered to anyone but himself, we might, if we chose, communicate it to the members of his Privy Council, who would in return report it to him. If so, the same gentleman who had brought us the message would take care to conduct us thither.
In order to gain time, and for various other considerations Master Jehan [Le Sauch] and I decided to go immediately to the house where the councillors were assembled, which was one belonging to the King, in the midst of a park, 20 miles from this city. Nothing could be better than the reception and entertainment we met with at the place, in the midst of the pleasures of a chase to which we were invited by the King's express commands. There were only the following members of the Council present: the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner), the King's first secretary, Cromwell, and the dean of the Chapel, who upon our arrival said to us that the King was exceedingly sorry that owing to the event above mentioned he was unable to give us audience then, as promised, fully intending to entertain us both and give us the pleasures of the chase in the park adjoining the Royal manor. After the usual courtesies and grateful acknowledgments my colleague and I began to explain the object of our charge, which was merely to inquire the cause and occasion of the innovation lately made in the Staple of Calais, which had been for the last eight months closed for the customary wool trade. If the measure had been adopted in consequence of the King's orders, whether it was to be lasting or only temporary. The answer was that the King had never positively forbidden the intercourse of trade at Calais, but that owing to certain arrears (arrerages) and other differences between him and the merchants of the said staple, the King had caused it be suspended for a few months. Now that the said differences were nearly settled, matters would return to the old groove, although the Staple of Calais was generally considered to cause the destruction and ruin of several ports in England, which had no other export than that of wool. This was not a final answer the councillors observed, for the King himself would soon explain to us his motives.
Accordingly, on the day appointed for the King's audience we received a message from Cromwell telling us to get ready for a certain hour, as he intended to conduct us to Court, but somehow or other the appointment did not take place, for it appears that in consequence of a servant of the duke of Norfolk having arrived from Lyons with despatches for the King the said Cromwell was obliged to depart at midnight, after sending us word not to move from London until we had heard from him.
Following (fn. n2) the plan, of which I wrote lately to Your Majesty, and finding frequently occasion to talk to Cromwell, who evidently was on his side looking out for opportunities to talk to me in private, I resolved, after some familiar sentences which passed between us, the better to gain him to our side, to pay him the compliment of saying that I had often regretted he did not come under his master's knowledge and favour at the same time as the Cardinal (Wolsey), for being, as he was, a more able and talented man than the latter, and there being now so many opportunities to gain credit and power, he might undoubtedly have become a greater man than the Cardinal, whilst the King's affairs would have gone on much better. Commenting on this theme I went on comparing past times with the present, as well as the means that the Cardinal and himself had each at their command. I told him that I considered the King, his master, very lucky in possessing such a man as himself under present circumstances and in these troubled times, and I thus began again to speak with him in the manner specified in my last despatch, till perceiving by his mien that the subject was agreeable to him, I went on to say: "Now is the time for you to render your master greater service than ever man did before, for sentence having already been pronounced at Rome in favour of the Queen (as he himself had owned to me), there remains no longer the chance that Your Majesty and the Pope may at last consent to the divorce, (fn. n3) which was the way some of the courtiers had suggested for removing all the King's difficulties. It was to be presumed (said I) that the King, being so reasonable, virtuous, and humane a prince, would not persist in such error, thus blemishing with a most infamous act the many gifts of grace, nature, and fortune which God had so abundantly bestowed on him, (fn. n4) having too been previously warned and advised by men of sense and virtue in whom he trusted. I therefore entreated him for the love of God, for the King's welfare, the security and tranquillity of his state, the peace and welfare of the kingdom, and of the whole of Christendom, to try and persuade the King, his master, to return to the right path. This [I maintained] he could do better, and more boldly than any other member of the Privy Council, considering that his credit, his reputation, and his authority were much greater than those of any other man in England. He also could the more easily make use of his influence that he was not in the Privy Council at the time that this wretched affair began (cemaudit affere fust inuente); nor did he join it until long after. It was principally on him that the Queen trusted for the settlement of her own affairs; he might be sure that the Queen once reinstated (raccointee), he (Cromwell) would find her both kind and grateful, and much better disposed to favour him than I could say. This was a matter for him to consider and weigh, &c.
This speech of mine Cromwell took in very good part. He thanked me immensely for the good advice tendered, as well as for the affection shewn by me to the King and to himself, and he assured me that not only he but all the rest of the Privy Councillors were more anxious than ever to maintain Your Majesty's friendship, and he promised me over and over again that as regarded himself he would do his best, and that he hoped everything would turn out well in the end. He did not on that occasion hold the usual language respecting Your Majesty and the Queen, nor did he advise, as at other times, that you should both yield and consent to the King's marriage. And certainly if any faith is to be attached to Cromwell's words, and the King's present absence from the Lady be taken into consideration, one might say that there is some shew of repentance in that quarter.
Cromwell said on taking leave of me that I was to expect him back [in London] in two or three days, and that we should then go together to the chase or wherever I liked; but I have just received a message from him to say that two couriers from Rome and three from France have arrived, and that as many have been dispatched with an answer to those countries, in consequence of which he might perhaps be unable to keep his engagement. When he does I shall do my best again to set the net, and see if I cannot catch him; I will nevertheless keep a good look-out ahead and risk nothing without being well prepared, knowing, as I do, that in these matters one cannot be too cautious (fn. n5)
Taking for granted that the signs of repentance above alluded to are true and sincere, there is reason to believe that should His Holiness keep firm, and refuse to listen to the duke of Norfolk and other English ambassadors unless the archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of those who have helped on the sentence [in England] be delivered into his hands, the King will considerably lower his tone. (fn. n6) Indeed I am told that he is already in great perplexity in consequence of the decision taken at Rome. His Privy Council, on the other hand, are sorry at what has happened, and much concerned at the Papal censures likely to follow. To meet which they are now dispatching daily couriers to Rome. Indeed, I am told that the King has already made another appeal to the future Council. This interview, however, of the Pope and king of France makes him rather uneasy, for though he was at first in favour of it, now, as I learn from a very good source, he is trying to prevent it for fear the Pope should thereat tamper with (suborner) the French king. (fn. n7)
With regard to the Scotch I must say that this king being very desirous of peace or truce has readily consented to the terms mentioned to Your Majesty in one of my last despatches, as demanded by them. (fn. n8) To that end the King sent the other day one of his courtiers, the sieur de Beauvois, (fn. n9) to Scotland that he might inform the king of that country of his wishes. He returned yesterday, but it is not known yet whether he has been successful or not. On the return of Beauvoir from Court, whither he went immediately after his arrival here, accompanied by the resident French ambassador, we shall perhaps hear the truth.
The Scotch, however, have not taken in good part or approved of this French interference in their affairs, as appears from the report made to this king by the Scottish ambassador lately returning from France. Indeed he complained of both this king and the Most Christian having published and circulated everywhere, nay, having insinuated or written to Your Majesty that the peace between Scotland and England had been concluded long before the negotiations for it had really commenced, or before there was any probability of its being effected. For this (the ambassador added) was equivalent to publishing to the world that the King, his master, was, as it were, under the guardianship of one or other of the two kings, France or England, (fn. n10) a thing which in my opinion is enough to make the Scotch turn restive, they being somewhat lawless. (fn. n11)
The King, on the other hand, complained of the Scotch having in their raids across the borders circulated writings to the discredit of himself and his subjects, calling them infidels and schismatics. (fn. n12) —London, 13th August 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 4.
5 Aug. 1109. Count de Cifuentes to the Same.
S. E. Rom L. 860,
f. 7.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 325.
In this matter there is nothing to say, except to refer him to former instructions. (fn. n13) Has seen the notes to the memorandum on Swiss affairs. The agreement made with the delegates from the cantons only differs from it in one thing, which is that they do not engage to furnish men for service in Italy. This, however, has since been remedied by a letter to the Verulan and another to the prior of Besançon, begging them to do in this respect what they considered most conducive to the conclusion of the league.
The copy has been received as well as the answer made to the proposition by Verulano, and the officer (Besançon). The said Verulan and Besançon have advised the arrival in Switzerland of Lamberg (fn. n14) with 100,000 crs.; he had concluded his embassy, as appears from a copy of the agreement which he sent, but in the opinion of the Verulan and of his colleague, Lamberg's presence on the spot will be rather an obstacle to the speedy conclusion of the league, as it is proposed, yet they had not lost all hope of succeeding. They write for the "apuntamientos," which have been since forwarded to prothonotary Caracciolo, and by him sent to Besançon by express messenger.
Has written to the prothonotary advising the remittance of the 4,000 ducats, that he may inform the Verulan and Besançon of the fact, and say that the money is ready.
The approval has already been sent to the Ferrarese ambassador, who has promised that his master will offer no difficulty. The ambassadors of Milan and Siena have not yet made the deposit of their respective contingents, but will, they say, make it very shortly. The duke of Ferrara is delaying it as much as he can, but promises to make it, averring that neither the depository appointed by His Holiness has been approved by the Emperor, nor has this letter been authorised by the Pope. This difficulty has been obviated by his (Sylva's) inducing the Pope to approve the nomination of Ansalde Grimaldo, and having besides an act drawn by notary to that effect. If a similar act could be drawn up approving the nomination by the Pope of Philippo Strozzi, the Duke and the rest will deposit their contingents. Should this payment not be made at the conclusion of the league, the sum to be taken out of the 108,000 ducats.
Let him ask Jacopo Salviati, as if it came from himself, how it is that the Pope is going to the interview without knowing first what is to be discussed therein, or why he takes his niece with him before the marriage settlements have been agreed upon and prepared. These are things not to be believed of the Pope. The interview (vistas) is considered certain, and it is thought that His Holiness will take his departure on the 3rd or 4th of September. Until then the galleys will not be ready. On this occasion the Pope made a joke about the little alacrity shewn by the French in this affair, and the time they required to arm a few ships, and upon his (the Count) observing that he wondered much why they made such a fuss last May, when they pressed him so hard to go to France, he exclaimed: "I wish to God that I had known beforehand what was going to happen. I would have written to the King that I wanted to see him immediately, and as the galleys could not have been got ready in time I should have had a very good excuse for not attending the interview." This the Pope said as if he were really sorry to have to undertake this journey. Until now he has seemed rejoiced at the prospect of it, but for some time people have noticed a certain shyness about it, which is chiefly attributed to the King having refused to treat for the marriage of his son, the duke of Orleans, unless the Pope himself went to France, a thing which the Pope's natural timidity must have exaggerated into a fear of his wishing to play him some trick or affront him in some way or other.
Let him be on the alert and advise the Pope and Salviati what may be most convenient for their interest and our own. Is very much afraid that, desirous as the king of France is of acquiring dominion in Italy, something may be concluded at the interview likely to endanger the peace thereof, though both His Holiness and Jacopo Salviati assure him that if the conferences take place we may all go to sleep without fear of being disturbed.
The Pope has decided to embark at La Spezia, not pass through Florence or Siena, nor touch at Genoa or Savona. He has forbidden the "Duchessina" to depart until he hears that the galleys have left the coast of France.
That he must have received our letter, telling him how the matter stands. He did well in speaking to His Holiness as he did. Let him continue and do what he thinks most fit for the good of the affair. He (the Pope) said the other day that the French ambassadors had come to him and represented that their master was exceedingly angry at the death of Scudier Maraveglia, who had been executed by order of the duke [of Milan]. Maraveglia was his ambassador, and as such his person ought to have been sacred. He would write a circular letter to all the Christian princes about it, and ask the Duke for satisfaction; if refused, he would take revenge for the affront. Hearing this, he (Sylva) observed that the Milanese agent at Rome had told him as a fact that Maraveglia was no such ambassador. Had he been properly accredited at the court of Milan the Duke would never have dared sentence him to death. The Pope has written to the Duke to know the truth of this, and is expecting an answer, which he (Sylva) believes will be affirmative, for everyone here says that Maraveglia was no ambassador of the King.
Has refused to receive the discharges offered for the payment of the Neapolitan tribute, and yearly gift of the white steed, owing to their having inserted the words: "without prejudice of His Holiness' right." (fn. n15) Having inquired the reason of this, he has been told in a confidential way that the Pope intends to claim the rent of the three years for which he gave a receipt after his captivity.
That has been done, and the nomination sent to the viceroy of Naples to put into the Duke's hands. Both the duke of Urbino (Francesco Maria della Rovere), and the ambassador he has here at Rome, have written to inquire what His Imperial Majesty's views and intentions were respecting the duchy of Sora. Has got rid of them by saying that he will make inquiries and ascertain. The Duke, moreover, makes all manner of offers, &c.
Let a paragraph be made out in this sense, that the ambassader may shew it to him. Jacopo Salviati has fulfilled the promise he once made at Bologna of doing service. It would not be amiss by way of acknowledgment to insert a paragraph in the Emperor's despatches, that he (Sylva) may read it to him. There is nothing Salviati values as much as the approbation of his services by the Emperor.
Indorsed: "Abstract of despatches from Rome to be submitted to the Emperor, submitted to the Emperor, and minutes of answers thereto."
Spanish. Copy. pp.5.
5 Aug. 1110. The Same to the High Commander
S.E. Roma L.860,
B.M. Add. 28,585,
(Cipher:) His Holiness has had an answer from the man he sent to England for the purpose of negotiating about the Council as far as he himself is concerned. The auditor says, as I have had the honour to inform the Emperor in my despatch of this date, that the king of England referred him entirely to the king of France, saying that he would do in this affair as his brother the Most Christian king of France did.
He has likewise heard from the other man he sent to Germany, who tells him, as far as I can learn, that the Lutherans say that it is for them to choose the place of meeting; that they intend it to be on German territory, and not in one of the towns of Italy as proposed. As to the time they say "immediately". This intelligence the agent of the king of the Romans considers as certain. He himself has spoken to His Holiness in that sense, remarking that there is no other way of settling these Lutheran affairs unless by force of arms, especially since peace has been concluded with the Turk. His Holiness, it appears, approved the idea, and was glad to hear it. For my own part I will say nothing one way or the other until we hear what comes out of this interview, and receive Your Majesty's instructions.—Rome, 5th August 1533.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
Indoresed: "Paragraph of letter in cipher from count de Cifuentes to the High Commander (Covos). Received at Monçon. Answered on the 30th".
Spanish. Original in cipher. P.1.
5 Aug. 1111. The Same to the Emperor.
S.E. Roma L.860,
B.M. Add. 28,585.
After obtaining the sentence on the 11th ulto we asked to have it in due and authentic form. This, however, could not be done until now, and moreover a decretal has been issued fixing a term till the end of September next during which the king of England may present any process made "in partibus," if there be any, and he (the King) wishes to avail himself of it.
In the meantime, and whilst the decretal was being procured, commission was given to auditor Paolo Capisucci to have the sentence intimated to the king of England, as well as a notice of the time fixed for the execution. That requisite has already been complied with by means of edicts (edicta) affixed here [at Rome] as well as at Bruges and Dunquerque (Dunkerk), which are the places designated for such like intimations to the King. This intimation, it is true, binds the parties as much as if it were personally made to them; but still the decretal obtained, and the commission given to Capisucci in consequence were indispensable, as without them the intimation of the sentence and fixing of the time could not possibly have taken place.
As the time within which an appeal can be made from any Papal sentence has already elapsed we have now applied for letters of execution (executoriales), but they have not yet been granted, because it is necessary for His Holiness to decree them in consistory: but as he has had the gout lately the cardinals have not met. I hear, however, that a consistory is to be held next Friday; an application for the "executoriales" will then be made, and we hope that they will be granted.
Meanwhile there is no want of malicious working on the part of the English, for they are at present trying, as I am informed, to find a justification for their king to disobey this sentence on the plea that it was pronounced "super attentatis." Their king, they say, will be ready to prove that before the suit began he was already married to Anne, and it is rumoured here at Rome that the sentence will not be complied with. Many sufficient answers might be given to such assertions by the Queen's advocates, and I have mentioned the rumour merely to convince Your Majesty of the enormous falsehoods which these people are daily inventing for their wicked purposes.
I have this very day received from England from Your Majesty's ambassador (Chapuys) in that country, a copy of the sentence pronounced by the archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), and also of a certain proclamation made in London. The ambassador encloses them to me that I may inquire among the lawyers and counsel of this cause whether it will be opportune and convenient to apply to His Holiness for a revocation of the said sentence of the Archbishop, as well as for a declaration that on no account will the Queen be obliged to desist from her application (á desistir á esta causa), and if she does so that her desistance be considered null and void, since the Pope has advoked the cause to himself. The Pope at the same time ought to revoke and annul any writ (pragmatica), order, or law that the king of England or his councillors or prelates may have made in this case, &c.
It has been the subject of deliberation whether it would not be advisable, for the reasons specified in the enclosed memorandum, to summon also that Anne to appear. The majority of the lawyers, however, are of opinion that not to delay the sentence in the principal matter it would be better not to intimate the brief in question. (fn. n16) —Rome, 5th August 1533.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Spanish: Original. pp. 3.
5 Aug. 1112. The Same to the Same.
S.E Roma L.860,
f. 60.
B.M Add. 28,585,
f. 331.
After the sentence in the matrimonial cause of England was pronounced we tried to have it put into authentic form; a decretal has since been made out granting the English King all September to exhibit whatever proceedings "in partibus" may have been instituted, or he may like to bring forward.
A commission has been obtained for Paolo Capisuccis to intimate the sentence to the King by means of an edict to be published at Rome, Bruges, and Dunquerque, the places designated for such intimations; by which edict the King will be as much bound as if the intimation had been made personally. The decretal and the commission were equally required, as without them the sentence and the appointment of time could not be made. The term for appealing having expired, though there is no appeal from a Papal sentence, the Imperial lawyers applied for "executoriales" which have not yet been granted because they must be first decreed in a consistory of Cardinals, and these have not met owing to the sudden illness of the Pope, who the other day had a fit of the gout. It is expected, however, that next Wednesday they will meet, and the application be renewed.
The English allege that their king is not obliged to obey this sentence, inasmuch as it was pronounced sobre lo atentado, pretending that before the suit was instituted he (the King) was already married to Anne [Boleyn]; but such arguments on the part of the English may be victoriously answered on the Queen's behalf, and I only mention the fact to shew the many cunning devices of these people to carry out their wicked plans. (fn. n17)
The Imperial ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys) has sent the enclosed copies of the sentence pronounced by the archbishop of Canterbury, as well as of the proclamation posted up in the streets of London. In the opinion of the lawyers engaged for the Queen it would be advisable to obtain a brief from the Pope revoking and annulling the Archbishop's sentence, also whatever mandate or statute the King or his councillors or prelates may have made, or caused to be made, in this cause, since His Holiness advoked it to himself.
Some are also of opinion that Anne (la Anna) ought to be summoned for the reasons pointed out in the enclosed memorandum, thought others think that it would not be prudent to do so, for fear of delaying sentence in the principal cause.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
14 Aug. 1113. The Same to the Same.
S. E. Roma L.860,
B.M. Add. 28,555,
Has duly received the despatch brought by Don Diego [de] Osorio, and will answer by the next post.
He did well in letting the Emperor know; let him continue in future advising news from England. (fn. n18) When the King of England heard of the sentence he ordered he his ambassadors to quit Rome immediately. The same orders were sent to the duke of Norfolk, who with a small retinue had gone to France to see the King; he was told to return forthwith to England.
His Imperial Majesty is glad to hear it. Though the King had written to his ambassadors as above, he had addressed no letter to the Pope, as is customary in such cases. His Holiness had brought the matter forward in a consistory of Cardinals, when it was resolved that he (the Pope) was in the right in what he had done, and that the King had no reason whatever to complain, or act as he was doing.
It was likewise discussed in Consistory whether it would not be advisable for His Holiness to recall his Nuncio at once. The resolution was to wait and see what the king [of England] would say to the Nuncio, and do whatever the Imperial ambassador (Chapuys) himself did.
The ambassador is quite right in letting us know what he hears, but our news here is that the king of France continues his journey southwards, that he is making preparations, and his galleys are about to leave His Holiness appears in public to be much affected by the King's resolution, though secretly he is may be the cause of the interview with the king of France not taking place, without his appearing as if he himself had refused it. For some time past he (the Court) has been made aware that that Pope shuns the proposed conferences; in fact there is so little talk of them just now that some people think there will be none held, inasmuch as the king of France has not written about them for nearly 30 days.
Indorsed: "Paragraphs from a letter of count de Cifuentes of the 5th of August 1533. Answered at Monçon on the 30th."
Spanish. Contemporary abstract for the Emperor's inspection. pp. 2.
14 Aug. 1114. The Same to the Emperor.
S.E. Roma L. 860,
f. 62.
B. M Add. 28,585,
f. 335.
Wrote on the 5th inst., but not having yet deciphered the letter of the 29th ulto brought by Don Diego Ossorio, nor delivered to the Pope the one that came for him, and not wishing moreover to delay this courier who is leaving for Naples, he (Sylva) will postpone until next week the answer to the points contained therein.
The Emperor has no doubt been informed by way of England that when the King of that country heard of the Papal sentence in the divorce trial he recalled his ambassadors at this Court, and wrote besides to the duke of Norfolk to come back from France immediately. As the latter, however, had not yet reached his destination, orders were despatched for all his carriages and the greater part of his horses to return to England, he, himself, intending to visit the French king with a small retinue and then return home. (Cipher:) Some people imagine that the sudden recall of the Duke is not so much owing to any suspicion the King may have of his fidelity as to the anger caused by the Papal sentence. (Common writing:) The king of England, however, has not written to the Pope, but only to his ambassadors recalling them. The Pope brought the affair into Consistory, and it was resolved that he had acted aright and that the King had no reason to complain, nor do what he was doing. There was also a question in Consistory as to whether it would be wise for the Pope to recall his Nuncio at the English court, and it was resolved to be the better course to wait and see what Your Majesty would do.
This news about the English ambassadors and the duke of Norfolk the Pope sent to him by his secretary [Sanga]. He (Sylva) called next day on him and said: "Your Holiness has only done justice in this case, which is what all good Popes are bound to do, and after the great regards paid to the king of England, he certainly has no cause or reason for complaint; the Queen, on the contrary, has suffered much injury by the delays in the principal cause, which after all has not yet been determined. What Your Holiness is now doing against the king of England ought to have been done long ago, from the very moment that his marriage with his mistress became known.
(Cipher:) Publicly His Holiness seems affected by this order of the King to his ambassadors, but in private he is rather, as they say, glad, inasmuch as he thinks that thereby the proposed interview may be hindered without his appearing to decline it. For, as His Majesty has been informed, for some time back His Holiness has seemed to dislike the interview, and the whole thing is nowadays so unsettled that people begin to think there will be none. No letters from the king of France have come for the last month, and it is publicly asserted that the Privy Council is unwilling that the marriage between the duke of Orleans and the Pope's niece be now made, but they want him to be betrothed and marry a year after, for they say he is too young yet. Such is the common report among ambassadors and courtiers in this city. Will try to ascertain the truth the better to inform the Emperor, &c.—Rome, 14th August 1533.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. pp. 3.
14 Aug. 1115. The Same to the Same.
S. E. Roma L. 860,
f. 7.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 327 b.
It is well; let him do in all this affair what is proper. (fn. n19) On the 30th ulto a gentleman of the chamber to Ferdinand, king of the Romans, came here with instructions to promote this business of the Queen of England. Though when he arrived the sentence had already been pronounced and made public, he, nevertheless, obtained an audience from His Holiness, thanked him in his master's name, and begged that the principal cause should also be determined.
Whatever reliable information we possess on this subject has already been forwarded to him (Soria). Letters received from Lope de Soria and the cardinal of Trent [Clesi] report that a peace has been concluded between the king of the Romans and the Turk on condition of Strigonia (Gran) being restored to the Vayvod (Zapolsky).—Rome, 14th August 1533.
Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.


  • n1. "Qui avoint este suprins du suettin (sic.)"
  • n2. "Suyvant lcs brisees dont dernierement rescriviz a vostre maieste, trouvant grande commodite de parler au dict Cremuel, le quel alloit cherchant de deviser avec moy particulierement, apres aucungs familieres devises pour mieulx le gaigner gentre (j'entrai) a luy donne[r] du vent et de la gloyre, luy disant que regrettoye souvantesfoys quil nestoit venu en cognaissance de son maistre en telle sayçon questoit arrive le Cardinal, car estant son esperit et habilete plus grande que du cardinal, regnant lors mille occasions plus que maintenant de soy aggrandir et gagner credit yl eust este plus grande chose que nauroit este le dict Cardinal, et les affaires du roy son maistre sen fussent tropt mieulx portes."
  • n3. "Car puysque la sentence estoit donne en faueur de la royne (comme il mavoit dit en confession) il nestoit plus question davoer lespoer que aucungs sans avoer compte a lhoste avoint suggere au roy son maistre, a Sçavoer que vostre maieste et le pape condescendroint a ce diuorce."
  • n4. "Et falloit que le roy estant prince de sens, vertu et si grande humanité ne vouldroit persiste[r] en ceste erreur veullant macule[r] dune telle infamie tant de dous de grace, nature et fortune que dieu luy a donne."
  • n5. ["Venant a ce je tendray plustost les filletz pour le prendre et gaigner, sil est possible, que a autre proye, ayant toutesfoys bon pied et bon oeul (sic) sans madventurer que bien appoint, sachant que ny a que trop fier."]
  • n6. "Que si le Pape tient bon et reffuse de ouiyr (sic) le due de Norpborc et autres ambassadeurs sans que premierement il naye entre les mains larcheuesque de Canterbury, et autres quont assiste en la sentence, ce roy mectra de leau dans son vin," &c.
  • n7. "Pour le quel effect il a desia de nouveaul yectee (sic) une appellacion au futur concile. Une autre chose le picque bien en loreille, assauoir lentreueue du Pape et roy de France, de la quelle yl estoit autresfoys desireux; mais maintenant a ce que lon ma dit de bonne lieu, il tasche de lempescher maintenant, doubtant que le Pape ne luy suborne le roy de France."
  • n8. That of the 30th of July, No. 1107, p. 751.
  • n9. "Et sur ce despescha le seigneur de Beavoys, ung sien homme, pour en aduerty (sic) le roy descosse, le quel homme revint hier; ne sçay sil aura riens esploytte. Au retourd de lambassadeur de France icy resident, et du dit seigneur de Beauvoix (sic) que incontinent aprez larrivee du dict homme allerent en la court, l'on en sçaura la verité." The name of this ambassador is variously written Beauvoir, Beauvoys, and Bauvois; in English papers, Beawys or Bewis.
  • n10. "Que le roy descosse estoyt en la manche ou tutelle de lung des autres."
  • n11. "Questoit assez pour rendre retifz les ditz escossoys, que tienneut ung peu du sauvaige."
  • n12. "Et [sur] ce se plaignist [le roy] au dict ambassadeur de ce que les escossoys aux correries quils avoint faiet sur ce royaulme avoint seme des escripteanx en disfamation de luy et de ses subjects les intitulant do temeraire infidelite, et schismatiquerie."
  • n13. Idiaquez's note.
  • n14. "Que los dichos Verulano y Besançon han scripto la llegada del amerg (sic) (de Lamberg?) con C.m) ducados y habia hecho su embaxada segund parece por una copia que de la proposicion embia."
  • n15. "Que es por haver de dar la quitança de los tres años que quanto estuvo preso hizo."
  • n16. "Por un memorial que con esta embio en caso que [asi se determine] aunque a los mas paresce que no seria bien intentar intimar esto por no dilatar la sentencie."
  • n17. "Como no faltan malicias, principalmente en negocio, he sabido que por parte de los angleses se platica, para que el Rey de anglaterra no tenga causa de obedescer esta sententia, que se dio 'super attentatis,' y que provaran que antes que la lite se començasse estava eassado con la Anna, y ansi dizen que no havra lugar la sententia. En esto ay buenas respuestas por parte de la serenissima señora Reyna, y no lo he dicho sino por las invenciones que estos (sic) hazen á proposito de su dañdo fin."
  • n18. In the handwriting of Covos.
  • n19. Note by Idiaquez.