BHO

Spain: November 1533, 16-30

Pages 858-868

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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Citation:

November 1533, 16-30

19 Nov. 1152. The governor of Marano to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,310,
f. 76.
B. M. Add. 28,585,
f. 65.
Heard a few days ago that the Captain-General of Croatia, by name Kechonitz, had apprehended and sent to Lubiana two of Gritti's spies,—one named Desiderio Codroip, the other Pelon (sic), this latter being a native and resident of Marran. They have confessed that the said Gritti, in the name and as a representative of the Turkish Emperor, has made an alliance with the kings of England and France, and with several other princes, against His Imperial and Royal Majesties and the rest of Christendom, in consequence of which the armies of the Turk, consisting of about 1,500 light horse and 22,000 hackbutiers (fn. n1) (the whole force to be paid by the king of France), are about to invade Christendom. And it is the opinion of one of the spies that Gritti himself with his confederates will invade Croatia, Slavonia, and Hungary, and try if he can conquer those countries. Meanwhile the dukes of Bavaria and Wurtemburg and the count (landgrave) of Hesse will create disturbances in Germany, and so distress Christendom that His Imperial Majesty will find himself in trouble.
Could not do less than communicate the news as it reached him; should he hear more he will not fail to advise.
Indorsed: "Ex litteris capitanei Marranis (fn. n2) datis xix. Novembris MDXXXIII."
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.
20 Nov. 1153. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 227, No. 64.
It was only yesterday very late in the evening, that Your Majesty's letter of the 23rd ult. came to hand. Since that date several of mine must have been received, explaining the state of affairs in this country, as well as conveying the agreeable intelligence that the staple of Calais has been replaced on its original footing, and that the Lubeckians have been compelled to disgorge the spoil taken from our ships, as well as to restore the Spanish vessel captured on the Welsh coast. In this last affair Cremuel (Cromwell) has certainly shown great affection for Your Majesty's subjects, as he generally does in every other thing that concerns them, which is a very good sign for the future, since, after all, it is he who really governs and conducts all matters here. Nothing shall be spared on my part, as far as gracious and amiable words go, to preserve, and, if possible, increase the good-will he is now shewing for Your Majesty's service, and for the protection of your subjects trading with this country.
This morning I sent to inform the Queen of what Your Majesty has been pleased to write to me respecting the compromise lately suggested by the Pope; at the same time exhorting her, as well as I could, to assent to it, since she could then, without prejudice to herself, improve considerably her own case, and perhaps too convince the King, her husband. Should the latter refuse to accept the compromise, such refusal (I wrote) would be most beneficial for her and for the Princess, considering that Your Majesty insists upon a brief and categorical answer [to His Holiness' new proposal], (fn. n3) which answer I am ordered to forward immediately.
Immediately after my despatching the above message to the Queen, it seemed to me as if in order to gain time, and work to some profit, (fn. n4) in order also to convince these people of your honest and sincere intentions in all this affair, always directed, as I have often told them, towards saving the King's honour from attaint, and ensuring his repose and prosperity; also that they might be persuaded that, as far as I myself am concerned, my wish is to do good office, and be agreeable to them in as far as my duties as an ambassador will allow, I decided at once to call on Cromwell. I first sent one of my secretaries to inform him of the charge I had received from Your Majesty, and say that the Pope himself having been, as I understood, at the request of the King, his master, the originator of the compromise, and Your Majesty having been pleased to command me to ascertain the Queen's wishes thereupon, as the person most interested in the matter, I was preparing to do so almost immediately. It would certainly be no fault of mine if the affair did not turn out well If the King and his Council wished to listen sincerely and frankly without subterfuge to the tenour of the said compromise, I on my part would willingly apply for the Queen's consent; to obtain which I would not only use all means of persuasion in my power, but likewise those that he himself (Cromwell), and the rest of the Privy Councillors, who knew more of the King's intentions than I did, might perhaps suggest.
Cromwell, thinking, no doubt, that my secretary had come to him for the answer about the Princess' affair, as I wrote in my last despatch, said to him, before he had begun to deliver my message: "I know what you have come for. I have seen the King; he will be pleased to receive the Emperor's ambassador on Sunday next." After explaining to him what was the object of his calling, my secretary delivered my message faithfully; hearing which, Cromwell began to praise Your Majesty's rightful intentions as well as my own good offices in the affair.
He spoke at length of the old alliance and friendship between England and Spain, and of the need there was of its preservation; of the affectionate Jove which the King, his master, bore to Your Majesty; the desire which he himself (Cromwell) and the rest of the Privy Councillors had of preserving, nay, augmenting that friendship, &c. (fn. n5) With regard to any advice as to the means of executing the charge entrusted to me, he had none to offer. I was sure, he said, to acquit myself of the charge much better than anyone else. Though he fully intended to inform the King thereof at the earliest opportunity, yet he believed that the matter itself was so important that it had better be treated of and discussed only between the King and myself. Besides which, the King (he said) would take my representations in much better part than if they were addressed to him by any one member of his Privy Council. There was not long to wait between this and Sunday next, and therefore he strongly advised me to put off my visit till then.
My secretary could not gather from Cromwell's words whether there was any chance of the King's acquiescing in my proposition. To his suggestion that the King ought to be officially informed of the two months' prorogation, as such was His Holiness' express wish communicated to Your Majesty, he (Cromwell) made no reply. Therefore there is nothing to be done but wait patiently until next Sunday, when I hope to God to get an answer, both from the King and from the Queen. (fn. n6) If so, I shall not fail to acquaint Your Majesty, and at the same time report on other events in this country.
Since my last despatch the King has called together, besides the members of his ordinary Council, the principal judges of the kingdom, a good many prelates, and a large number of the nobility, who have met for three days running, from morning till evening, to advise and counsel concerning the crimes or rather foolish superstition of the Nun and her adherents, of whom I wrote in my last despatch. At the end of this long conference and consultation—which people at first thought was held for business of the utmost importance and weight—the High Chancellor publicly and before the people summoned for the purpose from all parts of the kingdom, declared in a long and elaborate speech: "that every Englishman was greatly bound to return thanks to the Almighty, who, by His divine goodness and mercy, had permitted the damnable abuses and wicked deeds of the said Nun, her adherents and accomplices, to be discovered and made manifest; which crimes and misdeeds he (the Chancellor), for many good reasons, declined to specify, though he said distinctly that she and her adherents had sinned first against God, and next against the person, authority, and royal rank of the King, who was, as he said, the non plus ultra of princes, past and present. On this last theme the Chancellor went on descanting, bestowing as many praises on the King as his heart and tongue could allow. (fn. n7)
In a similar manner did the Chancellor eulogize, more to please his audience than because it really was so, (fn. n8) the very great, perfect, and complete obedience, loyalty, fidelity, and good-will which at all times the English had shewn to their King, their kind and gracious master, who had lately, as they all knew, in accordance with the law of God, reason, and conscience, divorced his wife, whom he would henceforwards call dowager princess. That the entirely legitimate marriage contracted and duly celebrated with his present Queen was not undertaken for the gratification of his individual pleasure, (fn. n9) nor was it a case without precedent in history. It had been planned and undertaken chiefly for the purpose of obtaining legitimate male succession to the throne, on which depended the repose and tranquillity of his own kingdom and subjects. They were, therefore, requested to take no heed of certain sentences null and void, which, as the report went, had been issued by the Pope at Rome; for His Holiness had been induced, nay seduced, to pronounce them by many strange means, and principally by the damnable and diabolic instrumentality of the said Nun and her accomplices, who had addressed to His Holiness letters in which, supposing herself to be inspired by prophetic spirit and divine revelation, she had encouraged him to pronounce a most disastrous sentence. The King wished those present to be acquainted with these particulars, that they might be on their guard, and cause them to be circulated through their respective countries on their return thither. (fn. n10)
So far no one of those present dared make an observation, or give signs of approbation or displeasure; but when the Chancellor came to say at the end of his speech that the Nun and her accomplices, wishing by her detestable hatred and abominable malignity to induce the English, under colour of religion, to rebel, had effectually spread, published, and given out in writing that she by divine revelation knew the King would be shortly dethroned and cast away from his kingdom by his own subjects, then many of those present, stung as it were by this last remark, began to cry out, "To the stake! to the stake!" All this time the Nun was present in the room, without exhibiting the least fear or astonishment at the Chancellor's objurgations, but, on the contrary, openly confessing and avowing that all that had been said of her was perfectly true. Upon which the Chancellor ended his peroration by saying that the late archbishop of Canterbury (Warham) and several other high personages, all of whom had since died, had mixed themselves up with prophecies of the Nun, and that many people were still alive who had been contaminated, as they would have occasion to see hereafter. Many think, and even believe, that those who now have the Nun in their power will make her accuse many people unjustly, that they may thus have the occasion and the means of revenging themselves upon those who have supported the Queen (fn. n11) and take from them large sums of money by way of a fine, which is the thing in this world the King likes the most.
The Nun has almost always been under the keeping of Cromwell or of his people, who have continually treated her as a high-born lady (comme une grosse dame); which fact in a great measure confirms my apprehensions as above. But the affair is not over yet; for the King insists, as much as he possibly can, upon the accomplices of the said Nun being at once declared heretics for having attached faith to her prophecies, and being moreover considered guilty of high treason for not having revealed the Nun's prognostics about his person. He has, therefore, ordered her accomplices, if discovered, to be seized, and their property confiscated; which measure, how ever, neither during the three days that the meeting lasted, nor afterwards, have the judges consented (fn. n12) to take, since there is actually no proof nor even an appearance of complicity, for the Nun herself, more than a year ago, went up to the King, and told him so to his face. Yet, with all this, it is very much to be feared that the judges will yield in the end to the King's wishes in this respect, and condemn the parties, as they once did condemn the Cardinal (Wolsey) for having accepted the Popes legacy.
For the last five days the King's Privy Council has issued letters patent commanding the Clerk of the Queen's Council to give up the keys of the room wherein the title deeds and documents relating to the Queen's domain and dower are kept. The said room forms part of the great house of Vuasmaytre (Westminster) close to the others where the King also keeps his papers. To recover the said keys Cromwell seat, the day before yesterday, for the Queen's chancellor, and for her treasurer (recepveur), and swore to them upon oath, and upon the faith and loyalty which he owes to the King, his master, that although he himself had drawn up the above-mentioned royal letters, he could not tell for what purpose the King demanded the keys of the said room, and that the first time he (Cromwell) went to Court he would inquire from the King, and do all he could in the Queen's favour, so that no injury should be done to her. He told them further, that although he himself (Cromwell) had contrived all manner of stratagems to screw out of the Nun the fact of the Queen's having been in collusion or connivance with her, he had been unable to get any evidence on that particular point; on the contrary, he greatly praised the Queen's determination in refusing to see the said Nun, and the wise and discreet answer she made to her application, Cromwell remarking at the time that it seemed as if God had directed the sense and wit of the Queen on that particular occasion. (fn. n13)
Conjointly with the issue of the said letters patent, there came a courier from Marseilles dispatched by this king's ambassadors at the conferences, who, to judge from the courtiers' faces, cannot have brought very pleasant news. Two days after his arrival the brother of the duke of Norfolk was sent thither post haste. It was believed at first that he was to touch at the court of France, but, as I am informed, he is only going to Paris to represent this king as sponsor in the Alençon marriage. In consequence also of the arrival of this courier the French ambassador has obtained his leave. When he came to say adieu to me, I did my utmost to learn from him what mood he left these people in, whether they were content or dissatisfied with the turn of affairs; but he would not enter into details, which makes me suspect that this king and his ministers are rather discontented.—London, 20th November 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor.—Received on the 20th of December by the bastard of Maldeyghe."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 6.
24 Nov. 1154. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 228, No. 66.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Besides what the Queen wrote to Your Majesty with regard to the paragraph (article)touching her affairs, she has now expressly charged me by letter to beg and entreat that, putting aside all other negociations and measures, you be pleased to insist upon the speedy determination and sentencing by the Pope of the main point in her suit. She maintains that the sentence once pronounced, the King, notwithstanding his bravado and the obstinate resolution he has shewn up to this day, is sure to listen to reason and return to the right path, and that, in order to accomplish this, neither preparation for war, nor gathering of troops, will be necessary. (fn. n14)
On this latter point, notwithstanding the Queen's great credit in England, I do not think that she could find one single person to share her opinion; considering the King's blind obstinacy. which must naturally increase, instead of diminishing. (fn. n15) It is generally believed, even by the members of the Privy Council, that, should Your Majesty close the ports of your dominions, and stop English trade in Flanders as well as in Spain, it would be the most efficient, telling, and mortal warfare that could be made on this king and country; and that, such being the case the desired object would be attained without any further action. For in reality this king, his ministers and favourites, have at present no other alleviation to their fears than their hoping, and believing, as they are continually telling the people, that Your Majesty is not in a condition to stop the intercourse of trade.
The appointment about which I twice wrote to Your Majesty, of an extraordinary ambassador to come here and remonstrate against the King's doings, was not so earnestly solicited by me from any hope I might entertain of his working any good; for certainly as the duke of Norfolk told me on one occasion, and which has been and still continues to be my own private opinion, no effort, however great, from the Pope, from Your Majesty, from the king of France, and from all the rest of the Christian princes put together, will ever be sufficient to bring this king to his senses, and persuade him to make it up (le racointement) with his Queen, and obey the Papal sentence. The extraordinary ambassador, however, if sent, might be useful in this way; he might be the means of more fully justifying Your Majesty before God, before the world, and particularly before this English nation, who are all to a man most remarkably, nay, incredibly attached to you. He might at the same time be a consolation and a comfort to the Queen herself, and likewise to all those who follow her party, and constitute the great majority of the people. Until now there has been no great necessity for the coming of the said ambassador, but I do not hesitate to say that he will be of use at this moment; and although this is not, as I wrote to Your Majesty on the 16th ult., the proper time for him to come yet he ought, if possible, to be here before the 15th of January next, the day when this Parliament is to meet.
Having, as I said in my last despatch, (fn. n16) been promised an audience from the King, I was yesterday preparing to go to Court, when a message came, purporting that the King could not possibly receive me, owing to the press of business, but would let me know shortly the day and the hour at which he could give me an audience. Up to the present he has not sent for me, nor do I believe that he will until he hears again from Marseilles. Indeed, I presume that the want of reliable information from that locality has been, and is still, the only cause for delaying the promised audience; not the pressure of business, as he (the King) and his ministers pretend. All their perplexity and present fears have no other origin, in my opinion, than their mistrust of the king of France on this occasion, and consequent vacillation of their own people. I am told that the last French ambassador, when he went away from this country, was earnestly requested by this king to take a letter to his master as quickly as possible. If so, I dare say the Frenchman will make haste, were it for no other purpose than to shew his gratitude for the big present he received at parting.
Yesterday morning the Nun, about whom I wrote to Your Majesty, was taken to the Cathedral Church of this city, and there, on a scaffold erected for the purpose in front of it, was she placed between two good and devout Observant friars (observatins), two Augustines, (fn. n17) two secular priests, one hermit and, one honest citizen, a laic, who stood all the time the sermon lasted. This was preached by a monk, very recently created bishop,—no doubt, that he may serve the Lady's interests. After repeating all or most of the arguments used by the Chancellor in his late peroration, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty in my despatch of the 20th, the new bishop added that the Nun's feigned sanctity (fn. n18) had been the principal cause of preventing the cardinal of York (Wolsey) from sentencing in the divorce case as he at first had intended to do; which was in fact one of the greatest misfortunes that could have fallen on this country owing to the many troubles and riots to which that event had already given rise, and which would perhaps occur in future with still greater force. The other accomplices of the Nun there present the preacher charged with levity, credulity, and superstition for having attached faith to her prophesies, as likewise with disloyalty and high treason for not revealing to the King what so deeply concerned his person, authority, and honour. The two Observant friars, moreover, he accused of having, by means of the said superstitious belief, corrupted and seduced their companions and colleagues to support and maintain the false opinion and evil quarrel, as he said, of the Queen against the King. This being the chief theme of the sermon, and the principal point on which the preacher was undoubtedly commanded to vent his rage, he went on with his arguments in justification of the King's conduct in that affair, deprecating and condemning, with all the force and ability of which he was master, the Queen's first marriage, and vehemently exhorting the people not to attach faith to those who maintained its legitimacy.
They say that on the next two Sundays the Nun and her companions on the scaffold will be called upon again to play their respective parts in this comedy, for it hardly deserves any other name. They will then be taken through the principal towns in the country for a similar rehearsal, that the King and his ministers may blot out from people's minds the impression they have that the Nun is a saint and a prophet. For all communities in general, and this one especially, being apt to be credulous, and much given to prophesies and divinations of this kind, and thereby exceedingly prone to riots and revolutions, it is to be supposed that in the present state of things the English will feel doubly anxious to see the fulfilment of many similar prophesies, all to the King's disadvantage, which now circulate widely through the country, to the great astonishment and awe of people; and, if so, that this will give persons innumerable an opportunity to controvert and dispute the validity of the second marriage.
Meanwhile the King has hitherto failed in his attempt to make the judges declare guilty of high treason those who have had any dealings with the Nun, in the form and manner specified in my last. (fn. n19) He himself is expected here on Friday next to dispute the case with the judges; and, if so, I should rather think that although some—perhaps the most learned and impartial among them—have declared that they will rather die than deal with the accused in that manner, should the King, as they say, come to dispute the case, he will have his own way; for no one in England dares contradict him in such matters unless he chooses to be treated as a madman, or, what is worse, as guilty of high treason. So that, to cut the matter short, it would seem as if this king had entirely divorced not only his true and legitimate Queen, but also the conscientious feeling, humanity, and mild temper which he used to have in former days. (fn. n20)
He sent a few days ago for those in command of his fleet, and told them to prepare all things required for the armament and manning of all his ships. This information I have from one of his own sea captains, who has also told me that the duke of Norfolk has sent orders to various English ports to have fortifications and defences raised so as to guard against any sudden invasion of the enemy,—a proof to me that these people begin to be seriously alarmed. (fn. n21)
In pursuance of Your Majesty's orders I wrote lately to the count of Cyfuentes. (fn. n22) I again write to him this very day, telling him in plain terms what the Queen's wishes are.
I have nothing more to say, save that to-morrow the marriage of the duke of Richmond to the daughter of the duke of Norfolk is to take place.—London, 24th November 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 4.

Footnotes

  • n1. "Et cum MCCCC equis levis armaturæ de Turchia in Croatiam Venturis et 22m. archibusieris, quibus omnibus salarium et stipendium dat rex franciæ."
  • n2. There are several places so called in Italy, no less than three in Romagna, one in Friul in the district of Palma, two in Calabria, four in the Venetiano, one in Sardinia, &c. It is to be supposed that the place mentioned is Marano in Friul, and the captain or governor the same alluded to in pp. 90, 984–5. 1014, of vol. iii., part 2.
  • n3. "En cas quil ne veuille accepter le party yl ne pourroit estre plus gros bien pour elle et la princesse sa fille par les consideracions touchees aux lectres de vostre maieste de briefve et resoulue response."
  • n4. "Il me semble que pour tosjours gaigner temps et non chasser et travailler en vain."
  • n5. "Et apres avoer ouy mon dit homme yl loua a merveilles la bonne voulente de vostre maieste et aussy le bon office que continuellement faysoye, et sur ce commença repeter les anciennes amities et le bien et necessite de la conservation dicelles."
  • n6. "J'espere que dimanche jen auray la response et du roy et de la royne."
  • n7. "Comme tout le peuple de ce royaulme estoit merveilleusement tenu et oblige de rendre graces a dieu tout puissant, le quel par sa divine bonte et clemence avoit faict descouvrir et jayllir en lumiere les dampnables abuz et grandes meschantetez de la dicte nonain et de ses adherens et complices, les quels pour le meilleur se despourtoit nommer. Les quels avoint mesprins premierement et directement contre dieu et sa saincte religion, et secondement par oblique artifice contre la personne, auctorite et estat du roy, qui estoit comme yl disoit le non pareil prince que soit ne aye este, donnant sur ce la voyle aux dits louenges tant que le sens et la langue le pouvoyent servyr."
  • n8. "Plus pour les induyre a ceur que pour estre ainsi la tres grande, tres perfaycte et entiere hobeyssance, loyaulte, fidelite et bonne voulente," &c.
  • n9. "Et que ce tres legitime marriage quil avoit faict et deheument celebre avec ceste icy nestoit poinct pour son playsir ou cas particulier, ains principallement pour avoer legitime successeur."
  • n10. "The original being here torn and spoiled by damp in many places, I reproduce the passage, such as it is: "Et speciallemant par le . mau . dol . . . et diabolique engin de la dicte nonain et ses complices, la quelle . . ce offert avoit escript a sa sanctite mille persuasions faulces . . . . . controuveez malignemant avec . . . . contre . . ce roy . . . . et contre sa sanctite les quelles elle auctorizoyt desperit de prophetie et de revellation divine pour en cas quil en sentenciast, comme yl a fayct, tres sinistrement. De quoy le roy les avoit bien voulu fere aduertyr les priant le vouloer ainsy croyre, semer publier et persuader a ceulx de leurs contrees questoint absent [s] quant ylz seroint ilz de retourd," Though Chapuys does not name her, Elizabeth Barton, the "Nun of Kent," must be understood by "La Nonnain."
  • n11. "Plusieurs pensent et croient que ceulz qui ont la dicte nonain entre [les] mains la feront accuser pluseurs injustement afin davoer moyen et occasion de se venger de ceulx qui ont tenu le party de la dicte royne."
  • n12. "Maintenant reste encoires le principal de laffere, car le roy inste a plus non pouvoer que les susdicts a complices dicelle nonain soient desclairez heretiques pour avoer adjousto foy a la dicte nonain et a sa suspicion, et de cryme de lese maieste pour non avoer reuele ce que concerne le roy, et par consequent quilz soient confisques de corps et de biens, a quoy ne durant les dits trois jours ne depuis ne se sont voulu condescendre les juges."
  • n13. "Et si feroit la faveur a la royne afin que ne luy fust faict tort. Et leur dit dauantage quil avoit use toutes les ruses possibles pour tirer de la nonain si la royne auroit eu sentement ou intelligence avec elle; mays quil nen avoit riens peu appercevoyr et louait [yl] inextimablement le reffus que la royne auoit faict de parler a la dicte nonnain, et la prudente response disant le dict Cremuel quil sembloit que dieu conduisoit le sens et le espcrit de la dicte royne."
  • n14. "Et que asseure vostre maieste que icelle [sentence] donnee le roy prendra rayson en payemant (?) et soy remcttra au droit chemin nonobstant sa braveure et lobstination quil a monstre jusques icy, et que pour ce fere ne sera besoing de guerre ne armee quelconque."
  • n15. "Duquel dernier poinct, quelque grant credict que la royne aye en angleterre, si ne pense je quellc trovat personne que lcn vouloust pleger (sic, plyer?), considerant la grande obstination et aveuglement du roy."
  • n16. See that of the 19th, No. 1153, p. 860.
  • n17. "There is a gap in the original; the passage runs thus: "fust mise devant lesglise cathedralc de ceste cite sur ung hault eschauffault ou celle [nonnain], deux bons et debots religieux observantins, deux augustins, deux prestres seculiers, ung hermite, et ung homme de bien laic demourirent tout au long du sermon, et pour leur vesperisation (?) le prescheur, questoit ung moenne novellement faict evesque pour sousstenir le party de la dame, repplica tous ou la plus part des propos," &c.
  • n18. "Y adioustant davantaige que la dicte nonain par sa faincte (sic) superstition avoit este cause, dempescher le cardenal d' York de proceder a la sentence du divorce comme yl avoit deslibere, quavoit este lung des grans malheurs que peust advenir en ce royaulme pour les troubles et fascheries que desja sen estoint suyviez et quil falloit doubter plus grandes pour laducnir," &c. The words in italics do not seem to go well together, but thus I find them in the original. Did Chapuys mean sa feincte sainctete et superstition?
  • n19. See No. 1153, p. 863. ["Le roy ne a encoires peu mener ses juges a faire declaracion (sic) contre ceulx qui ont practique avecq la dicte nonain] selon la forme quescripviz dernierement."
  • n20. ["Il doit içy venir vendredy pour disputer laffere avec eulx, et combien [que] yl y ait de principaulx juges quayent [dict] que plustot ils vouloient morir que faire la dicte declaration, toutesfoys venant le roy a disputer y [l] ny a personne qui ose contredire, sil ne veult auoir de la beste ou du desloyal par la teste, de sorte quil semble quil ait faict totallement diuorse non seullement de sa femme, mais aussi de toute bonne conscience, humanite et doulceur quil souloit avoer."]
  • n21. "Il ma aussi dict que le duc de norphoc avoit envoye commande[r] en plusieurs pors de ce royaulme pour y fere faire des blocus et autres forterresses pour obvier aus soudaines invasions quc lon pourroit faire içy, quest signe quilz commencent avoer craincte."]
  • n22. Don Fernando de Silva or Sylva, count of Cifuentes, Imperial ambassador in Rome since the departure of Miçer Mai in April. See above, pp. 633 and 658.