Henry VIII: December 1531, 1-15

Pages 256-271

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 5, 1531-1532. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1880.

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December 1531, 1-15

1 Dec.
R. O. Foxe, IV. App. v.
560. Bilney.
Deposition of Edward Rede, of Norwich, 25 Nov. 23 [Hen. VIII.] Has in his keeping the book that Bylney wrote in prison, and has sent a copy to the duke of Norfolk by his order. Doctor Pellis showed him the bill of revocation which he had written in the chapel of the Guildhall at Norwich. It contained a revocation of the opinions and heresies held by Bilney, [but Rede cannot tell whether Bilney ever held such opinions (fn. 1) ]. Rede and divers of his brethren heard Bilney at his burning make a good and godly exhortation to the people; after which Dr. Pellis took Bilney a bill, but what it contained Rede does not know. Bilney read it softly to himself, but Rede, though very near, could not hear him. After reading it, he declared openly to the people his mind; but as what he said differed from the bill, Rede put it in writing, as appears by a bill which he delivered to the clerk of the Council. After Bilney's death, Dr. Pellis brought Rede a bill of revocation by Bilney, asking him to have it exemplified under the town seal. Told him that he would have it done if it agreed with a draft he had drawn up. Summoned divers of the aldermen and brethren of the city, and read them the bill, which they thought did not agree with Bilney's declaration, and they therefore would not consent to the exemplification. Desired each of them to write down the truth of the declaration as they remembered it; but they having heard that he had done so, asked to have his account read; to which divers said they would be content to put their hands.
Alderman Curat, when asked why he would write nothing, though he was so good a penman, said he would set no pen to the book till he might see the bill that Pellis gave Bilney. Told him Pellis had asserted that this was the copy of it; but Curat said he would believe no man as well as himself, and he should know that bill among 100. Signed by Rede.
ii. Further examination of Rede by the Lord Chancellor, 1 Dec. 23 Hen. VIII.
He thinks that the bill which Dr. Pellis took to Bilney before his death was that which the doctor had showed him in the chapel of the Guildhall, but does not know certainly. Cannot say whether the bill Pellis brought to be exemplified was the same. The bill which he delivered to the clerk of the Council was his own drawing, except the preface and superscription, which was drawn by another man, but by whom he does not remember. Had no man's advice about it. Knows of only one copy of this bill, which he left with his deputy at Norwich when he came up hither to London. Delivered another copy to one Mere, but has it again. There are two other bills, one made by Alderman Grue, and the other by under-sheriff Mere.
Does not remember that he said that Curat was a false man, and not worthy to be among honest men; but when debating with the aldermen about the exemplification of Dr. Pellis's bill, he asked Curat to declare his remembrance. He said he heard Bilney read the bill which the doctor gave him, but afterwards said that he would not swear that he declared the bill openly to the people. Asked him what he meant, as his tale appeared two sundry ways. He answered, "Take it as ye woll, and make what definition ye list, for I will explain it none otherwise." As Curate was so obstinate and obscure, and would not be plain, Rede told him that it became every alderman to be true and plain, and reminded him of his delay to account for the money left by Mr. Tery for the poor.
Though Curate has not since been called to Council, he might have come if he pleased, for the Mayor's officers give warning to aldermen and others to come to Council without the knowledge of the Mayor.
iii. Rough draft of a portion of § ii.
Pp. 10. Endd.
3 Dec. 561. Archbishopric Of York.
1. See Grants in December, No. 3.
Rym. XIV. 428. 2. Oath of fealty by Edward Lee, the archbishop elect.
3 Dec. Camusat, 178. 562. Bishop Of Auxerre to the Duke Of Albany.
Thanks him for his letters. Has written to the King, Grand Master, and cardinal Grammont about the dispute between himself and secretary Raince. If any one was ever in prison or in the power of his enemies, the Pope is now. The Imperialists press him to do dishonorable things by threat, often without letters or commission from their master. They have pressed him not to make Mons. de Tholoze nor Albany's brother cardinals. Is sure this is not by the Emperor's orders. On taking the King's and Albany's letters to the Pope, found him ill with gout. He was troubled by what the Bishop said, who told him that he was losing the King's friendship. On Monday showed him all the good that he would derive from the interview and the marriage, and the inconveniences if he loses the opportunity. Left him pleased and content. He said he would do, as far as he could, what the King wished.
Fr. Headed : A Mons. D'Albanie, du 3 Dec. 1531.
4 Dec.
Vienna Archives.
563. Chapuys to Charles V.
I received your letters, with two copies touching the Queen, which I immediately sent her. The Nuncio, by order of the Pope, urged the King to aid the king of the Romans, to whom the Pope has granted aid of 100,000 ducats against the Turks; also for some aid to the duke of Savoy against the Lutheran Swiss; thirdly, to complain of the King's incivility in the letters he had written to his excusator. The King said it was a mere mockery to urge him to engage in an affair which was no concern of his, and which those whom it most concerned did not seem to care about; that, as to the matter of Savoy, he had already, in conformity with France, made his answer; that as to his letters, the Pope had no reason to complain, because it was true, especially in reference to the making and unmaking of constitutions at the will of the Pope; for when the King asked for anything, they said that either right or law would not allow it, or that it was against the style of the Court, but when you asked for anything the Pope set aside right, style, and rule; that the Pope refused to remit the cause to England as reason and right required; that the Pope ought to be governed by the decisions of universities and doctors innumerable, rather than by one cardinal (Ancona), or any one else of his council. When the Nuncio told him that if he desired such a remission he must send a proper procuration, alleging his privileges and pretended reasons, he said he would beware of playing at such a game, or entering on such a dance; that the letter he had sent was sufficient if the Pope wished to oblige him. He ended by saying he had no wish to displease the Pope, who, he thought, bore him no very ill will, and that he acted in fear of you, and that it would be much better if he would rescue himself from such captivity, reuniting himself with his ancient friends, and not trusting to those who were reconciled; that he knew well that they would proceed in his cause, but he did not care about it, because he knew well enough what would happen;—with much other small talk, partly menacing and partly condescending, without falling into a passion, as he did at other times.
He and his Council are in great fear lest some innovation should be made touching the intercourse; and the Queen's physician told me that it had been proposed in the Council to recall the Queen to Court; and though this took not effect, yet that she should not be removed further, as she was afraid. The King has ordered her to have greater provision than usual for the festivals. I suppose that if they proceed to any act there, the King might be brought back to a knowledge of his error.
I have not seen the treaty of the year '6, on which the King relies, but it seems to me that as formerly he interpreted the promise of not executing Blanche Rose, (fn. 2) which was made at the same time, as not binding on the promiser, so likewise they may interpret the said treaty.
Two Germans have left here, viz., the count d'Aquilla Nova of Juliers and the chancellor of Cleves. There has also come another, who is possibly one of those who came lately to find your Majesty at Barcelona about the affair of Nassau. He is often visited by a master clerk of the chief secretary. I can learn nothing about him, except that he is a man of letters and a good Lutheran, and does not hear mass nor enter a church. The letters he presented to the King were sealed with five or six seals. I know not whether they are the same letters that I know that the King lately received from Philip Melancthon, declaring against the divorce.
You will have learned the condemnation of seigneur Ris, (fn. 3) Norfolk's brother-in-law, whose father was formerly governor of Wales, and his grandfather also, and one of those who did great service to Henry VII. in his early necessities and the conquest of this kingdom. The sentence was put into execution this morning, and Ris was beheaded in the same place as the duke of Buckingham. The reason alleged is, that he had not discovered how that one of his servants had requested him, in order to be avenged of the wrongs that were done him, to retire into Scotland, and persuade the king of Scots to undertake the conquest of this kingdom, wherein he would find no difficulty, through favor of the Welsh and the trouble caused by the divorce; and though the said Ris neither accepted nor approved this, yet, because he did not reveal the said words, he has been punished, notwithstanding the many excuses that he alleged; and it is a common report that, had it not been for the King's lady, of whom Ris and his wife had spoken, he never would have come to this miserable end. Thanks the Emperor for money. London, 4 Dec. 1531.
Hol., Fr., pp. 5. From a modern copy.
Add. MS. 8,173, f. 233. B. M.
564. Jehan De Le Sauch to Charles V.
Has carried out the Emperor's instruction to Chappuys and himself. Having received the instructions and letters of credence to the king of England, the duke of Norfolk, and the chancellor of England, on 31 Oct. 1531, left Brussels, crossed from Calais on 12 Nov., and arrived at London on 14 Nov. Gave Chapuis the letters, and spent the rest of the day in reading the instructions and the treaties of 1516 and 1520. On the 15th sent to the duke of Norfolk, who was with the King at Greenwich, who appointed the next day for an audience.
Went thither accordingly on the 16th. Presented the letter to the Duke, and Chapuys told him the credence, reserving the last article. He replied that the King would see them after dinner, having a catarrh and toothache. Were received courteously by the King in his chamber. He first asked after the Emperor and the Queen his sister. Perceived that his illness was feigned. After reading the letters, he listened to the declaration of the credence by Chapuys; and when it was finished, said he thought he recollected the treaties, which should be continued every five years; but he would order his Council to examine them, that he might give them an answer. Asked that he would do so soon; to which he consented.
On Saturday, the 18th, Norfolk sent word for them to be at Greenwich next day.
On the 19th were met at Greenwich, about 10 a.m. by Sir Robt. Wingfield and another knight, who conducted them to a great hall, full of people waiting for the King to go to mass. When he came out, he bade them explain their credence to the Chancellor and certain of his Council while he was at mass; so, when the King entered his oratory, Norfolk and the earl of Wiltshire led them into a chamber where were assembled certain of the Council, viz., the Chancellor, the bp. of Winchester, Fitzwilliam, Guildford, and Robt. Wingfield. Chapuis declared to them his credence in Latin, and the Chancellor repeated it to the others in English. After some discussion, he replied that the King and they wondered what was the cause of this request, and thought a meeting needless. The Ambassador, &c., argued that it was better to redress things which were in disorder, in a friendly manner, than to let everything fall into confusion. When the King had returned from mass, the assembly broke up without any decision. After dinner, the Chancellor, who had communicated with the King, repeated his previous answer, saying that if any merchants had misconducted themselves, they could be corrected, and he wished to know for what points the meeting should be held. The Ambassador replied that he had no instructions to declare anything in particular, because the diet, if one were held, should be in the Emperor's dominions, as his subjects are the complainants. On this point the bp. of Winchester and Chappuis had some discussion, which was stopped by Norfolk, who said that the King had never refused anything reasonable, and he wished to know where and when the diet should be held, if the King agreed to it. Replied that the Emperor wished it to take place as soon as possible, even before Christmas and his departure for Germany, and at Bruges. They replied, it was true that king Philip had been present at the treaty of the year '6, and the Emperor at that of the year '20. Relates the discussion which ensued on this point, during which Norfolk referred unnecessarily to the King's services to the Emperor; and Le Sauch replied that all the Emperor's obligations had been fulfilled. The Duke finally said that the diet could not be held until March, for those whom the King intended to send,—the bp. of Durham, Knight, and the Chancellor,—were far away, and could not go before Christmas, and he required their presence at the Parliament to be held soon after Twelfth Day. Replied that the King had others to serve him in the Parliament, and this distant time seemed to be fixed so that the diet should not be held till after the Emperor's departure from the Low Countries. To which they answered, that this was not the reason, and the King had come to this determination for the reasons already mentioned. Persisted that the diet must be held at latest immediately after Christmas; but they would not agree to any day earlier than 1 March; to which at last the Imperialists consented. There was still more discussion about the place. They first suggested London or Calais, and then Ardre or Boulogne, as neutral territory. Said that France would be very suitable, as being free of suspicion on either side, but it was necessary to have the meeting in a place convenient for the Emperor's subjects. They said that to send to an imperial city would be to prejudice the King's jurisdiction. Replied that it was not a case of giving sentence or judgment, but to have friendly communication, to remove causes of difference, and prevent others arising; and reminded them that the last two meetings had been held at London and Calais. Offered them Nyeupoort or Dunquerke as being nearer England, and would have offered Gravelinghes if it had been fit to receive so many people. However, they would not agree to it, and went again to consult the King. After three hours they returned, and Norfolk said that the King's resolution was reasonable, and ought to be accepted, otherwise Le Sauch might come on Tuesday to take leave of the King, who was going to Hampton Court on Wednesday. Accepted this, saying they could do no otherwise than they had said.
On Tuesday, 21 Nov., went to Greenwich, but nothing was said before dinner. In the afternoon, Norfolk, Wiltshire, the bp. of Winchester, Fitzwilliam, and Guildford, caused the hall to be cleared, and told them they had spoken to the King, who said he had resolved upon the day that was mentioned, and would agree to either Calais, Ardre, or Boulogne. Replied that they could not accept this, as it was beyond their instructions. Norfolk remarked that he was sure the Emperor would not refuse. Said that his Majesty could do as he liked, and they could not exceed their instructions. Le Sauch was ready to take his leave, and declare the rest of his instructions. The Duke expressed surprise that they had anything else to say, and then Le Sauch declared the last article of his instructions. The Duke said the King would answer the whole, and suggested that he would accept Gravelinghes for the diet, if, after two or three days, it was removed to Calais. Said it was impossible to accept this, and it was unreasonable, and would only waste the time and trouble of the Commissioners. They replied that they ought to be well pleased at leaving a poor place like Gravelinghes for Calais, where they would be well treated. Finally they retired to the King, and presently Norfolk and Wiltshire returned and conducted the Ambassadors to his Majesty, who was in a window in his chamber. He said that he wished to proceed in a friendly way, and had agreed to reasonable things, which they had no cause to refuse. Chapuys replied that they would have made no difficulty, but they could not go beyond their instructions; however, that their refusal might not cause a rupture, they would neither accept nor refuse, without referring to the Emperor. Le Sauch then told him that if there was any difficulty about accepting the diet and the place, by the treaty of the year '20 and the following one the Emperor is not bound to observe the intercourse for more than five years, which are long expired; and as the diet cannot be held in a friendly manner, he must make arrangements for the benefit of his own subjects, but he wished by all means to proceed in a friendly manner.
The King answered that he also wished the same, as appeared by his reasonable offers, and asked how the Emperor would provide for his subjects, —intimating that if he exceeded the treaties, he should consider it as an infraction of them. Replied that the Emperor would never break the treaties, and wished nothing but good to him and his subjects. Begged him to consider that the last two communications had been held at London and Calais, and to consent that this, in fairness, should be held at Gravelinghes, reminding him of the charge of Rosinboz and Le Sauch two years before, and of the inconveniences suffered by the Emperor's subjects. He replied that the two last meetings were not held at London and Calais at his request; that Rosinboz was not sent express for that affair, but for the ratification of the treaty of Cambray; and that he also must see whether his subjects had any complaints to make. To the last, replied that they hoped not, for the English were much more favorably treated than the Imperialists. The King said he was not surprised at this, for the Low Countries could not [subsist] without English produce. Le Sauch said he did not intend to argue with him, but if an equal had said this, he would have contradicted it. The King then said that he had reason to complain that malefactors were not given up in the case of the Lutherans and printers, who are maintained at Antwerp although he has demanded their surrender. It is surprising that he should complain of this, as he did not surrender French heretics whom the king of France demanded. Chapuys replied that the Emperor was not bound to surrender heretics, who should be punished where they are. During the discussion on this point, Le Sauch mentioned the case of a Spaniard who fled to Calais after committing a murder at Antwerp, but the officers of Calais refused to comply with lady Margaret's request for his surrender. The King denied ever hearing of this, and said if he knew who were the officers he would punish them. In conclusion he desired Le Sauch to convey his affectionate recommendations to the Emperor and the Queen, and shook hands with him on parting. Chappuys desires instruction, and requests the Emperor to inform and instruct the Commissioners, that they may be ready, and to have the day published. . . Dec. 1531.
Fr., modern copy, pp. 35.
4 Dec.
Simancas MS. Heine's Letts. of Card. of Osma, p. 135.
565. Cardinal Of Osma to Charles V.
The Pope showed me a letter in French from France, and as I do not know the language he declared the contents of it to me in Latin, which are as follows. The bishop of Bayonne has returned from England well contented with the King, whose affairs, he says, are in such a state that the French king holds him as it were in a halter, so that he cannot give up his friendship. The Pope supposes this means that the King has gone so far as to marry the concubine (la manceba), and in order to defend himself is obliged to stick to his friendship with France. It is added that the esquire of the duke of Gueldres is treating with the French king, for the transfer to him of the Duke's services, who is discontented with your Majesty. The French king is treating with the Landgrave, who is preparing for war. Francis promises him money on the security of the king of England. Money is also being sent to the duke of Gueldres by way of England. The French king does not intend to make open war upon your Majesty, but means indirectly to cause you to change the words you sent him by Alanson about the interview. The writer says that your Majesty thought you could go to Germany and pass into Italy; but though you think it easy, you will find the roads so difficult that you will have to turn back, attributing the difficulty to arms, not to the mud : that your Majesty has made a young woman governor in these states, who will think more of her pleasures than of good order. The Pope said the writer knew the French court thoroughly, but he did not take all that he said as true, though he wished me to tell you of it. He behaves as a true father and friend of your Majesty. I should be glad to know how much of the above is true, as the Pope thinks of maintaining the writer at the French court for the sake of news, and he may be of great service to your Majesty.
In the case of the queen of England, I have attended at several consistories, though I do not like them, and am full of rheumatism. The King's ambassadors, seeing that his case is bad, take refuge in calumnies and delays. When they heard that the Rota had secretly determined to reject the excusator, they went to the Pope and objected to the auditors, pressing for a public discussion, and asking leave to bring lawyers from outside Rome to defend their case. They went round in the same manner to all the cardinals, blaming the Rota and using threats. The Pope and the college replied to them that their lawyers must be ready after Christmas, and no more delay would be allowed.
I think the Pope has the same desires and intentions as your Majesty would have if you were judge in the case, and sympathizes with the Queen's injuries, as if he were her father. As the case is important, he likes to go on step by step until he has the King in his jurisdiction and can decide the case here, and does not wish to give the King occasion to refuse a trial here, and be satisfied with a sentence given by a bishop in his own kingdom, notwithstanding the prohibition of the Holy See. All the world knows that there is no partiality here, and that if there is any feeling, it is on the side of the King against the Queen; and so when the sentence is given against him, the execution of justice will have more force and favor, and Christian princes will be inclined to assist the Queen. It is not without reason that his Holiness has suffered the calumnies of these ambassadors. Today he promised that after the holidays he would show himself not a father, but a strict judge, and would put the process on its way to an end, allowing no delay nor trickery.
Mai, though a good man, is of no more use in managing this business than I am in steering a galley. If it had not been for his negligence, we should already have obtained a sentence por contradittas, or have been by this time at the principal point. If I fail, our cause will fall to the ground. If the regent Muxetula had charge of it, he would have surmounted all difficulties by this time (estuvyera oy enzima de los tejados). I write this merely from conscientious motives, and beg that no one may know it except the Comendador Mayor.
Sp. Headed : Copia de parrafos de una carta olografa del cardinal de Osma al Emperador, fecha en Roma, 4 Dec. 1531 (segun la carpeta).
4 Dec.
Camusat, 179 b.
566. Bishop Of Auxerre to Mons. De Villandry.
Has obtained from the Pope that he has remitted to the Auditor of the Chamber, who is here on an embassy from the king of England, to do what he thinks reasonable about the judges of the bishop of Paris. The Pope excuses himself as not being a good clerk. None of the cardinals will hear it spoken of, as it is contrary to their charter, but this English ambassador has promised to help. Such a thing has never been given before without reserving the definitive sentence to the cardinals, even in the case of the bishop of Autun. Asks him to send him a copy if any such thing can be found.
Fr. Headed : A Mons. de Villandre, du 4 Dec. 1531.
4 Dec.
Nero, B. VII. 89. B. M. Pocock, II. 146.
567. Francis Georgius, Minorite Friar, to Henry VIII.
Gives an account of some efforts made to withdraw him from the King's service. Received a message from Henry two years ago, to promote his business in Italy, in conjunction with Croke, who, as he was ignorant of Italian affairs and customs, would have made very little progress without his assistance. Has incurred the envy of others on account of his fidelity to Croke. Recommends himself and his nephew Mark Raphael to the King's notice. Venice, 4 Dec. 1531.
Pp. 2, hol., Lat. Add.
5 Dec. 568. Bishopric Of Winchester.
See Grants in December, No. 8.
5 Dec.
R. O. Foxe, IV. App. VI.
569. Thomas Bilney.
Questions put to Edward Reed, mayor of Norwich, concerning Thos. Bilney.
1. Whether he was present at Bilney's examination by Dr. Pellis. 2. Whether he was present when Bilney would give no certain answer to certain questions, on account of which the judge refused to admit his answer. 3. Whether he himself told the judge he did Bilney wrong in not admitting his answer; to which the judge answered that the law required a certain answer. 4. Whether Bilney appealed to the King, and charged Mr. Mayor to take him away from the judge that he might do so. 5. Whether Reed said to the judge that now he was charged with him, and must needs take him away. 6. Whether certain light persons then called out, "Mr. Mayor, you are bound to take him away." 7. Whether he importuned Dr. Pellis for some writings which Bilney had given him in the prison chapel. 8. Whether he heard Bilney say to the judge, "Sir, do you your office, I am content, and I will be more ruled by you than by all this whole company, because you have truly handled me." 9. Whether Dr. Pellis often requested him to tell him the time of Bilney's execution, that he might advise him to recall the people whom he had offended to the way of truth and the Catholic faith. 10. Whether he told Dr. Pellis the time of the execution or not. 11. Whether he ever saw or heard the revocation which Bilney wrote in the chapel. 12. Whether Pellis delivered a writing of this kind to Bilney at his execution. 13. Whether Bilney read it aloud or not. 14. Whether Bilney, after reading his revocation, delivered the bill to Dr. Pellis. 15. Whether Bilney immediately after his degradation revoked his errors, exhorting the people to obey God and the ministers of the Church and the law, submitted himself to the decision of the Catholic Church, and prayed on his knees for absolution from the sentence of excommunication,—on which he was restored to the Church by Dr. Pellis.
ii. Answers of Edw. Reed, merchant, mayor of Norwich, to the above questions put in against him by Dr. Pellis, and propounded to him by Sir Thos. More, lord chancellor, 5 Dec. 1531.
1. Was present as often as desired by Dr. Pellis. 2. Upon a certain answer of Bilney's, there was between the judge and Bilney, yea and nay; but how they concluded, he cannot tell. 3. Desires respite to answer the third article. 4. Confesses this to be true. 5. Denies the words contained therein, but he told Pellis that the King had a new title given him by the clergy, at the granting of which Pellis was present, and he knew the effect thereof, although Reed did not. He therefore desired him to act so that he might be his own discharge and Reed's, and he was content to take him if he ought to be the King's prisoner. 6. Does not remember this. 7. This is true, except the word "importunity." 8. Does not remember this. 9. Dr. Pellis desired him, but did not state the reason. 10. Ordered the sheriffs to warn him, but does not know whether they did so. 11. Confesses this article. 12. Pellis gave Bilney a bill, but he does not know whether it was the same. 13. Did not hear Bilney read the bill, but saw him look upon it. If he read it, he read it softly. 14. This he cannot tell. 15. Does not remember divers points in this. Bilney knelt down and humbly desired absolution. Does not remember that he submitted to the determination of the Church, but thinks he did. Does not rememher that Bilney revoked his errors, or that he exhorted the people to obey God and the ministers of the Church and the law. He thinks Bilney desired to be houseled, but does not remember perfectly. Signed by Rede.
Pp. 5.
7 Dec.
R. O.
570. Ric. Hutton, Priest, to Cromwell.
Send me word by the bearer if I shall come up before Christmas to sue out the Broad Seal. There is none to trust but you. If I am not to go to Ipswich again, be good master to me for a chantry here in the country, called the mastership of Chalgrave. The incumbent is aged and long sick. It is in the gift of the bp. of Lincoln, and is worth 20l. or more, with a substantial mansion. It is without cure of soul, and bound to hospitality. I would trust in God, with that I have besides, to live there accordingly. Send me word by my servant. Merkyate, 7 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Council.
9 Dec.
R. O.
571. William Button to Cromwell.
My uncle Audelett has sent four "Rewen" cheeses. Begs he will send my lord of Abingdon the King's letters for discharge from the next Parliament, and he "will deserve your pains therein according to my promise." Abingdon, 9 Dec.
My uncle has also sent six doz. larks, six "snytes," and two mallards Signed.
P. 1. Add. : To the right hon. Mr. Cromwell. Endd.
9 Dec.
R. O.
572. George Palmes to Cromwell.
Thos. Barton, receiver to Mr. Provost at Beverley, has shown me that you desire I should send to London all the money I received this last year for the use of the archdeacon of York (Winter?), which I shall be glad to do on a proper discharge. The Archdeacon on his departure from London desired I should only deliver such money to Mr. Byrton. Desires to know Cromwell's wishes in the matter. 9 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Of the King's Privy Council.
9 Dec.
Calig. B. VIII. 149. B. M.
573. Henry Lord Clifford to the Earl Of Cumberland.
Received his letter on Saturday, 9 Dec. Certain persons coming from market had their purses taken by the Grames of Esk. Made a proclamation at the market-place that every man should have redress. Went to hear mass with his cousin Lowther and Mr. Sympill in St. Mary church, leaving Sir Will. Musgrave at the mayor's house. Met at the church door Richd. Dacre and two men, who looked proudly and maliciously at him, and as Musgrave entered the churchyard Dacre drew his dagger upon him. The son of the lord Fetherstunhaw joined in the fray. After the quarrel Dacre went to the market-place, crying "A Dacre! a Dacre!" and raised a great company. Clifford retired to the castle. Aglyonby, the mayor, and the freemen locked the gates, and assembled the town in harness to keep the peace. Dacre, after dining at leisure, rode out of the town. Thinks that lord Dacre and Sir Chr. are not privy to the design. Carlisle, the day above said.
P.S.—The Commons have taken Henry Alonby and put him in Cokermouth Castle for carrying letters to the gentlemen of the country. Clifford's council, with the exception of his cousin Musgrave and the constable, are against his delivery. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add. : "To," &c., "my singular good lord and father, my lord of Cumberland."
9 Dec.
Galba, B. X. 21. B. M.
574. Stephen Vaughan to [Cromwell].
On the 6th instant, on coming into the English house at Antwerp from Tournay, I received your letters and copies enclosed, which were neither in order nor in number as I left them, but two or four articles were lacking. You say that George Constanty[ne] has been arrested, and will perhaps accuse me of favoring Lutherans and their books, and you advise me to apply myself only to the King's service. I am surprised, for two reasons : first, that the Lord Chancellor, in examining him and others brought up for heresy, always tries to find some occasion of evil to be fastened upon me, which the "pacient" soon espies, and, trusting to escape, of pure frailty spares not to accuse the innocent. Secondly, in addition to his imminent peril, being a prisoner in my Lord's house, he was vehemently provoked by the remembrance of his poor wife remaining here "bewaisshed" with continual tears, and the sharp and bitter threatenings of his poor ... and condition, likely to be brought to extreme danger of poverty, to accuse whom they wished, rather than be tied by the leg with a cold and ... iron like a beast, as appeared by the shift he made to undo the same [and] scape such tortures. These punishments will make a son forget his father and mother. Who should [marvel] if he accuses me, a thousand times less dear than father or mother, so as to rid himself of them? Would God the King would look to these punishments, which threaten more hurt to the realm than the ministers who execute them conjecture; for his subjects will be forced to leave the realm in great numbers, and live in strange countries, where they will practise not a little hurt to England. Instead of punishments, tortures, and death ridding the realm of erroneous opinions, and bringing men into such fear that they will not be so hardy as to speak or look, be assured, and let the King be advertised from me, that he will prove that it will cause the sect in the end to wax greater, and these errors to be more plenteously sowed in his realm. Those who have most sowed those errors are those who have fled the realm. By driving men away, they will make the company in strange countries greater, and four will write where one wrote before. Advise the King to look to this matter, and not to trust to other men's policy, which threatens the weal of his realm. Let me no longer be blamed or suspected for my true saying. What I write I know to be true, and daily see the experience of it. I have often said and written this, but perhaps you have little regarded it; but tarry a while, and you shall be learned by experience. I see it begin already. Some men, as I am falsely accused of belonging to this sect, may think that I write thus wishing that the sect may be suffered without punishment. Nay, truly, but I wish evildoers to be punished charitably, and rather won than lost. Let the King be assured that no policy nor threats can take away the opinions of his people until he fatherly and lovingly reforms the clergy, whence spring both the opinions and the grudges of the people. If I speak truth let it be taken as such; if not, I mean nothing but the honor and surety of my Prince and the weal of his realm.
As to myself, whatever men babble of me, I am neither Lutheran nor Tyndalyn, nor esteem them nor any other for my gods, nor do I trust in the learning of any earthly creature, for all men be liars, in quantum homines, as Scripture says, and again, Maledictus qui confidit in homine. Christ's Church has admitted me a learning sufficient and infallible, and by Christ taught, which is the Holy Scripture. Let the world brawl, I am sure to have none other. I find not myself deceived, nor I trust shall be. As the world goes, men's learning is not to be trusted; God's learning cannot deceive. Except that, there is found no tr[uth] amongst men, but sin and corruption. No worldly thing can corrupt my mind, or move my body to think or do anything unbecoming to a Christian man, and a true and faithful subject to his prince. If I were of another sort, like the more part, I might obtain more favor; but what I do for my prince, I do it not for reward, as with half an eye ye may perceive. Whether I be rewarded or not, it is all one to me; I will do my duty. God hath eyes to see, and his reward is prepared. He will prepare a living for me wherever I am, no less than for those h[is] creatures which neither sow ne mow. These sharp inquisitions, stripes, and bitter rewards would make some men's hearts faint toward their prince, but I am the stronger because I know my truth, and am at defiance with all men pretending the contrary. In short, I will not be untrue to my prince, though he were the "odiblist" person of his realm, and his government were such as offended both heaven and [earth], instead of the very contrary,—most noble, gracious, benign, and ... Am I not commanded by God to obey my prince? Does the world suppose [my] eyes are covered with ambition, dissimulation, and such like? I cannot forbear to show you my mind. It pierceth my heart to know that I am otherwise meant. I had rather forsake my country and family, and wander into some strange region for the r[est] of my short life, than to be thus handled for my true service, seeing that truth is in such danger and is so vilely reputed. I hear ev[erywhere] how diligently the Lord Chancellor enquires concerning me of those whom he examines for heresy, and that others are also deputed to make like inquisitions. Wherefore take they so great pains? What think they to hear? Think they that I am less than they a ... concerning my creation, a man, a sinner, a vessel conceived in sh[ame], finally a wretched creature barren and devoid of goodness, and th[at] might they consider without so great painstaking. Any one threatened by such puissant persons would think himself in great danger. Who so unkindly and so unchristianly treated may not woefully sing the verses painted on your stained cloth, resembling the eversion of Italy :
"Et sola et mediis hærens in fluctibus, ecce Me miseram, quantis undique pressa malis."
There is no remedy; I must leave this country, being suspected above all men. I wish the King would license me to come to England, and live contentedly in a corner of the realm. I have too much laboured. My policies have been divers, my conversation among men like to theirs. Among Christians, I have been a Christian; among Jews, like to them; among Lutherans, a Lutheran. Without such policy I can do nothing here. They either think they sent a fool, or make me think they have no discreet perseverance.
I hear that I have lost a most dear friend and special good master in you, and that you have excused yourself to the King for ever having advanced me, as you are greatly deceived in me. This was reported me from my Lord Chancellor's mouth. If it is true, my troubles increase into a more bitter passion than ever. Nothing, however, can turn me from you, to whom I owe so much. I do not say it to win your favor, or to gape for gifts, having no need thereof, nor, God willing, shall have, being able to get my living partout, as the Frenchman saith. I declare by this the earnest meaning of my heart, to which your exceeding merits have by force drawn me.
I enclose a letter from Mr. Ellyot, the King's ambassador, from Tournay, who wishes you to ask the King for answers to his letters. It is not well done that he should be so long without letters, considering his little experience in these parts. With a little help he would soon do right well.
Wrote yesterday of my being at Tournay, where I saw the Emperor ride from the abbey of St. Peter to the great church, with 15 lords in their robes of the order. The solemnity began Nov. 2, and lasted three days. The first two days they wore crimson velvet embroidered with gold thread, with the Emperor's recognizance, with hoods like those which used to be worn by the crafts in London. The third day they wore black cloth. The fourth day I cannot tell, for I departed. The next day they were to hold jousts in the market-place. The Emperor made the prince of Orange, son of the lord of Nassau, and others, knights of the order. My suit to the Council for the despatch of the ship and goods in Holland, which were taken by pirates, left me no time to attend to such things, and I saw one there who will not fail to advertise you. The Emperor has granted us a letter to his Council in Holland for full restitution. He treats us very favorably, and uses the King's aff[airs] with much honor and benignity. It is good to speak truth, and no small peril to raise enmity between princes. It is not so soon ceased as begun. The Council consists of men of honor, wisdom, and experience, who will in no wise break with the King, nor purchase his displeasure against their prince.
The Emperor has beheaded 12 of those pirates in Holland. Beer still comes out of England, and yesterday 9 or 10 fair horses came in a hoy.
The Emperor will go to Germany shortly after Christmas. George Constantine came to Antwerp, after breaking from my Lord Chancellor, on the 6th of December. With him, nor with none other such, will I meddle, seeing that I am beaten with my own labours. Antwerp, 9 Dec. 1531.
I will get rid of your spermaceti before I leave the country.
Hol., pp. 6, slightly mutilated.
10 Dec.
Add. MS. 28,584, f. 91. B. M.
575. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
"His services in the matrimonial cause of the queen of England have been attended with complete success; for it is due to him that the letter of the king of England, which contained some offensive expressions, has not been accepted as a legal power for his Ambassador. It is his work that the majority of the cardinals in the Consistory have overruled the objections of the kingdom and people of England, which pretended that their King was not bound to attend in person in the divorce cause before the Pope or the Rota. It is he who has persuaded the Cardinals that the person who is to excuse the king of England for his absence from Rome shall no longer be heard, except if he shows power of the King authorising him to act in his stead in the principal cause. This last decision of the Rota is not yet published, because the Consistory of Cardinals is to pronounce on the same subject. As soon as the decision of the Consistory is given, the proceedings of the principal cause will begin, and he will take care that it shall be decided in such a manner that no man living will ever dare to doubt the validity of the marriage of the queen of England. Rome, 10 Dec. 1531."
English abstract from original at Simancas.
10 Dec.
R. O.
576. Suffolk to Cromwell.
Desires credence for his trusty servant the bearer. My house in Southwark, 10 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add. : To my kind and loving friend, Mr. Crumwell.
11 Dec.
R. O.
577. Henry VIII. to Sir John Daunce, John Hales, and Thos. Tamworth.
Has received from Henry Norres and Thos. Hennage, of the privy chamber, by the hands of Thos. Crumwell, 1,000 marks from lands lately belonging to Cardinal's College, Oxford, and 400 marks from the bishop of Bangor, of which 600 marks have been delivered to Robt. Carter and Henry Williams, canons and fellows of "our new college in Oxford," for the transposing thereof according to a platte signed by the King. Hampton Court, 11 Dec. 23 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
11 Dec.
R. O.
578. William Abbot Of St. Mary's [York] to Cromwell.
I thank you for your letter concerning the prior of St. Bees. As you have obtained from the King pardon for my appearance at the next Parliament, I am in doubt of other process by the order of his laws. Unless you consider the long journey and the season of the year, on your pleasure signified to me I shall attend the King. I send you a poor token. St. Mary Abbey, 11 Dec.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : Right honorable. Sealed.
12 Dec.
R. O.
579. Sir John Mablisteyn to Sir Giles Russell, Commander of Basford and Dyngley.
Sends by Randall, the bearer, the presentation of Tyffelde, of which Randall has paid the duty. My Lord, Mr. Turcoplyer, and all the tongue of England, desire him to remember the poor estate of the "Inglisshe harbage," to which every man presented to a benefice of St. John's is accustomed to give a portion. Desires to be ascertained thereof, as he has to inform the tongue of every man's benevolence to the said "herbage." Mr. Tyntervile departed on the third, having had good expedition with the King and his Council. My lord of St. John's is at Berwick, where he will keep his Christmas. Has no other news from the religion. St. John's, London, 12 Dec. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
12 Dec.
Add. MS. 28,584, f. 93. B. M.
580. Mai to Charles V.
After having disputed all this winter whether an excusator, who appeared for the people, should be admitted, the Rota decided to the contrary. The English suspected that I was pressing for a sentence, and have sent off an ambassador to consult the King. Though I am told this will further the cause, I do not cease to press for the execution of this interlocutoria.
The English requested that the point should be debated by lawyers; to which I agreed, to save time; but they, not wishing for a conclusion, asked for four or six months to bring lawyers from Italy and elsewhere. Urged both the Pope and Cardinals to refuse this second demand. Discussed the point for a whole day before cardinals Monte and Anchona, and it was decided that the discussion should be held on Dec. 12, before the Rota and afterwards before the Cardinals. Demanded that there should be only one discussion in the Consistory before the Cardinals and auditors of the Rota, by which means I hoped to be able to obtain a sentence before Christmas.
As the English do not wish for any conclusion, they began on the 10th to start new objections, that the Rota was not impartial, and that they wished to obtain lawyers from Rome and elsewhere.
Was at the Consistory on the 11th, and asked the Pope to refuse these objections. Was with his Holiness, Monte, and Anchona for more than an hour. They wished me to grant this delay, though they acknowledged that it was calumnious. As they could not persuade me, it was concluded in the Consistory to grant delay till after the Easter (qu. Christmas?) vacation for the lawyers to study. It is not much loss of time; but these decisions given in favor of the other side make them every day more insolent.
Of these devils, some are devoted to France and England, and others will be corrupted; for bills of exchange for thousands are coming daily to the English ambassadors, and it is commonly thought the money will be spent in this way. Others delude themselves by thinking that delay will cure the evil. The case is pressed by us as much as possible. I hold both the Pope and Cardinals pledged to grant no more delay, though I cannot trust their promises. I will procure the hearing of the discussion on the first day after the vacation. By that time the Ambassador may have returned. I think it is he that has given occasion for these deceits. Rome, 12 Dec. 1531.
I have since been with the Pope, and asked him to keep his promise that this shall be the last delay. He assured me that he would keep his promise, and that he would say the same to the English ambassadors, who were in the hall waiting for an audience. He also said he hoped that Benet would undeceive his master. Answered that this might produce either good or evil, because even if he was undeceived as to the process here, it might only induce him to spend his money in endeavouring to prevent the sentence being given and executed. Details further his conversation with the Pope.
Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.
13 Dec.
Add. MS. 28,584, f. 96. B. M.
581. Muxetula to Charles V.
The Pope has heard from France that the kings of France and England have made a new agreement by means of Bryon to stir up troubles against your Majesty. He (they?) will secretly help the Landgrave. The king of England offered Francis much money to declare war against the Emperor, and the French king felt quite sure that he would not fail in performing what Brian had treated of. Francis also trusted in the "Conde Geneva," who was called the duke of Savoy. He is certainly making preparations against the Emperor. Rome, 13 Dec. 1531.
Sp., pp. 2. Modern extract.
15 Dec.
Simancas MS.
582. Katharine Of Arragon to Charles V.
Your Ambassador has sent me a copy of a letter from Mai at Rome, by which, as well as by what the Ambassador has told me on your behalf, I see the diligence he uses to extinguish the fire kindled between the King and myself. What Mai asks of your Majesty will encourage the Pope to do justice. He asks this because his Holiness seems as lukewarm today as if the cause was just beginning. I am astonished at him, knowing the danger caused by previous delays, the danger in which this kingdom is placed, the differences caused among Christian princes at a time when there is so much need of conformity, the scandal to all Christendom, and the injury to the conscience and honor of the King. If the Pope does not, as he so easily can, settle the case in the way in which all Christendom expects from a person of his authority, knowing that this country complains loudly of not seeing the remedy, for which it has hoped for so many years, it must be called a sign of small charity in him. I beg you to urge his Holiness to do justice, disregarding his fears, and the evils which the other party put before him; and to assure him that the settlement of the case will produce much peace and quietness between his Holiness and the King. I assure you that this is the cause of all the evil, and that God will not permit anything but good to result from a deed so pious and necessary for Christendom. I hope that the King will acknowledge that God has enlightened him when he sees himself loosed from the bondage in which he now is. During the present state of the case, it is impossible to do any good, because those whom he employs in it continually irritate (arrochean) him like a bull in the circus, by giving him empty hopes and alleging false reasons. It is a great pity that such a good and virtuous person should be so deceived and treated every day. I pray to God to enlighten him, and I am sure that so pious and just a prayer will be heard. At Mur (Moore), separated from my husband, without having offended him in any way, 15 Dec.
Sp. From a modern copy. pp. 2.
15 Dec.
Fox, IV. 698. (Townsend's Ed.)
583. James Bainham.
Interrogatories addressed to James Bainham, with his answers.
1. Whether he believed in Purgatory?
2. Whether departed Saints are to be honoured?
3. Whether any souls departed were yet in Heaven?
4. Whether confession to a priest is necessary?
5. That he had said that the truth of the Scriptures had lain hid till now.
6. Why it has been better declared now?—To this he replied that he knew no man to have preached the word of God sincerely and purely, and after the vein of Scripture, except Master Crome and Master Latimer.
7. If he knew any person who lived in the true faith of Christ since the Apostles' time?—He knew Bayfield (fn. 4), and thought he died in the faith of Christ.
8. He thought Paul would have condemned Purgatory as a heresy. He and many others thought that Crome lied, and spake against his conscience, when he preached that there was a Purgatory. He thought the printed confession of Crome a very foolish thing. He thought there were no vows but those of baptism.
9. He could not say that Luther's marriage was lechery. He did not know that a man was better for the sacrament of anoiling, and stated his opinion about baptism and matrimony. He had Tyndale's New Testament, and did not think he offended God by keeping and using it, though the King and the Church had forbidden it. He had also The Wicked Mammon, The Obedience of a Christian Man, The Practice of Prelates, Tyndale's Answer to More's Dialogue, the book of Firth against Purgatory, and the Epistle of George Gee alias Clerk. He never saw any errors in them; but if there were any, if they were corrected, it was good the people had the books. He thought the New Testament in English was utterly good. He did not know that Tyndale was a naughty fellow.
Before John Stokesley, bishop of London, at Chelsea, 15 Dec. 1531.


  • 1. This clause is crossed out.
  • 2. Edmund De la Pole, beheaded by Henry VIII. in 1513, though he was delivered to Henry VII. by Philip king of Castile, in 1506, on a promise that his life should be spared.
  • 3. Rice ap Griffith.
  • 4. Burnt in Nov. 1531.