Spain: September 1533, 1-15

Pages 787-800

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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September 1533, 1-15

—Sept. 1122. The Emperor to count Cifuentes.
S. E. L. 860, f. 9.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 328.
Your letters of the 5th and 14th of August have been duly received.
With respect to the Council no resolution can be taken until it be known here what the archbishop of Reggio and the president of Mechlin (Malines), who were sent to Germany, have achieved. Nothing has been heard from them. With regard to the selection of the place of meeting, we should prefer that a city in Germany should be chosen, but if His Holiness and his cardinals dislike this let them designate another, for the thing concerns them most.
To use force against the Lutherans is out of the question for the present. There is no means to do it. You did therefore very well in not answering the Pope when he touched on the subject.
We cannot believe that count Noguerol had any mandate from his master, the king of the Romans, to speak about this. What you write on this particular business will be shewn to Salinas.
We are glad to hear of His Holiness' recovery.—September 1533.
Spanish. Original minute in the hand of ldiaquez.
3 Sept. 1123. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 228. No. 50.
Six days ago I received Your Majesty's letter of the 18th ulto, together with that for the Queen, your aunt, which I immediately forwarded, informing her at the same time of all other news according to Your Majesty's commands. I must add that the Queen—as she herself writes, and has since begged me to acquaint Your Majesty— experienced perhaps greater pleasure and consolation at the receipt and perusal of the said letter than at the news of the sentence delivered at Rome, which, as it would appear, was announced to her at the same time. And not without cause, for certainly the continuance of the perfect affection and entire good-will shewn by Your Majesty has been more agreeable to her than the news of the sentence itself, inasmuch as without it the help and assistance proffered by Your Majesty might still have been of use, whereas with the sentence itself and without your own affectionate intervention such is the pertinacious obstinacy of the parties concerned that the sentence will be of little or no avail. Indeed, not many days ago the King, disregarding altogether Papal authority, caused the revenues of the bishopric of Winchester, which cardinal Campeggio formerly had, as well as those of the auditor of the Apostolic Chamber (Ghinucci), to be sequestered : an evident sign to me that he does not intend submitting to, or obeying the Papal sentence ; though it must be said on the other hand that many people here consider the act rather a good sign, for they say the King has done it merely out of bravado and in utter despair, and that when his anger has subsided he will lower his tone and return to the right path, that is provided the Pope, whom he has tried to gain over by this and similar devices, keeps firm and holds his own. (fn. n1)
I have no doubt that the Queen herself will inform Your Majesty of this by the very next post, provided the many spies by whom she is surrounded do not prevent it. In the meantime she has ordered me to offer her excuses for not answering immediately Your Majesty's missive, and begs that should you decide to send to this country some noble personages for the purpose of exhorting this king to obey the Papal sentence, they may likewise bring instructions to remonstrate with the King, and if necessary with Parliament, against their introducing any change in the allowance in money hitherto as signed to her for her maintenance and matrimonial dowry, of which, as the rumour goes, there is some intention of depriving her at this next Parliament, which is to meet at the end of October. This is the thing which the Queen dreads most, and which causes her most pain and sorrow, more than any other personal annoyance she has hitherto gone through, imagining that as long as she retains the allowance and estate which queens generally enjoy she may consider herself as a queen, and not be dispossessed of her rank and dignity. She is the more afraid and chagrined at it that her servants and domestics, besides other people whose fidelity she has rewarded with sundry offices in her household, will henceforward he deprived of their pensions and salaries should her marriage portion be taken from her.
Should Your Majesty decide to send the above personageo to stop, if possible, the measures in contemplation there is nh necessity for me to point out what line of conduct the sais representatives are to follow, nor what arguments they ard to adduce ; yet as the Queen herself has thrice written to me about this, and begged I would mention the subject to You-Majesty, I could not help alluding it. Up to this day, whate ever the King and his people may say about it, no innovartion has been introduced respecting the Queen's usual allowance. I am now procuring copies of the deeds of settlement executed at the time of the Queen's marriage, and will not fail to remonstrate to the best of my ability, should any innovation be attempted. (fn. n2)
With regard to my conversation with the duke of Norfolk on the subject of the interview of the Pope and king of France, I must say that not a word has since been said about it by him or the rest of the councillors. On the contrary, the originators of that idea, whoever they were, must now feel ashamed of themselves for all their presentiments have led to nothing else but disappointment and confusion, being now the laughing stock for all parties. The same may be said of their misgivings about Andrea Doria. (fn. n3) I have not taunted them on this occasion, but the case occurring again I shall not fail to reply according to Your Majesty's commands.
The duke of Norfolk arrived the clay before yesterday from France in tolerably good haste (par postes en assez bonne diligence). Immediately after his arrival there was a question of dispatching to the conference of Nice and to the king of France the bishop of Winchester (Gardyner), who left this very morning for that country, posting. There was a talk of the archbishop of Canterbury following him soon, but I have been yet unable to learn whether this latter is to go to the Pope or elsewhere. (fn. n4) The duke of Richmond is also coming from France to marry the duke of Norfolk's young daughter, and it is also reported that the King is about to send his son Richmond to Ireland as governor of that country.
A Scottish gentleman has recently been lodged in the Tower of London. He was taken at sea on board a vessel, and was going to Rome to apply in his master's name for permission to prosecute and try the archbishop of Saint Andrew's, who, as I wrote to Your Majesty, has been accused of high treason. It is generally believed that the seizure of the Scotchman will not be very favourable for the conclusion of the peace or truce between the two kingdoms, which Beauvois (sic) is still trying to bring about here, as he is only waiting for certain papers and instructions from France to resume the work and return to Scotland. People here think that the Scottish king, after the last word has been said on both sides, will be easily persuaded to conclude some short truce, were it for no other purpose than to have leisure in the meantime to treat about his marriage, and contract some alliance from which he may derive both help and favour, without which he cannot, and will not, undertake anything serious against this kingdom or penetrate far into it, since being absolutely pennyless the angelots and intrigues of the English might cause his subjects to falter in their fidelity, and play him false as they have done to many of his predecessors on the throne of Scotland.
The Lubeckian ships wishing to fight the 15 hulks anchored at the Cinque Ports, (fn. n5) as I had occasion to inform Your Majesty in my despatch of the 23rd, sent on shore one of their principal captains to talk over, and gain favour with the people of the said port, and request that the Hollanders should not be allowed to land their artillery, so that their hulks might better be attacked ; but the people of that port having received orders from this king—at my own request, to lend all favour and assistance to Your Majesty's subjects—not only denied the captain's petition, but arrested his person, at which the Lubeckians greatly astonished lowered immediately their flags, raised their anchors, and set sail to return to their country, leaving their captain a prisoner in the hands of the English. To recover his freedom, the captain, as I hear, has engaged himself to cause every particle of plunder taken on English and Spanish vessels to be returned to their legitimate owners, provided he is allowed to go to Lubeck on parole; but the King and the Privy Council have taken this affair so much to heart that they will not consent to have the man released unless the Easterlings (Austrelins) residing in this city become bail, or pay for him. Out of the seven ships of which, as I informed Your Majesty, the Lubeckian fleet was composed, two were Spanish prizes. One of them they sent to Antwerp, with all hands, and with letters to the Portuguese factor (consul) in that port, begging him to indemnify them for all losses, in virtue of certain claims which one of the Lubeckian captains pretends to have against that factor.
The King, believing in the report of his physicians and astrologers, that his Lady will certainly give him a male heir, has made up his mind to solemnize the event with a pageant and tournament were it for no other purpose than to repair the fault of the last which were shamefully bad. Already some of the Lady's favourites have sent to Flanders for horses. The King has likewise caused to be taken out of his treasure room one of the most magnificent and gorgeous beds that could be thought of, which was once part of the ransom paid for the delivery of a duke of Alençon. Very fortunately for the Lady the said bed has been in her possession for the last two months ; otherwise she would not have it now, for it appears that she being sometime ago very jealous of the King, and not without legitimate cause, made use of certain words which he (the King) very much disliked, telling her that she must shut her eyes and endure as those who were better than herself had done, and that she ought to know that he could at any time lower her as much as he had raised her. Owing to which angry remark on the part of the King there has since been much coldness and grumbling between them, so much so that the King has been two or three days without speaking to her. True these are love quarrels, of which no great notice should be taken, and yet those who know the King's nature and temper consider the above events as of good omen and a sign that the King will soon begin to think of recalling the Queen.
Next Sunday the marriage is to take place of the duke of Suffolk to the daughter of a Spanish lady called Madame Vuillibi (Willoughby), who had been previously engaged to the Duke's own son though only 10 years old. I do consider this piece of information as unworthy of Your Majesty's notice, yet the case is so singular and strange that having nothing better to say I have-been induced to record it here. In contracting such a marriage, the Duke will no doubt please the ladies of this country, who, imitating his example, will no doubt take their revenge, when accused of marrying again immediately after the death of their husbands, as they are in the habit of doing. (fn. n6) To indemnify the Duke for the expense, of burying his last wife, the King, I believe, is about to give him the first fruits of a bishopric worth about 12,000 ducats a year.—London, 3rd September 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 3rd September. Received on the 24th."
French. Holograph. pp. 5.
10 Sept. 1124. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 227, No. .
Having received no notice of the departure of this courier till just as he was about to start on his journey, and, moreover, having no important news to communicate just now, I will be brief. On Sunday last, on the eve of Lady Day, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the Queen's mistress was delivered of a girl, to the great disappointment and sorrow of the King, of the Lady herself, and of others of her party, and to the great shame and confusion of physicians, astrologers, wizards, and witches, all of whom affirmed that it would be a boy. (fn. n7) The people in general have rejoiced at the discomfiture of those who attach faith to such divinations, and who, whatever face they may put on the present occasion, are nevertheless exceedingly affected and ashamed.
The Lord Mayor (fn. n8) and aldermen of this city, the heads of guilds, and other citizens of note have been invited to the christening, as well as the two French ambassadors. The new-born is to be christened at Greynuich (Greenwich). The godmothers will be the mother-in-law to the duke of Norfolk and the marchioness of Exeter; the archbishop of Canterbury to hold the child at the font, and the bishop of London to christen her. She is to be called Mary as the Princess: which title, as I have been informed from various quarters, will be taken away from its true and legitimate owner, and given to this spurious daughter of the King. If so we shall soon hear.
It must, therefore, be concluded that God has entirely abandoned this king, and left him a prey to his own misfortune, and to his obstinate blindness, that he may be punished and completely ruined. Indeed there is already every appearance of this, for if we consider the almost general indignation which this, the King's second marriage, and consequent acts have produced among the people, both high and low, which is likely to be increased should he, as I am assured he will, defraud the Princess of her title, for the Princess is adored, as she well deserves it, by the whole nation. I am aware that this indignation against the King and his mistress, like all other sentiments and affections of the popular masses will subside and cool down unless taken up in time and fostered at the proper moment; but still deeply rooted is it in people's minds, and so just the cause of it that it will take a long time before the nation, or at least the great majority, forgets it.
It has been settled that to-morrow morning I am to go to Court to meet the Privy Councillors and fix upon the best means of recovering the property taken on board of the Spanish ships by the Lubeckians. I shall not fail to acquaint Your Majesty with the result of the conference; in the meantime I have considered it my duty to inform you of the above facts. — London, 10th September 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "From the Emperor's ambassador in England, of the 10th, 12th, and 27th of September. Received on the 1st of October at Monçon."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 2.
12 Sept.
M. Re. Ac. d. His
c. 71, f. 262.
1125. Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, king of Bohemia and Hungary.
Received on the 5th inst. His Majesty's letter dated Vienna, the 7th ulto. As his (Salinas') despatch of the 27th related chiefly to the points therein touched, and as no advance has since been made in the negotiations, I shall only report now on the various occurrences of this court.
The Empress (Isabella), quite recovered from her last illness, (fn. n9) made her entry in this town (Monçon) on the 6th, prince [Philip] and the infanta [Maria] remaining at a place two leagues from hence owing to the want of accommodation in this town, already full to excess.
The letters for the election and for the dukes of Bavaria have been sent. They are in perfect order, and the Duke's servant, Conrad, (fn. n10) is to take them. As he (Conrad) has been offered a good reward in case of success, and finds the arrangement quite beneficial for his two masters, he will most likely do his best in this business. The despatch could not go before owing to the absence of Dr. Mathias.
In these and other affairs both Covos and Granvelle have shewn their usual desire to please. His Majesty would do well to write to them from time to time warm letters of acknowledgment, &c. The latter (Granvelle) has a brother-in-law, once ambassador at the Court of France, and a councillor and Master of Requests in Flanders. He has begged for letters of favour and introduction to that court. His name is François Bonvallot. (fn. n11) The marquis of Branderbuque (Albert de Branderburgh) arrived three days ago.
The letter for the duke of Milan in favour of Castelalto, of Trent, was made and sent, and the knighthood of Santiago for the Apostolic Nuncio obtained. (fn. n12)
Spoke again to the Emperor about Monseigneur the bishop of Trent (Clesi) and his petition. This last, the Emperor said, could not possibly be granted until after these "Cortes," as the deputies from Catalonia and Aragon attending them must first be satisfied.
Yesterday, the 9th, letters came from the viceroy of Naples (D. Pedro de Toledo) advising the departure of the forces for the relief of Coron. — Monçon, 12th September 1533.
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
12 Sept. 1126. The Same to secretary Castillejo.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 263.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
News has come that our ambassadors had left Constantinople. We are anxiously expecting to hear what the result of their negotiations has been.
Gabriel Sanchez writes from Rome in such a desponding humour both as to his want of means and his utter failure in the negotiations entrusted to him, that it is to be feared he will one of these days abandon his post altogether.
Covos and Granvelle continue friendly, &c.
Death of Juan de Mercado.
A Neapolitan gentleman of the name of Constantino, the same person who first gave notice of the Atri (fn. n13) affair, has shewn me the copies of all the letters he wrote to the Emperor thereupon. He has no doubt done service and deserves reward.—Monçon, 12th September 1533.
Spanish. Origina. pp. 1½.
7-15 Sept. 1127. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 228, No. 34..
Yesterday morning I went to the King's Privy Council for the purpose of hearing what had been resolved respecting the recovery of Spanish merchandize seized by the ships of Lubeck, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty the day before yesterday (fn. n14) for the second time. Whilst treating of the said business many and various were the arguments proposed by the said Council, which, though lacking solid foundation, were nevertheless a proof of the subtilty and cunning of its members. I will not trouble Your Majesty with a detailed account of the specious reasoning offered on that occasion, (fn. n15) save that in order to make parade of their ingenious subtilty, I might almost say total want of discretion in the debate, the councillors began by declaring, firstly, that it seemed to them very strange that the people of Lubeck, being, as they really were, the subjects of the Empire, should make war upon the Hollanders; secondly, that it seemed natural, and also more convenient in the present case, that the plaintiffs, being Spaniards, should have recourse to Your Majesty rather than to the king of England, who had nothing to do with such matters; and thirdly, that it was the King, their master, who had just reason to complain of Your Majesty, whose subjects the said Lubeckians were, not punishing them for their depredations and excesses on the coast of England. (fn. n16)
My reply was that the first-named point did not affect the present case in the least. Had they (the councillors) known the customs of Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia, where each gentleman can at his will, and without the permission of his superior, defy, challenge, and make war upon his neighbour, they would not find it strange that a city or country should have the privilege of waging war to another, especially Germany, whose cities enjoyed authority almost regal. "Your Imperial Majesty," I said, "was the natural preserver and guardian, not the derogator, of such rights and privileges."
With regard to the second point, I said to the councillors that in this particular instance the Spaniards had good and legitimate cause for complaint, and for appealing to the king of England for reparation of the damage done to them, inasmuch as the crime had been committed in this country, and some of the perpetrators of such outrages were actually in their power. The king of England, I said, was the more bound to repair the injury done to our merchants, as besides the usual customs, he raised certain taxes for the security and protection of his ports and adjacent coasts.
In reference to the third and last point, I said that it was not likely that the said Lubeckians would do them (the English) any harm or injury, considering the good treatment and favour shewn to them everywhere on the coast, and the provisions furnished, &c. And yet had the said Lubeckians done the English any harm, and should the King lay his complaints before Your Majesty or before your brother, the king of the Romans, or else before the Reichstat of the Empire, I did not hesitate to say that such being the case proper reparation should be immediately made to the King's full satisfaction. This I boldly asserted and affirmed, knowing very well that things would never come to that pass. I did more; I told them that I wondered much how the treaties of peace, friendship, and confederation now existing between Your Majesty and them could be reconciled with the help and favour shewn to such people as the Lubeckians, or with the provisions and refreshment furnished to them by the King's commands, for certainly they (the councillors) must be aware, as they themselves had declared to me on other occasions, that the Lubeckians were the enemies, nay, rebellious, to Your Imperial Majesty. I ended by declaring that I had not come there to dispute rights, but merely to assist the Spaniards in their just claims, and report to Your Majesty on the deliberations and decision of the Council.
Evidently the councillors did not much relish the idea of their king being made responsible for such misdemeanours, for they attempted at first to deny having furnished provisions to the Lubeckians, though perceiving that I was well informed of the facts they acknowledged it at the end, and offered as an excuse that they themselves had advised the King to issue orders to that effect, inasmuch as it was considered as the only sure means of making them leave the coasts of England and return to their own country; and that if the Lubeckians had been furnished with provisions it was merely that they might the sooner set sail and leave the coasts of England.
After a most wearisome and long dispute, which lasted almost the whole of that day, the Privy Councillors did the best they could to settle the affair, and it was resolved: that the King would depute a proper person to go to the Lubeckians and earnestly and eagerly (fn. n17) demand from them the restitution of the property seized within the limits of his kingdom, besides the reparation of the offence and injury done to his Royal authority. Previous to the departure of the said deputy, the Lubeckian captain here detained would be released to accompany him in his mission, though on condition of his solemnly promising that all property taken [on the Spanish ships] shall be restored to its legitimate owners before the 15th of November next. Should the deputation fail in this the Lubeckian captain to return here a prisoner The aldremant (elder) of the house of Stilliart, and other merchants to constitute themselves bail for the captain, and engage, if necessary, to answer personally for him.
The duke of Norfolk having, as it appears, been accused by the Lady [Anne] of too much familiarity and freedom of speech, fearing also lest I should renew the conversation on certain topics, such as the legitimacy of the princess [Mary] and her undoubted right to the successioneven in case of there being 1,000 daughters born of this new marriagehas ever since visibly avoided as much as possible my company under the plea that his time is taken up with most important business (fn. n18) He, has, therefore, shunned meeting me in private, and if I call and find him at home he is either surrounded by clerks and officials, or else is sure to promote some topic of general conversation which prevents my addressing him in private. In this manner, the other day though I sat by him at dinner, the Duke spoke of nothing else to me but of the ladies of France, and of the good reception and cheer he had met with in that country, especially from the duke of Albany (John Stuard) whose hospitality in his own parks, as well as in those estates and lands which he holds in administration in virtue of his charge of Master of the Hounds, and governor [of Auvergne] (fn. n19), could not possibly be improved; "so much so (added the Duke) that the ties of friendship and confraternity now knit between us cannot be dissolved, and there never was two personages who esteemed each other more than we do."
As far as I can judge this speech of Mr. de Norfolk and his exaggerated praises of the duke of Albany and of his courteous hospitality, have no other object than to make me believe that the affairs of Scotland will soon be settled according to king Henry's wishes, and that the whole matter is, as it were, in Albany's hands. Having purposely asked him what other reputed captains he (the Duke) had met at the court of France, he answered with a smile on his lips, and jokingly said: "A good many more than 50," though he afterwards owned to me that they were all gone, and none remained (fn. n20) [at Court]. He also spoke to me about the grace and wit of the little lord of Angoulesme, praising and commending him as if he meant to give him a wife [in England] and make me think that the said Angoulesme might make a very good husband for the new-born girl. (fn. n21) At last the Duke could not help touching on the tender part; (fn. n22) he said to me that never at any time would there be peace and tranquillity in the world as long as a Christian prince retained so many kingdoms and lordships as Your Majesty now has under your rule. I could easily guess what the Duke meant by such an allusion, and I said to him that Your Majesty's power, however great, would soon be tested by the resistance offered to the Turk, the sworn enemy of Christendom, and moreover that all your kingdoms were as well governed as if each had a separate ruler. These premises the Duke would not consent to grant, alleging that in his opinion a numerous progeny, such as Your Majesty might expect to have, could be the only remedy for what he considered an evil. (fn. n23) I made several vain attempts to make the Duke come to the point and talk of the political business in hand, but I could not draw him out of his reserve.
The Lady's daughter has been christened Elizabeth, not Mary, as I wrote in my last despatch. The christening ceremony was as dull and disagreeable (mial playcante) as the mother's coronation. Neither at Court, nor at this city of London, nor elsewhere has there been the bonfires, illuminations, and rejoicings customary on such occasions. Immediately after the christening of this daughter of the King, a herald standing at the gate of the church proclaimed her princess of England, and previously to that, that is to say, immediately after the child's birth, the same herald announced that the good, true, and legitimate princess [of Wales] was no longer to be called so; the badges usually born by her lacquais on their coats-of-arms were instantly removed, and replaced by the King's skutcheon. (fn. n24) In fact a rumour is afloat, and not without foundation, that her household and allowance are to be shortly reduced. May God in His infinite mercy prevent a still worse treatment! (fn. n25)
Meanwhile the Princess, prudent and virtuous as she naturally is, has taken all these things with patience, trusting entirely in God's mercy and goodness. She has addressed to her mother, the Queen, a most wonderful letter, full of consolation aud comfort. I shall not fail, however, after hearing the Queen's wishes, and receiving her orders, to remonstrate and protest against so enormous injury and injustice as the one just inflicted upon her and her daughter, the Princess, though I very much fear—and indeed am almost sure—that all my remonstrances will lead to nothing, for certainly the King's obdurate sin, and his own misfortune, have so shut his ears that no arguments of any sort or prayers shall be listened to. Indeed, something more than mere words will be required to make him return to the right path.—London, 7th September 1533.
Yesterday, the 14th, since the above was written, the King sent me message by one of the gentlemen of his chamber to go to him, as he said he had something of importance to communicate. I went accordingly, met him in the gallery as he was returning from mass, and presented my respects to him. He received me graciously enough, though by no means so openly as on former occasions. After thanking me for coming, (fn. n26) the King said that he had sent for me not only to hear what news I had of Your Majesty, but likewise to talk about the business of the merchants. He said no more at the time, but retired quickly to his rooms without stopping at the hall (sale), as he is in the habit of doing. This, I have no doubt, was done on purpose that he might be excused from conversing on other subjects. (fn. n27) The King having entered his apartments, I remained for a good length of time in the audience hall talking to some of his Privy Councillors, that they might, if they chose, discuss in the meantime the affair of the merchants, which, as I will prove hereafter, was of such small importance that 100 similar cases might easily have been discussed and settled in half the time. Yet, as I say, though I was long with the King's councillors, both before and after dinner, not a word was said to me about the affair for which I had been summoned to Court, and this for no other purpose, as I presume, than to make the public believe that I was paying my court to the King. (fn. n28)
After considerable length of time, however, and not before the Privy Councillors had been closeted for a couple of hours, I was introduced, and the duke of Norfolk, after excusing the King for having sent for me, and thanking me too warmly perhaps for the trouble I had taken, (fn. n29) read a letter he held in his hand from the King's ambassadors in Flanders announcing that the fleet (l'armee de mer) of the Hollanders had put to sea. He (the Duke) supposed that I was fully informed of the fact, as sailors of all nations (he said) were known to be generally ill-disposed (tres mal conditionnes). The Council begged me in the King's name to write to your sister [queen Mary] in Flanders to issue orders for the said fleet not to commit depredations on the coast of England, or otherwise injure the King's subjects at sea or in land. My answer was that any such commendations on my part were unnecessary, inasmuch as I knew that the said queen [dowager of Hungary], as well by her own inclination as by Your Majesty's express commands, would do her utmost to prevent any misdemeanours on the part of her men. On my part I begged and entreated the councillors in case of the seamen and soldiers (soudards) of the said fleet who, as they said, were generally devilishly inclined and not easily controlled, committing any disorder, to impute this to the generally ill-condition of mercenary troops, and not in any way to the officers in command. Should, however, anything of the sort happen they might be sure that a prompt remedy would be applied.
After this, in order the more efficaciously to back their own request, and at the same time to make it appear as if the dread of the Dutch fleet had not been the only cause of my being sent for, (fn. n30) the councillors read to me the minute of the letters which the King himself had caused to be written to the Lubeckians, and which were to be sent to them by express messenger, in order (they said) that if anything was to be added to, or crased from them, I should frankly state my opinion thereupon. There was, however, no necessity for any alteration, for the letters, I must own, were as clear and explicit as could be desired, and such as the emergency of the circumstances required. On my part I failed not to promise that I would write home and do the good offices which the King wanted.
During dinner the duke of Norfolk, who only last Thursday affected not to believe in the treaty just concluded between the king of the Romans and the Turk, observing that had there been any chance of it he would have heard the news during his stay at the Court of France, said to me: "I would willingly wager 100 crs. to one that no treaty has been made with the Turk unless it includes the Vayvod and ensures him the greater and best part of the Hungarian kingdom. If so the part to be retained by the king of the Romans will be very insignificant, as captain Rincon assures me, and 10 times more costly to him to defend than the whole kingdom."
The Duke next began to speak about Barbarossa, extolling the number and quality of the forces under his command, and saying that there was danger of his doing great harm, since the Turk had lately invested him with the captain-genera-ship of the sea on the coast of Africa. Subsequently to this, one of the company having remarked that the Turk was now impeded in his military enterprizes by the sophi of Persia, and that Your Imperial Majesty had conferred a signal benefit on Christendom at large by keeping up intelligences and amicable relations with the said Sophi, the Duke interrupted him, and said: "could name several Christian princes who are still on better terms with the said Sophi than the Emperor."
My reply as to the first premise was that I was unwilling to contradict him, time would soon shew who of us both was in the right, and whether the Vayvod by treaty retained or not any portion of his pretended kingdom. I would (I said) consider it a charge on my conscience were I to accept the proposed wager, and win his money; for he ought to know what little trust could be placed in the reports of such a man as Rincon. (fn. n31) As to Barbarossa there was no occasion to make such a bug-bear of him; his neighbours, moreover, had no reason at all to be frightened by the captain-generalship of which he (the Duke) spoke, for the renegade had filled that post for the last two years, and yet had worked no very great miracles during that period of time, his presence and establishment on the coast of Barbary was most likely the cause of all the kings of that country joining their forces for his destruction. "This failing (said I) I have no doubt that the Emperor, with the help of God and of the Christian princes, his allies, will so manage that neither Barbarossa, nor even his master, the sultan of Constantinople, will be able to do all the harm they intend to Christendom." At any rate, whatever the issue of the contest may be, nobody will reproach the Emperor with not having fulfilled his duty or done his best in that respect."
Hearing this the duke of Suffolk addressed the Chancellor (Cromwell), who sat above him at table, and said aloud and in English, which language he knew I did not understand: "It must, however, be owned that in this affair of the Turk not only has the Emperor done his duty towards Christendom, but more than his duty, whereas we ourselves and the French have been so backward and done so little in it that it is to be feared God will punish us accordingly." These words one of my own men, who stood behind my chair to serve me the dinner, overheard the duke of Suffolk say to his neighbour, the Chancellor, the very same words which he afterwards repeated in French, as will be said hereafter, though not so expressly or uttered with the same warmth.
Respecting the third point, I said to the duke [of Norfolk] that far from feeling jealous of other Christian princes for their acquaintance and amicable relations, as he said, with the Sophy of Persia, I was sure Your Majesty would be delighted at it, for, after all, though an infidel himself, it was more praiseworthy to have intelligences with him than with the Grand Turk, with Barbarossa, or the king of Fez. No reply whatever came from the Duke to this hint of mine, the true meaning of which everyone present understood quite well. It was then that the duke of Suffolk made aloud, and in French, the remark that Your Majesty had actually done more than your duty for the defence of Christendom.
Before leaving Court I begged the duke of Norfolk to grant me a private audience, which for the reasons above alluded to he seemed not to desire at all. The Duke then bade the brother of the Lady (George Boleyn), as I have since learned from one who was present and overheard the message, to go into the King's chamber, (fn. n32) which he (George) did, returning almost immediately after so as to cut short any conversation in which we might be engaged. And so it was, for having requested Cromwell to be present at the conference, I had scarcely broached the subject when Boleyn made his appearance and our conversation was suddenly put an end to. I had previously told them (the Duke and Chancellor) that I had been informed that the King's newlyborn daughter had been proclaimed princess of Wales. "By so doing (said I) it is not to be presumed that the King intends declaring his other daughter a bastard, nor depriving her of the lawful succession to the throne." (fn. n33) That they might colour and repair their error, and at the same time excuse, without prejudice or injury to the rightful and legitimate Princess, what had already been done, I told them that I saw no harm in the proclamation of the King's newly-born daughter, for, after all, every Royal son or daughter ought to be so called, but that I was only afraid that by doing so the rights of the first born (princess Mary) might be impaired. Such, however, I presumed could not be their intention. Hearing this the Duke and the Chancellor looked at each other for a time without knowing what to say, and I went on with my argument, reminding the former of what he himself told me once on this topic, and wishing to know his opinion on the matter. Both told me that the question was too important to be thus answered at a moment's notice, and that besides that they had first to learn what the King's wishes were on so delicate a point. With regard to my writing to Court and informing Your Majesty of the result of my application, I was told by the councillors that I might use my discretion, as they could not then give me a more cathegorical one.
Just at this moment the Lady's brother came in with the message that the King wished to see the councillors and, therefore, I had to quit the place without speaking to him on the subject, though fully intending to renew my visit as soon as I had learned the Queen's wishes; for I really believed then, and I do still, that had I applied for an audience to speak about the said matter it would have been refused.
Since my return from Court the marchioness of Exeter, who is the only true comforter and friend the Queen and the Princess have, has informed me that letters patent had been sent to all parts of this kingdom in which the King bids his subjects to rejoice, and return thanks to the Almighty for having given him an heiress. The Marchioness has likewise sent me word that the bishop of Winchester has gone to France for the purpose of expressing the King's regret at his brother on the other side of the Channel not having prevented the sentence, as he fully promised to the duke of Norfolk and might have done. The Bishop has, moreover, charge to say to the king of France that since he had been unable to stay the Papal sentence in the affair of this divorce he is now earnestly requested to try by dint of promises, threats, or otherwise that the said sentence be revoked or at least not put into execution. She (the Marchioness) has also given me to understand that the frequent and almost daily meetings of the Privy Council are for no other purpose at present than to decide how much and in what manner the household of the Queen and Princess, and their rank and estate are to be reduced, and yet the same lady writes that the King's Privy Councillors had not yet found a solution to the affair.—London, the 15th of the month, ut supra.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph. pp. 8.


  • n1. "Bieu que pluseurs pensent que cest beaucoup meilleur signe, puisquil joue ainsy a la desperade, et use de telles braveries, et que passee ceste collere il mectra de leau en son vin et reviendra au droit chemin pourveu que le Pape tienne bon, Je quel par telle[s] et semblables grimasses il tasche destourner."
  • n2. "Je suys aprez pour recouvrer les trayttez et documens faictz et passez sur la consignation des dits biens, les quels veus tiendrey main faysant les remonstrances possibles pour obvier a la dite iniure et nouvellete."
  • n3. "Encoirez se tiennent ilz les aucteurs diceulx bien par le bec de jamays les avoer mis en avant a cause que leur pourpensemans sont tournez en risee et mocquerie. Touchant ceulx que concernoint Messire Andrea Doria aussi pen na este question les reffiriquer (sic)."
  • n4. "Et est quelque bruyt aussy que larchcvesque de Conturbery le doyt suyvrc, et nay encoires peu sçavoer sil va au pape ne a quoy."
  • n5. "Questoint arrivez au ports de la Rie."
  • n6. "Dimanche prochainement venant se feront les nopces du due de Suffocq avec le fille dune hyspagnolle nommee madame de Vvuillibi, la quelle estoit promise a son filz, mays yl na que dix ans, et combien, sire, que ne soit chose digne destre escripte a vostre maieste toutesfoys la nouvellete du cas un peu estrange, et ne fust yl que pour la oisifvete, ma esmeu de ce fere. Le dict due aura bien faict playsir aux dames de ce pays quauront a lexemple de luy revanche, quant leur sera reprouche quelles se remarient, comme cest lordinaire, incontinent apres le deces de leurs marys."
  • n7. "Au grand regret et fascherie du dit Roy et dame et autres de leurs oppinions et party, et au grande vilipende et mesextime des medicins, astrologues, sorciers et sorcieres qui affermoint devoer estre male."
  • n8. "Le mayor, aldermans, chefs des mestiers et autres gens daparence de ceste cite sont appelez pour assister ce apres disner a la solempnite et celebrite du baptizement."
  • n9. See above, p. 777, and compare Flores' Reynas Catolicas de España vol. ii. p. 858.
  • n10. Written Cōrraes in the original, from which I conclude that his name was Conrad.
  • n11. Bazmallot, writes Salinas' clerk, but there can be no doubt that Bonvallot is meant. See Int. to part i., p. vii.
  • n12. "La carta para el duque de Milan en favor de Castelalto (sic), el de Trento, se hiço y se enbió, como tambien el despacho del habito de Santiago para el Nuncio de su Santidad."
  • n13. "Del duque de Atra," says the original The name of this duke was Gio. Antonio Acquaviva.
  • n14. "Pour selon que avant hier re-scripviz a vostre maieste, prendre resoulution sur la recouvrance des marchaudizes hyspagnolez ravies par ceulx de lubee." The despatch of the 13th, however, is not in the packet.
  • n15. "Yl y eust, sire, plusieurs et divers propoz assez legiers et peritement (?) fondes."
  • n16. "Si icelle maieste ne chastioyt comme ses subiectz les ditz de lubec des dictes prinses et egcez (sic) icy perpetrez."
  • n17. "Pour tres instantement et tres aygremant solliciter la restitution des choses prinses [de] riere ses limites."
  • n18. "Ayant este charge le duc de Norphoe de le Dame de la trop grande familiarite et liberalite de propos, aussi doubtant que ne luy meisse en avant plusieurs propos quil mavoit tenu en lendroit de la legittimite de la princesse et du droit de la succession appartenant a elle, oires quil y eust mille filles de ce marriage, faignant de tousiours estre negocieux, il evada tousiours que ne le puisse aborder particulierement, et estant en compagnie tousiours esmeut practiquer en quoi entendre."
  • n19. "Tant en ses propres parcs que terres de sa charge et gouvernement." The Duke was at this time governor of Auvergne and Master of the Hounds to king Francis.
  • n20. "Luy demandant quel autre capitaine destime avoit la france, yl me repondist tout en riant et gaudissant que beancoupt, et plus de cinquante, et a la fin yl me dit quilz sen estoint tres tous allez, et quil nen y avoit plus nulz."
  • n21. "Il me parla aussy beaucoupt de la grace et esperit du petit seigneur dangoulesme le louant comme sil le vouloit marier. Ne sçay sil le faysoit pour me fere soupçonner que ce seroit bon party pour la nouvellement nee." The "petit seigneur d'Angoulesme" here mentioned can be no other than Charles, third son of Francis I., then aged 10, since he was born in January 1521.
  • n22. "A la parfin il fallut que la langue allat [la] ou la dent luy doulloit."
  • n23. "Il ne voulut confesser ne lung ne lautre, disant que la multitud des enfans quaura vostre maieste y remedieroit."
  • n24. "Et furent hosteez (sic) a ses lacquaix les cottes dorfevrerie quils portoint avec la deuise dicelle, en lieu de la quelle ont este mises les seulles armes du roy."
  • n25. "Dieu par sa grace veuille que lon ne luy machine de pire choses, et cetera."
  • n26. "Yl me fist assez bon recuyl (sic) mais non point si ouvert quil soulait, et apres mavoer aggree ma venue yl me dit," &c.
  • n27. "Yl se retira incontinent affin, comme je croy, quil fust excuse non me tenir autre propos."
  • n28. ldquo;Non pour autre [chose] que presume sinon affin que le monde sçeust et veist que je faisoye la court."
  • n29. "Apres avoer excuse la peyne que le roy mavoit donnee daller ça et la, et men ayant fayt tropt ample remerciement."
  • n30. "Apres les dictes parolles pour impetrer plus efficacement la dicte requeste, et couvrir que la craincte de la diete armee navoit esmeu le roy a me fairc la venir," &c.
  • n31. The same Spaniard named at page 598, part I.
  • n32. "Pour quoy ayant ouy ce que dessus il dit incontinent au frere de la dame comme jay sçeu dhomme que louyt, quil entrast en la chambre du roy."
  • n33. "Comme quelqung mavoit aduerty que la fille nouuelle avoit este publiee princesse, mays que pour cela ne croyez-je que le roy voulsist abastarder la premiere, ne la priver de la succession a elle justemant appartenante."