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Edward III: November 1373

Parliament Rolls of Medieval England. Originally published by Boydell, Woodbridge, 2005.

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In this section

1373 November

Introduction 1373

Westminster

21 - 29 November

(C 65/29. RP , II.316-320. SR , I.395)

The parliament roll for 1373 is C 65/29. It comprises 4 membranes; membranes 1 and 2 are each approximately 310 mm. in width, and membranes 3 and 4 are each approximately 270 mm. in width. The membranes have been sewn together in the chancery style. In addition, a copy of item 12, 'Les seignurs et' to 'les anz avantditz', in the form of a chirograph, has been sewn to the left of the roll where membranes 2 and 3 are joined. The condition of the roll is generally good, apart from occasional gallic acid stains on each membrane, particularly at the bottom of membrane 4, where it, and the faded nature of the text in this section, has rendered certain sections illegible. The text, written in a small, clear chancery script, occupies the rectos of the membranes only. The dorses are blank, apart from the note, 'Acta in parliamento anno .xlvij. regni regis E. tercii', at the top of membrane 3, the heading, 'Rotulus parliamenti de anno regni regis E. tercii quadragesimo septimo', at the head of membrane 1 and the foot of membrane 4, and the later notes, 'Parl. 47 E3 apud Westm'', where the membranes are joined. There are no marginal headings. Arabic numerals throughout the roll are later. The roll does not appear to be incomplete. It does not refer to, or name, the clerk of parliament presumably responsible for its compilation. The difference in size between membranes 1-2 (the roll proper) and membranes 3-4 (the common petitions) provides some evidence that, as in 1371, 1372 and 1376, the clerks responsible for the roll did not draw up a single fair copy of all the business commonly recorded for a parliament, but simply attached to the summary of proceedings an existing working copy of the common petitions, relating the two texts by adding the heading 'Les peticions des communes, et les respons d'ycelles' at the bottom of membrane 2. This argument is reinforced by the fact that one of the common petitions (between item 32, no. XX and item 33, no. XXI), which was omitted by the editors of RP but printed in RPHI , is vacated; it is included in the text and translation provided here, but its appearance on the roll suggests that the schedule of common petitions in this case is not a fair copy but a set of working notes. (fn. f1373int-1)

The parliament of 1373 was summoned by writs dated 4 October to assemble at Westminster on 21 November. After the extraordinary military conditions of 1372, which had resulted in a very small number of lords temporal receiving personal summonses, the list for 1373 was more typical of the period, with the royal dukes, six earl and 33 non-titled nobles being summoned. (fn. f1373int-2) Six royal clerks and lawyers were also instructed to attend. The sheriffs' returns apparently survive complete, and we know the names of all 74 knights of the shires and of no fewer than 162 of the citizens and burgesses elected to this parliament; a special feature of the writ of summons was that it requested that the citizens and burgesses returned to parliament be knowledgeable of shipping and trade. The returns of the representatives of the Cinque Ports are also extant, yielding the full quota of 12 'barons'; (fn. f1373int-3) and the names of five of the proctors of the lower clergy returned to this parliament are recoverable. (fn. f1373int-4) As in 1340, 1355 and 1371, the sheriffs were instructed to return 'belted knights' as shire representatives (that is, those with direct military experience); this specification became the norm in parliamentary writs for the rest of the reign of Edward III. (fn. f1373int-5)

No substantive business was done on the first day of the assembly and the lords and commons were simply advised to return the following day, 22 November, at the hour of prime (item 1). On 22nd, in the presence of the king in the Painted Chamber of Westminster Palace, the chancellor, Sir John Knyvet, made the opening speech (items 2-4). He recounted the recent history of the French war, referring to the major expedition of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, which was even then making its way through France in what still seemed a possibly successful enterprise; it was only the onset of winter and the successful harassment of his troops by the French forces under Bertrand du Guesclin that were eventually to force Gaunt into a truce in January 1374. (fn. f1373int-6) Knyvet then reported that the costs of this and other military commitments could not be borne from the grants already made to the king, and asked the lords and commons to have deliberations on how the king could be assisted in his enterprise: the clear inference, though it was not directly stated, was that Edward III required further extraordinary taxes in order to maintain his obligations in the war. Interestingly, Knyvet also announced the king's intention 'that all manner of petitions and other private business remain pending until [the discussion of military need] shall be put to a good end' (item 4). So far as can be established, there had already been a marked decline in the number of private petitions heard in parliament since the 1330s, and the statement can have caused little inconvenience; nevertheless, considering the importance that had been attached to parliament's role as a clearing house for such private business up until the beginning of the Hundred Years War, it is interesting to note the degree to which political culture now tolerated the notion that parliament did indeed exist primarily for the discussion of the great affairs of the realm. (fn. f1373int-7) The commons were then told to re-convene alone for their own discussion in the Painted Chamber on the following day, 23 November, and were advised that the lords would meet close by, in the White Chamber, in order that the two groups might consult each other if necessary.

As a result, on 23 November, a deputation of the commons acting 'in the name of all', came before the lords in the White Chamber and requested that they might meet with a named group of lords - the bishops of London, Winchester and Wells, the earl of Arundel, March and Salisbury, and Sir Guy Brian and Sir Henry Scrope - to discuss these issues further; the lords thus named agreed 'to go to the commons', though the fact that they held their subsequent discussion in the 'chamberlain's chamber' rather than in plenary session of the commons in the Painted Chamber indicates that this process of intercommuning was conducted by deputations on both sides. Furthermore, it is to be noted that this is the first occasion on which it is recorded that the commons actually nominated the individual lords with whom they wished to meet in this style of conference: (fn. f1373int-8) it has been suggested that this evidently assertive mood was something of a response to the crown's rather dismissive action in stalling private business until (in effect) taxation was granted. (fn. f1373int-9) The result was nearly a week of unrecorded discussions between lords and commons lasting until Tuesday 2 November (item 5).

On that day, a further plenary session of parliament was held in the king's presence in the White Chamber, at which the commons made a formal grant of a subsidy and delivered their common petitions in writing (item 6). A number of aspects of this arrangement are to be noted. First, the parliament roll initially states that the grant - a biennial fifteenth and tenth and the wool subsidy and tunnage and poundage for two years - was made by the commons (item 6); the formal record of the schedule of the grant, however (which exists both as the original indenture, attached to the roll, and as a transcription at item 12) states, as was customary in this period, that the grant was made by the lords and commons; even if the matter was communicated by the commons, it was necessary to include the lords as full players in the legitimising of extraordinary subsidies. Secondly, it is to be noted that the commons - presumably in their plenary sessions - had used the time taken over the negotiation of the subsidy to formulate the common petitions: whereas in 1372 the crown had been able to press the assembly for a swift grant of supply before the commons had an opportunity to formulate their grievances, the processes of the assembly of 1373 allowed them to re-assert a practice established earlier in the reign, of presenting the formal grant of taxation and the common petitions as part of a single package and thus applying moral and political pressure (though not, ultimately, a constitutional obligation) upon the crown to respond favourably to requests for the remedy of ills affecting his subjects. (fn. f1373int-10) The procedures observed in 1373 may therefore suggest that the commons were somewhat dissatisfied with the meagre legislative concessions offered by the crown in the parliaments since the re-opening of hostilities with the French in 1369 and were seeking ways of securing rather more substantial political concessions in return for their continued financial support towards the war. Again, it may be noted in this respect that the inclusion of a grant of tunnage and poundage may have been of some significance. Up until this date the crown had negotiated this subsidy outside formal plenary sessions of parliament. (fn. f1373int-11) Although it seems likely (given the relationship of the subsidy to the protection of the merchant fleet) that the crown's official encouragement of the election of men skilled in shipping and trade to this assembly signalled its intention to make a specific request for the subsidy in parliament, it is still possible that the commons made the grant to impress upon the king the importance of parliamentary authorisation for extraordinary levies and to add further force to the expression of hope that the government would respond to the grievances expressed in the common petitions.

The details of the tax grant are also of some significance (item 12). So far as the direct subsidy was concerned, parliament effectively confirmed the idea that experimental taxes of the kind attempted in 1371 were unreliable and preferred to place its trust in a biennial fifteenth and tenth - the first multiple direct subsidy to be granted since 1352, with agreed terms of payment at 2 February and 21 May in both of the years 1374 and 1375. (The single fifteenth and tenth granted in 1372 had effectively expired with the payment of the second instalment due on 5 June, but it may just be possible that the commons in 1373 were aware that this recent grant had been made precisely a year earlier and were confident in the knowledge that the crown could not apply too much pressure for a new tax while an old one was still technically in operation.) (fn. f1373int-12) So far as the wool subsidy and tunnage and poundage are concerned, the dates and duration of the taxes are also of some significance. The parliament of 1372 had granted the wool subsidy for two years from Michaelmas 1372, which meant that the crown already had the right to collect this levy until Michaelmas 1374; in 1373, the commons renewed the subsidy prospectively for a further two years, thus extending it to Michaelmas 1376. The form of the grant states that tunnage and poundage was to be collected for two years in parallel with the biennial fifteenth and tenth; in fact, since the current subsidy was not due to expire until Christmas 1373, the crown took the authority supplied by the parliamentary grant to allow an extension for two years from that date. (fn. f1373int-13) It is also to be noted that, while the instructions to the collectors of customs concerning the wool subsidy were rather vague on the point, (fn. f1373int-14) the crown did fulfil the letter of the parliamentary grant in respect of the stipulation that the second year of the subsidies be conditional upon the prolongation of the war, and issued commissions for the collection of the second years of the fifteenth and tenth and of tunnage and poundage only after the expiry of the first. (fn. f1373int-15) On the other hand, it did not find it necessary, once those subsidies had been instituted, to withdraw them on the making of the truce of Bruges in June 1375. (fn. f1373int-16) In this respect it was acting very much as it had in the middle years of Edward III's reign, when it had exercised some discretion in judging its right to continue the collection of taxes similarly granted upon condition that the war continued. (fn. f1373int-17) The commons concluded the formalities of the grant by asking that the money be spent only on the war, that none of their number should be appointed as collectors, and that they should have copies of the schedule in order to take back to their constituents - no doubt in order to demonstrate that, in spite of the generosity of the grant, they had worked hard to place conditions and limitations upon the taxes offered to the king.

The grant of the tax having been made and the common petitions delivered, the chancellor then announced that the crown would allow the submission and audience of private petitions previously stalled pending the discussion of the war (item 7); although the parliament roll is not specific on the point, it appears that the committees of receivers and triers were not appointed until this stage, their names appearing not, as is customary, after the report of the opening speech in the assembly, but after the record of the royal response to the grant of the taxes on 29 November (items 8-11). Private petitioners were given until Thursday 1 December to lodge their bills with the receivers. The chancellor then announced to the commons 'that it pleased the king that those who wished to remain to wait for and have answers to their petitions, and also to pursue their writs for their expenses, should remain', but closed the formalities of the session therewith. The reference to the provision of answers may refer not to the private petitions now invited to be submitted, but to the common petitions, which (having only just been submitted) remained unanswered; in either case, to close parliament before even an opportunity had been created for the answering of petitions was to contravene established practice and, no doubt, to offend sensibilities. The fact that the writs de expensis issued on behalf of the knights and the shires and urban representatives in this parliament were dated 10 December 1373 has been taken to signify that this was in fact the date on which the assembly ended; (fn. f1373int-18) but while it may be true that the commons lingered for nearly two weeks in the expectation of hearing responses to their petitions, neither the parliament roll nor other sources yield any evidence as to the circumstances or the timing of the promulgation of the crown's replies. Furthermore, since the crown made no formal statutory concessions arising from the business of this assembly, (fn. f1373int-19) it is impossible to demonstrate that it ever made a precise statement of its answers to the common petitions. In this respect at least, the commons appear to have been outwitted by the crown in the procedural arrangements made in the parliament of 1373. And while the tensions thus implied are not explicit on the roll, it could certainly be argued that the crown pushed notably hard in this assembly for a rapid solution to its fiscal needs with little or no obvious attempt to placate a restive polity.

The common petitions appended to the parliament roll number 22 items (items 13-33); it has already been remarked above how the schedule of the common petitions may represent a draft, rather than a finished, copy. There are some significant items within the list. After beginning with the customary request for the confirmation of the Charters (item 13, no. I), the commons went immediately to the issue of private petitions, asking that the crown should receive and answer them in parliament and without further delay: this is a clear reference to the unusual procedure of delaying the reception of private petitions until the war had been discussed and the taxes granted. The crown's response was evasive; and it is probably significant that there is evidence of only a small number of private petitions entered in this parliament (Appendix nos. 3-8). The commons' request for the observation of the assize of cloth (item 15, no. III) prompted the crown to re-introduce in modified form the system of forfeiture of cloths exposed for sale within England that failed to meet the assize; for the previous twenty years traders had paid fines in lieu of confiscation, and it is not clear that the common either expected or welcomed the re-establishment of the crown's right of confiscation. (fn. f1373int-20) The crown's response to this petition was included in some later versions of the statutes, but is not itself on the statute roll, which has no entry relating to the parliament of 1373 (Appendix no. 2).

Like a number of the other schedules of common petitions appended to the parliament rolls of the 1370s, that for 1373 includes evidence of the activities of a number of interest groups within parliament. There is a strong suggestion that the petition concerning the customs and privileges of the towns, which specifically mentions the franchises of the city of London (item 16, no. IIII), was brought forward by the Londoners themselves as part of their campaign to re-establish their right to regulate their own trade: they were to refer to the answer supplied to this petition of 1373 as though it had been given specifically to them when they petitioned again for the protection of their franchises in the parliament of 1376 (parliament of 1376, item 143, no. IIII XX IIII; and see parliament of 1376, Appendix no. 8). (fn. f1373int-21) There are also two items among the common petitions made in the name of the owners of shipping requisitioned for the war (item 27, no. XV; item 28, no. XVI) (which suggests that the group which the crown had requested be represented in the commons used the assembly to pursue particular demands); and there is one item in the name of the commonalty of merchants (item 32, no. XX), the latter being vacated as apparently not read or answered. The mention of the state of affairs in Cumberland with respect to the offering of bail and the absence of regular gaol delivery sessions may suggest that the county court and/or the knights of the shire for Cumberland had some part to play in agitating for this petition (item 33, no. XXI). There is a more explicit statement of local and regional interest in the request, forwarded in the names of the county communities of eight named shires, that an additional staple be established in the town of Lynn (item 20, no. VIII); it is particularly interesting to notice in this respect that the chancery instrument establishing the new staple (Appendix no. 3) was warranted 'by petition of parliament', a wording normally used in relation only to private petitions made in parliament. Finally, the request that the crown confirm the charter granted earlier in 1373 to the town of Bristol (item 31, no. XIX), raising it to the status of a shire with full independence from its previous involvements in the counties of Gloucestershire and Somerset, clearly arises from an extant petition made by of the burgesses of Bristol (Appendix no. 4), who were eager to have ratification of this vitally important concession; the adoption of their case and its inclusion among the common petitions may reflect both the influence of Bristol's own representatives within the assembly and the general interest demonstrated by the commons at large in this novel action. (Bristol was the first city outside London to receive the right of acting as an autonomous shire.) (fn. f1373int-22)

The common petitions of 1373 also offer some very interesting perspectives on the contemporary understanding of the terms 'ordinance' and 'statute'. It has generally been argued that by the second half of the fourteenth century there was a clear distinction between ordinances, which were made by the crown on its own authority and which were intended as fixed- (and often short-) term measures, and statutes, which were made by the crown in, and with the consent of, parliament, and which were intended to endure forever. (fn. f1373int-23) These definitions may indeed represent the constitutional consensus reached by the 1350s; but they do not necessarily reflect the terminology employed by the king's subjects in reference to the laws and regulations that bound their lives. The commons in 1373 claimed, for example, that the officers of the church courts had challenged the legislation of 1371 restricting the definition of the tithe of cut wood on the grounds that it was an 'ordinance' and had not been 'affirmed as a statute'; the 1371 legislation is in fact on the statute roll, (fn. f1373int-24) and the argument in the church courts may have been a piece of casuistry based either on the status of the assembly in which it had been formally ratified (the anomalous great council held at Winchester) or on the fact that it may not have been proclaimed. It is ironic in light of the commons' apparent sensitivity to this issue (on which they unsuccessfully requested that the 'ordinance' be confirmed 'as a statute to last forever') that when it came to their discussion of the statute of purveyors of 1362 (a substantive and politically important concession made by the crown and whose confirmation and observation was a regular part of the commons' repertoire in the later fourteenth century), they consistently referred to the statute as an ordinance (item 23, no. XI). Finally, and perhaps most significantly, the commons in 1373 claimed that it had been 'formerly ordained in parliament that the staples of wool, woolfells and leather should be held at Calais' and that the export of wool to places other than Calais was therefore 'contrary to the statutes made in the said parliament' (item 17, no. V). This was a claim to which the commons would return in the Good Parliament of 1376. It has been pointed out in reference to the latter debate that there is in fact no statute that either established or fixed the staple at Calais, the original positioning of the staple there having been ordained by a conciliar instrument in 1363; and that, ironically, it was the withdrawal of the staple from Calais in 1369 that had actually been ratified by a formal statement enrolled on the statute roll. (fn. f1373int-25) The only sensible conclusion that can be drawn from all of this is that the parliamentary commons (and others) in the 1370s found it both convenient and credible not so much to deny or undermine the distinction between 'ordinance' and 'statute' but to apply them variously to certain pieces of royal legislation as best suited their political purposes. It is nice to notice, in conclusion, that they implicitly reinforced the authority of the labour legislation of 1351 (and its confirmations in 1361 and 1368) on the basis that it had been made 'in full parliament' (item 26, no. XIII), thus conveniently omitting the fact that much of the substantive legislation relating to the labour laws was actually contained in the Ordinance of Labourers of 1349 - a measure that was only finally accorded the official status of a statute in 1378. (fn. f1373int-26)

The parliament roll of 1373 does not suggest that the political community - or at least, the body of those who represented it in this assembly - was especially restive in its attitude to the crown's record of achievement either in the war or in domestic governance. Given that the entire period from 1369 to 1376 is often represented as one during which there a deep-seated disillusionment spread over the realm, it needs to be noted that the parliament was managed very effectively by the crown. On the other hand, it may be that the very assertiveness of the government in this assembly - extracting significant subsidies, denying the right to petition until such supplies were confirmed, and failing to provide any statutory concessions on substantive matters raised by the commons - contributed in itself to the political malaise of the mid-1370s. The fact that the crown called no further parliament for two years may have something to tell us about its own perception of the state of politics at the time.

Text and translation

[p. ii-316]
[col. a]
[memb. 1]
[memb. dorse]
[ROTULUS PARLIAMENTI DE ANNO REGNI REGIS EDWARDI TERCII QUADRAGESIMO SEPTIMO.] [THE ROLL OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE FORTY-SEVENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE THIRD.]
[memb. 1]
1. Au parlement summons a Westm', lendemayn de Seint Esmon le roi, l'an du regne le roi Edward tierce quarant septisme, adeprimes, estoit crie fait en la sale de Westm' qe touz les chivalers de countees, citizeins et burgois q'estoient venuz par summons de parlement se dusent trere a lour hosteux, et estre lendemayn en la chambre Depeinte a heure de prime pur oier les causes del sommons du dit parlement. 1. At the parliament summoned at Westminster on the morrow of Saint Edmund the king in the forty-seventh year of the reign of King Edward the third, an announcement was first made in Westminster Hall that all the knights of the shires, citizens and burgesses who had come by summons of the parliament should proceed to their lodgings, and be in the Painted Chamber on the morrow at the hour of prime to hear the reasons for the summons of the said parliament.
2. A quel lendemayn, le roi, prince, prelatz, countes, barons, grantz et communes en la dite chambre assemblez, feust purpose illoeqes la cause de summons du dit parlement par Monsir Johan Knyvet, adonqes chaunceller, en la manere q'ensuyt: [Opening of parliament.]
2. On which morrow, with the king, prince, prelates, earls, barons, great men and commons assembled in the said chamber, Sir John Knyvet, then chancellor, proposed the reason for the summons of the said parliament there, in the manner that follows:
'Sires, et vous de la commune, vous savez bien coment apres la pees prise parentre nostre seignur le roi et ses adversairs de France, et enfreinte par les ditz overtement, nostre dit seignur le roi fist mander plusours foitz grantz nombre des gentz d'armes, et autres outre meer, pur conquere ses droitz celes parties, et de arester la malice de ses enemys. Et ore tard l'an passe manda celes parties soun filz le roi de Castil et de Leon et duc de Lancastr', ove plusours grantz et autres en sa compaignie a grant nombre, a aresteer la malice de ses ditz adversoirs; queux parmy lour bon et noble governement et fait d'armes ont fait grantz damages et destruccions as enemys pardela; et auxi sur la meer une navie ove grant poair, qe bien et graciousement se sont portez contre les enemys, come bien savez, a tresgrant honour, loenge, quiete et tranquillite nostre seignur le roi, de la clergie et de touz autres du roialme. Et coment qe la somme grante au darrein parlement a nostre seignur le roi, en eide de ses guerres, fust grande et chargeant a soun poeple, nientmeins il cousta au roi une grande somme d'avoir outre cela, come bien est conuz as plusours grantz et autres cy esteantz. 'Lords and you of the commons, you know well that, after peace was made between our lord the king and his enemies of France, and blatantly broken by the said enemies, our said lord the king on many occasions caused a great number of men-at-arms and others to be sent overseas to conquer his rights in those parts and to prevent the malice of his enemies. And recently in the past year he sent his son, the king of Castile and Leon and duke of Lancaster, to these parts with many other great men and others in his company in great number, to prevent the malice of his said enemies; through which, by their good and noble governance and feats of arms, great damage and destruction have been done to the enemies overseas; and also on the sea a very powerful fleet has borne itself well and graciously against the enemies, as you know well, to the very great honour, praise, quiet and tranquillity of our lord the king, of the clergy and of all others of the realm. And although the sum granted at the last parliament to our lord the king, in aid of his wars, was great and burdensome to his people, nevertheless it will cost the king a great amount more, as is well known to many great men and others present here.
3. Et savez bien qe les grantz et autres qe se sont issint exposes contre noz enemys, mettantz lour vies et autres lour biens en aventure pur nous defendre contre noz ditz enemys, et mettre en quiete, et partant sont demurrez entre lour enemys pur lour faire gref a lour poair, busoignent bien d'estre refreschez et confortez de force et de eide par plusours voies, et ce a plus en haste qe faire se purra, come plusours de vous qe en au tiel plyt avez este bien le savez et auxint le adversaire de France se fait si fort come plus poet, nonpas soulement de ses gentz et alliez, einz par autres estranges des diverses terres, et par touz les voies qe il poet sibien par terre come par meer. 3. And you know well that the great men and others who are thus exposed against our enemies, and who have put their lives and also other goods at risk to defend us from our said enemies and to bring us peace, and who have remained among their enemies to cause them grief at their power, truly need to be refreshed and strengthened by military force and auxiliaries in many ways, and in as much haste as possible, as many of you who have been in a similar plight know well; and also the enemy of France makes himself as strong as he can, not only in his people and allies but also by other foreigners of various lands, and in every way that he can, by land as well as by sea.
4. Par qoi nostre seignur le roi vous supplie et charge qe considerez les perils et damages qe purront avenir au roialme et a tout le poeple par celles causes, vous [col. b] voillez aviser sur ceste matire, et doner tiel conseil et avys qe purra estre en salvacion du roi, du roialme et de vous touz.' Et dit outre qe par cause qe cestes busoignes demandent hastive exploit, par cause qe la seson pur guerroier approche bien pres, le roi voet qe toutes maneres de peticions et autres singulers busoignes demoergent en suspens tanqe ceste soit mys a bon fyn et exploit. Et comanda as communes q'ils se avisassent de doner bon conseil et avis sur les pointz et causes susditz; et q'ils departissent pur cel jour, et q'ils y veinssent lendemain en la dite chambre, issint q'ils feusent pres des grantz qe seroient en la Blanche chambre, en cas q'ils voeroient avoir lour avys et conseil sur la matire et causes a eux purposez. 4. Wherefore our lord the king requests and charges you that, having considered the perils and damages which could occur to the realm and to all the people for these reasons, you [col. b] will advise him on this matter, and give such council and advice as might be in salvation of the king, the realm and you all.' And he said further that because this business requires speedy execution, because the season for making war approaches very soon, the king wills that all manner of petitions and other private business remain pending until this shall be put to a good end and execution. And he ordered the commons to consider giving good council and advice on the aforesaid points and reasons; and that they should depart for the day, and come to the said chamber on the morrow to be near the great men who would be in the White Chamber in case the said great men wished to have their advice and council on the matter and reasons proposed to them.
5. Au quel jour vindrent ascons des communes en noun de touz en mesme la chambre Blanche et prierent as seignurs illeoqes esteantz q'ils purroient avoir ascons evesqes, contes et barons ove queux ils purroient treter, parler et debatre pur le meulz faire issue et exploit sur la matire qe lour estoit enjoynt; et demanderont les evesqes de Londres, de Wyncestr' et de Baa et Welles, et les counts d'Arundell, March et Salesbirs, Monsir Guy Brian et Monsir Henry le Scrop, queux estoit accorde d'aler a les communes et treter ovesqes eux sur les dites pointz et causes en la chambre le chamberlein. Et issint en deliberacion entre les ditz grantz et communes sur les causes avantnomez tanqe mardy en la veille de Seint Andreu. [Lords deputed to confer with the commons.]
5. On which day certain of the commons, in the name of all, came into the same White Chamber and prayed the lords being there that they could have some bishops, earls and barons with whom they could discuss, speak and debate in order to make better issue and execution on the matter that was enjoined to them; and they requested the bishops of London, Winchester and Bath and Wells, and the earls of Arundel, March and Salisbury, Sir Guy Brian and Sir Henry Scrope, who agreed to go to the commons and discuss the said points and matters with them in the chamberlain's chamber. And so the said great men and commons deliberated the matters named above until Tuesday on the vigil of Saint Andrew.
6. Au quel jour, le roi, prince, prelatz, grantz et communes esteantz en la chambre Blanche, les communes granteront au roi, en eide, socours et meintenance de ses guerres contre ses enemys et de ses liges esteantz pardela en son service, une grant contenu en une cedule escrit et endente sanz seal, contenante la fourme et manere de lour grant. Quele cedule ils doneront au roi, et fust lue devant lui illeoqes; la copie de quele est escrit a desouz. (fn. ii-316-18-1) Et puis doneront lour peticions en escrit, et prieront au roi q'eles feussent exploitez et respondues en graciouse manere. Queles choses le roi lour ottria bonement. [Grant of subsidies.]
6. On which day, with the king, prince, prelates, great men and commons being in the White Chamber, the commons granted to the king, in aid, help and maintenance of his wars against his enemies and of his lieges being overseas in his service, a grant contained in a schedule written and indented without a seal, containing the terms and manner of their grant. Which schedule they gave to the king, and it was read before him there; the copy of which is written below. (fn. ii-316-18-1) And then they gave their petitions in writing, and prayed the king that they would be executed and answered in a gracious manner. Which things the king readily granted them.
7. Et apres ceo fust dit par le chaunceller qe le roi mercia molt as seignurs et communes de lour grant eide q'ils lui avoient fait; et voleit le roi qe autres singulers persones qe voleient mettre avant lour peticions, q'ils les meissent avant et deliverassent as clercs a ceo atitelez entrecy et joedy prochein, le jour acompte, et eles seront bonement responduz. Les nouns des queux clers et auxi des seigneurs pur eux trier et terminer sont escritz a desouz. Et fust dit as communes il plest au roi qe ces qe voleient demurer pur attendre et avoir respons de lour peticions, et aussi a pursure lour briefs pur lour despens, q'ils demurgeassent, et as autres a departir a lour volunte. Et issint departi le parlement. [End of parliament.]
7. And after this the chancellor said that the king greatly thanked the lords and commons for their great aid which they had made to him; and the king willed that other individuals who would put forward their petitions would put them forward and deliver them to the appointed clerks between that day and the next Thursday, the day assigned, and they would be properly answered. The names of which clerks and also of the lords assigned to try and determine the petitions are written below. And he told the commons that it pleased the king that those who wished to remain to wait for and have answers to their petitions, and also to pursue their writs for their expenses, should remain, and the others should depart at their will. And so ended the parliament.
8. Les nouns des clercs qe resceiveront les peticions, et auxi des triours d'ycelles, sont escritz a desouz. [Receivers and triers of private petitions.]
8. The names of the clerks who will receive the petitions, and also of the triers of the same, are written below.
[p. ii-317]
[col. a]
Resceivours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irland, Gales et Escoce:

  • Sire William Burstall
  • Sire Richard Ravenser
  • Sire Wauter Power
  • Sire Nichol Spaigne
  • Sire Thomas de Newenham.
The receivers of the petitions from England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland:

  • Sir William Burstall
  • Sir Richard Ravenser
  • Sir Walter Power
  • Sir Nicholas Spaigne
  • Sir Thomas Newenham.
9. Item, pur les peticions de Gascoigne et autres terres et paies dela la meer et des Isles:

  • Mestre Symond de Multon'
  • Sire William de Mirfeld.
9. Also, for the petitions from Gascony and other lands and countries overseas and from the Channel Islands:

  • Master Simon Multon
  • Sir William Mirfield.
Et ces qe voillent liverer billes les liverent entre cy et joedi, le jour acompte. And those who would deliver bills should deliver them between that day and Thursday, the day assigned.
Et sont assignes triours des peticions d'Engleterre, Irland, Gales et Escoce:

  • L'ercevesqe de Caunterbirs
  • L'evesqe de Londres
  • L'evesqe de Wyncestre
  • L'evesqe de Hereford
  • L'abbe de Westm'
  • L'abbe de Bury
  • L'abbe de Seint Austyn de Canterbirs
  • Le counte de Cantebrigg
  • Le counte d'Arundell
  • Le counte de Salesbirs
  • Monsir William la Zouche de Haryngworth
  • Monsir Guy de Brian
  • Monsir Henry Lescrop
  • Monsir Johan Cavendissh
  • Monsir William de Fyncheden'
  • Monsir Thomas de Lodelowe
  • Monsir Thomas de Ingelby
And the following are assigned triers of petitions from England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland:

  • The archbishop of Canterbury
  • The bishop of London
  • The bishop of Winchester
  • The bishop of Hereford
  • The abbot of Westminster
  • The abbot of Bury Saint Edmunds
  • The abbot of Saint Augustine's, Canterbury
  • The earl of Cambridge
  • The earl of Arundel
  • The earl of Salisbury
  • Sir William Zouche of Harringworth
  • Sir Guy Brian
  • Sir Henry Scrope
  • Sir John Cavendish
  • Sir William Finchden
  • Sir Thomas Ludlow
  • Sir Thomas Ingelby
- appellez a eux chaunceller, tresorer, seneschal et chamberlein quant mestir serra, et ils purront entendre; et aussint les serjantz le roi s'il busoigne. Et tendront lour places en la chambre de chamberlein pres la chambre Depeinte. - consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain when necessary, and when they are able to attend; and also the king's serjeants when necessary. And they shall hold their session of the chamberlain's chamber near the Painted Chamber.
[memb. 2]
11. Et sont assignez triours des peticions de Gascoign et autres terres et paiis dela la meer et les Isles:

  • L'evesqe de Duresme
  • L'evesqe de Baa et Welles
  • L'evesqe de Cicestre
  • L'abbe de Abyndon'
  • Le counte de la Marche
  • Le seignur de Clyfford
  • Monsir Amary Seint Amand
  • Monsir Richard de Stafford
  • Monsir William de Wychingham
  • Monsir Roger de Kirketon'
11. And the following are assigned triers of the petitions from Gascony and other lands and countries overseas and the Channel Islands:

  • The bishop of Durham
  • The bishop of Bath and Wells
  • The bishop of Chichester
  • The abbot of Abingdon
  • The earl of March
  • Lord Clifford
  • Sir Amory St Amand
  • Sir Richard Stafford
  • Sir William Wichingham
  • Sir Roger Kirkton
- appellez a eux chaunceller, tresorer, seneschall et chamberlein quant mestir serra, et ils purront entendre; et auxi les serjantz le roi s'il busoigne. Et tendront lour places en la chambre Marcolf. - consulting with the chancellor, treasurer, steward and chamberlain when necessary, and when they are able to attend; and also the king's serjeants when necessary. And they shall hold their session in the Marcolf Chamber.
[col. b]
12. La fourme et manere du grant fait au roi en cest parlement: [Form of the subsidies.]
12. The form and manner of the grant made to the king in this parliament:
The following text from 'Les seignurs et' to 'les anz avantditz' is also to be found on a separate chirograph stitched to membranes 2 and 3.
'Les seignurs et communes d'Engleterre ont graunte a nostre seignur le roi a cest present parlement la quinszime en aunciene manere, leve par deux anz proscheins avener, en manere q'ensust; a paier as festes de la Purificacion et Pentecost prochein aveners par owels porcions le primer an, et le second an a paier as mesmes les festes, en cas qe les guerres du roi et de sa corone dure si longement. Et ensement graunte est de chescune livre de merchandises passantz la meer hors du roialme sys deniers, horspris leins, pealx lanutz, quires et vyn; et des merchandises venantz pardela la meer sys deniers del livre, en manere susdite; et deux souldz de chescun tonel de vyn, a prendre mesmes les deux anz; c'estassavoir, le primer an sanz condicion, et le second an sur la condicion susdite, si la guerre dure. Et auxint graunte est les subsidies des leins, aprendre en l'an prochein venant apres la fest de Seint Michell prochein avenir, saunz condicion, et le second an apres sur la condicion susdite, sanz ascune autre charge ou imposicion sur le poeple d'Engleterre durantz les deux anz avantditz. Et si les guerres cessont en le second an, touz les grauntz et charges avant nomez soient anullez. Et outre ceo priont les communes qe cestes charges et grauntz soient despenduz sur les guerres en mesme la manere come il feust l'an darrein passe. Et de ces grauntz et condicions les communes priont par chescun countee commissions, sanz rien paier pur les sealx. Et qe nulles chivalers des countees ne esquiers, citezeins ne burgeys queux sont retournez pur cest present parlement ne soient coillours de ceste charge durantz les anz avantditz.' 'The lords and commons of England have granted to our lord the king at this present parliament the fifteenth in the ancient manner, to be levied for two years next coming in the following manner; to be paid at the feasts of the Purification and Pentecost next coming by equal portions in the first year, and to be paid at the same feasts in the second year if the wars of the king and of his crown last that long. And also 6d. is granted on each pound of merchandise exported overseas out of the realm, except on wool, woolfells, leather and wine; and 6d. on each pound of merchandise imported from overseas, in the aforesaid manner; and 2s. on each tun of wine, to be taken for the same two years; that is to say, in the first year without condition, and in the second year upon the aforesaid condition if the war lasts. And they have also granted the subsidies of wool, to be taken in the year following the feast of Michaelmas next coming without condition, and in the second year after upon the aforesaid condition, without any other charge or imposition on the people of England during the aforesaid two years. And if the wars cease in the second year, all the grants and charges named above shall be annulled. And moreover, the commons pray that these charges and grants shall be expended on the wars in the same manner as they were in the past year. And the commons pray for commissions of these grants and conditions for each county, without paying anything for the seals. And that no knights of the shires or esquires, citizens or burgesses who are returned to this present parliament shall be collectors of this levy during the aforesaid years.'
[p. ii-318]
LES PETICIONS DE COMMUNES, ET LES RESPONS D'YCELLES. THE PETITIONS OF THE COMMONS, AND THE ANSWERS TO THE SAME.
[col. a]
[memb. 3]
13. I. A tresnoble, tresgracious et tresexellent seignur nostre seignur le roi; supplient ses liges poveres comunes de roialme d'Engleterre: de sa tresexellent seignurie, qe la grant chartre et la chartre de la forest soient tenuz et gardez en toutz pointz sanz estre desblemez en ascun article [...] d'ycells. [I. Confirmation of the Charters.]
13. I. To the most noble, most gracious and most excellent lord, our lord the king; his poor liege commons of the realm of England petition: that, of his most excellent lordship, the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forest shall be upheld and observed in all points without being impaired in any article of the same.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet. The king wills it.
14. II. Item, les ditz communes priont: qe les peticions de chescuny droit dont remedie ne peot estre suy en nul autere court mes en parlement, q'elles soient ore en ceste present parlement acceptez; et de ceo ordeiner remedie en places a terminer et ajuger les parties, solonc les loies, droit et reson, sanz outre proloigner, si qe nul des lyges de la terre soit desheritez ne delayes de sa dreiturel demande pur defaut de juste jugement, en salvacion des leyes de la terre et en descharge de la conciense nostre dit seignur le roi. [II. Remedy upon petitions presented in parliament.]
14. II. Also, the said commons pray: that the petitions of individual right, for which remedy cannot be sued in any other court than in parliament, shall now be accepted in this present parliament; and to ordain remedy thereon in the courts to determine and adjudge the parties, according to law, right and reason, without being further postponed, so that none of the lieges of the land shall be disinherited or delayed his rightful claim for default of just judgment, in salvation of the laws of the land and in discharge of the conscience of our said lord the king.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Ce qe touche singulere persone < soit > monstre en especiale, et les seignurs se aviseront. That which touches individual people shall be declared particularly, and the lords will consider it.
15. III. Item, prient les ditz communes: qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi et a son bon conseil ordeiner remedie des draps d'Engleterre qeux sont venduz en Engleterre, si bien des raies come draps de colours; qar la ou les rayes soleient tener .xxviij. aunez en longure et .v. quarters de lieure, et le drape de colour .xxvi. aunez de longure et .vi. quarters de lieure ameinz; les raies ne tignent qe .xxij. aunes escarcement et .iiij. quarters de lyeure, et le drape de colour tient escarsement .xxij. aunes en longure et .iiij. quarters et demi en lieure, a grant damage de roi et des toutz ses communes. [III. Assize of cloth.]
15. III. Also, the said commons pray: that it may please our lord the king and his good council to ordain remedy concerning English cloth which is sold in England, cloth of ray as well as cloth of colour; whereas the ray is accustomed to measure 28 ells in length and 5 quarters in width, and cloth of colour 26 ells in length and 6 quarters in width at least; the ray scarcely measures 22 ells and 4 quarters in width, and the coloured cloth scarcely measures 22 ells in length and 4½ quarters in width, to the great damage of the king and of all his commonalty.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il est assentu et acorde qe les draps affaire en Engleterre soient de mesme la longure et laoure come lour peticion fait mencion; et si ascun drap soit mys a vent apres la goule d'Aust qe ne contient celle mesure, soit forfait au roi. (fn. ii-316-61-1) It is agreed and accorded that the cloth to be made in England shall be of the same length and width as their petition states; and if any cloth is put for sale after 1 August which is not of this measure, it shall be forfeited to the king. (fn. ii-316-61-1)
16. IIII. Item, prient ses poveres liges communes des citeez et des burghs deinz le roialme d'Engleterre: qe pleise a nostre tresgracious seignur le roi graunter et confermer as toutz les citeez et burghs avanditz toutz les fraunchises et fraunks custumes qeux ils ount ou avoient si bien de graunt nostre dit seignur le roi et de ces nobles progenitours come autrement, et q'ils les puissont user fraunchement desore enavant; nient contreesteant estatutz ou ascun graunt avant ses houres faites a l'encontre, desicome en la graunt chartre soit contenuz qe la citee de Loundres eit toutz ses fraunchises et ces auncienz custumes; (fn. ii-316-63-1) et qe toutz autres citeez et burghs et villes et barons des cynk portz eiont toutz lour fraunchises et fraunks custumes desblemez. [IIII. Franchises of cities and boroughs.]
16. IIII. Also, his poor liege commons of the cities and boroughs in the realm of England pray: that it may please our most gracious lord the king to grant and confirm to all the aforesaid cities and boroughs all the franchises and free customs which they have or had of the grant of our said lord the king and of his noble progenitors as well as otherwise, and that they might use them freely henceforth; notwithstanding statutes or any grant made to the contrary before this time, inasmuch as it is contained in the Great Charter that the city of London shall have all its franchises and its ancient customs; (fn. ii-316-63-1) and that all other cities, boroughs, towns and barons of the Cinque Ports shall have their franchises and free customs unimpaired.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Monstront en especial queles franchises lour sont tolues, et reson serra fait. They shall declare particularly which of their franchises are taken away, and justice will be done.
17. V. Item, prient les communes d'Engleterre: qe come nadgairs ordeigne fust en parlement qe l'estaples des leinz, peaux lanutz et quirs serroit tenuz a Caleys, pur profit et encres si bien de nostre seignur le roi come des dites marchandises et de la dite ville de Caleys; (fn. ii-316-68-1) et ore tard ascuns marchauntz ont eskypeez lour leynes aillours en diverses lieus, a grant perde et damage et descrees si bien de profit nostre seignur le roi come des dites [col. b] marchandises et de la dite ville de Caleys, et en graunt descarsement de la moneye, come pleinement peot estre desclare, et en contere les estatutz en le dit parlement faitz. Sur qei prie la commune qe la dite estaple soit tenuz a la dit ville de Caleys et nient aillours, solonc l'ordinance de dit parlement. Et qe nul patent n'autere garant soit fait a contrarie. [V. The wool staple.]
17. V. Also, the commons of England pray: that whereas it was formerly ordained in parliament that the staples of wool, woolfells and leather should be held at Calais, for the profit and increase of our lord the king as well as of the said merchandise and the said town of Calais; (fn. ii-316-68-1) recently some merchants have shipped their wool elsewhere to various places, to the great loss, damage and decrease of the profit of our lord the king as well as of the said [col. b] merchandise and the said town of Calais, and to the great scarcity of money, as can fully be declared, and contrary to the statute made in the said parliament. Wherefore the commons pray that the said staple shall be held in the said town of Calais and not elsewhere, according to the ordinance of the said parliament. And that no letter patent or other warrant shall be made to the contrary.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi ordeinera de l'estaple ceo qe meltz lui semblera, par avys de son grant conseil. The king will ordain concerning the staple as seems best to him, by the advice of his great council.
18. VI. Item, prient les communes: qe come les gentz d'Escoz par lour sotilte ont destruit et horstreit la moneye d'Engleterre, et les font en lour coygnage a meindre value qe la moneye d'Engleterre est ou qe lour moneye soleit estre a grant damage et deceite de roi et de son people. Sur qei prient toutz les communes qe ordeigne soit qe les quatre deners d'Escoz soit mys a treis deners. Et si les ditz Escoz empiront lour moneye par cause d'ycele ordeinance, qe adonqes soit ordeigne lour dit moneye d'Escoz a plus petit pris, solonc l'empirance d'ycele, par bon descression. [VI. Scottish money.]
18. VI. Also, the commons pray: that whereas the people of Scotland by their cunning have destroyed and withdrawn the money of England, and make their own coinage of a lesser value than the money of England is or than their money is accustomed to be, to the great damage and deceit of the king and of all his people. Wherefore all the commons pray that it shall be ordained that 4d. of Scotland shall be worth 3d. And if the said Scots debase their money because of this ordinance, then their said money of Scotland shall be ordained at an even smaller price, according to the debasement of the same, by good discretion.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi voet qe la monoye de quatre deniers d'Escoce soit mys et courge en value de trois deniers; et si par cas celle monoye soit empire, soit celle monoye issint empire mys a meindre pris, selonc la quantite de l'empirement. Et auxi soit fait de meindre monoye d'Escoce solonc < l'afferant de > l'empirement. (fn. ii-316-76-1) The king wills that the money of 4d. of Scotland shall be set at and incur the value of 3d.; and if this money is debased, the money thus debased shall be set at a lesser price, according to the amount of the debasement. And the same shall be done concerning lesser money of Scotland proportionately to the debasement. (fn. ii-316-76-1)
19. VII. Item, monstrent les communes: qe come divers proteccions sont grauntez as plusours gentz del roialme d'Engleterre par cause de la guerre, et plusours de eauxs as qeux les proteccions sont grauntez demurgent en Engleterre ou aillours hors del compaignie lour mestre, ascunz par long temps, et ascunz par tut le temps durant lour proteccion ou outre; par qei plusours del roialme, si bien grauntz de la terre come les poveres communes, sont delayez de lour droitz et de lour heritages, et desheritez, a grant damage del people. Par qei priont tout la commune qe si ascun tiel soit trove desouth proteccion, et soit demurant en Engleterre ou aillours hors del compaignie de son mestre de qi la proteccion fait mensioun, par une moys aupres la dite passage, tiel proteccion desormez soit turne en une defaute. [VII. Delays in justice arising from the issuing of protections.]
19. VII. Also, the commons declare: that whereas various protections were granted to many people of the realm of England because of the war, and many of those to whom the protections were granted dwell in England or elsewhere outside the company of their captain, some for a long time and some for the whole time of their protection or beyond; wherefore many of the realm, the great men of the land as well as the poor commons, are delayed their rights and their inheritances, and disinherited, to the great damage of the people. Wherefore all the commons pray that if any such person is found under protection, and is dwelling in England or elsewhere outside the company of his captain whom the protection mentions for one month after the said passage, such protection henceforth shall result in default.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Viegne celui qe se sentra grevez en chauncellerie, et il avera remedie par la commune loy. He who feels himself aggrieved shall come to the chancery and have remedy at the common law.
20. VIII. Item, monstrent ses humbles et liges communes des counteez de Warwyk, Leycestre, Norhampton', Roteland, Bedeford, Bukyngham, Cauntbrugge et Huntyngdon': qe come divers rivers d'ewes douces qe se tendont droitment tanqe la ville de Lenn' sont costeantz as ditz counteez en diverses lieux; par qi les ditz communes purroient easement ov petit traveille et costages carier lour leyns et autres marchandises appurtenantz a l'estaple tanqe al dit port de Lenn', as moutz meindres costages et traveilles qe de les carier nul part aillours a ascuni autere estaple; par qei supplient les dits communes qe pleise a lour dit seignur le roi, en ease et allegeance des grauntz costages et traveilles des ditz communes, de granter commune passage et overte des leynes et auteres marchandises appurtenant al estaple si bien al dit ville de Lenn' come aillours, paiant illoqes les custumes et subsidies ent dues. Qar par tiel grant moult les plus grant quantite des leynes et auteres [p. ii-319][col. a] marchandises passeront as parties de dela, a grant profit des ditz communes et grant encrees des custumes et subsidies susditz. [VIII. Staple at Lynn.]
20. VIII. Also, his humble and liege commonalties of the counties of Warwickshire, Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, Rutland, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire declare: that whereas various fresh-water rivers which flow directly to the town of Lynn run through the said counties in various places; by which the said commonalties could easily, with little hardship and expense, carry their wool and other merchandise belonging to the staple to the said port of Lynn at much lesser expense and hardship than carrying them elsewhere to any other staple; wherefore the said commonalties petition that it may please their said lord the king, in ease and alleviation of the great expenses and hardships of the said commonalties, to grant common and open passage of wool and other merchandise belonging to the staple, at the said town of Lynn as well as elsewhere, paying there the customs and subsidies due thereon. Because by such great abundance a greater amount of wool and other [p. ii-319][col. a] merchandise will pass overseas, to the great profit of the said commonalties and the great increase of the aforesaid customs and subsidies.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il plest au roi qe une estaple soit a Lenne, issint qe l'estaple de Jernemuth se tiegne come ele est. It pleases the king that there shall be a staple at Lynn, provided that the staple of Yarmouth remains as it is.
21. IX. Item, prient tout la commune del roialme: qe come a son drein parlement tenuz a Wyncestre les seignurs et les communes de la terre firont lour pleinte, qe parsones et vikers de seint esglise les traveilleront en court Cristiene pur dismes de grooz boys, c'estassaver del age de vint anz et amont par < colour de > ceste parole 'silva cedua'; a lour request estoit ordeine, qe nul boys qe fust ou serroit del age de vint anz et plus serroit dismable. (fn. ii-316-88-1) Et les parsones de seint eglise, entendantz qe cel ordeinance ne restreint mye lour aunciene accroch', surmettantz qe ceo ne fust mye afferme pur estatut, font citacions en court Cristiene a contrarie del ordinance susdit, a grant damage del people; par qei pleise a nostre seignur le roi d'afermer la dit ordinance pur estatut, a durer pur temps avener. Et qe prohibicioun especial sur mesme l'estatut de ceo soit fait en la chauncelrie, defendant qe eaux ne tignent plee en court Cristiene des dismes de bois del age avandit. [IX. Tithes of wood.]
21. IX. Also, all the commons of the realm pray: that whereas at the last parliament held at Winchester the lords and the commons of the land complained that parsons and vicars of holy Church harass them in court Christian for tithes of great wood, that is to say, of the ages of 20 years and more by colour of this word, 'silva cedua'; at their request it was ordained that no wood which was or would be of the age of 20 years and more should be subject to tithe. (fn. ii-316-88-1) And the parsons of holy Church, intent that this ordinance should not restrict their earlier encroachment, claiming that this was not affirmed as a statute, made citations in court Christian contrary to the aforesaid ordinance, to the great damage of the people; wherefore may it please our lord the king to affirm the said ordinance as a statute to last forever. And that a special prohibition upon the same statute shall be made in the chancery, preventing them from holding a plea in court Christian concerning tithes of wood of the aforesaid age.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Soit tiele prohibicion grantee come ad este use d'ancien temps. Such prohibition shall be granted as has been observed in former times.
22. X. Item, monstront les communes: qe come fust ordeine par estatut devant ses houres qe nul court Cristiene deit aver jurisdiccioun ne conisance des pleez ne de contractz touchant al corone nostre seignur le roi, ne a ses courtz; (fn. ii-316-93-1) et ore de jour en autere les courtz Cristiens encrochent a eaux plusours pointz et articles prejudiciels al corone et courtz de roi, et as toutz autres seignurs qe usent de tener lour courtz de baronz, letz ou autres courtz. C'estassaver, eaux ont encroche plee de dette, ov une addicioun q'est appelle fidelesioun la ou unqes nul ne fust. Sur quel addicioun le roi, les seignurs de la terre et les communes sont grantment endamagez. Item, eaux ont encroche plee touchant laborers et artificers apurtenant al novel estatut, (fn. ii-316-93-2) et des plusours autres contractz et articles qe appent al corone et al court nostre seignur le roi par mesme le addicioun de fidelesioun, dont eaux n'ont power de trier ne terminer, en prejudice de nostre seignur le roi, et damages et perdes as toutz les communes. Item, ils usont une autere manere en court Cristiene sotilment; c'estassaver, blaunks chartres enseales ov seals autentikes del office de officials ou des deanes; par qei les communes de la terre ont si brief somons, citacions et enchasementz, torcinousment en la court Cristiene < en les causes susditz > , q'ils sont overtement anientiz et destruitz. Par qei pleise a nostre seignur le roi et a son conseil d'ordeiner remedie covenable en les articles susditz, en salvacioun de sa corone et de son dreit et en ease et profit de tute la commune. [X. Jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts.]
22. X. Also, the commons declare: that whereas it was previously ordained by statute that no court Christian should have jurisdiction or cognisance of pleas or of contracts concerning the crown of our lord the king or his courts; (fn. ii-316-93-1) and now from day to day the courts Christian accroach to themselves many points and articles prejudicial to the king's crown and courts, and to all other lords who used to hold their barons' courts, leets or other courts. That is to say, they have accroached pleas of debt, with one addition that is called 'breach of faith' where none ever was. By which addition the king, the lords of the land and the commons are greatly damaged. Also, they have accroached pleas concerning labourers and artisans relating to the new statute, (fn. ii-316-93-2) and many other contracts and articles which belong to the crown and to the court of our lord the king by the same addition of 'breach of faith', which they do not have power to try or determine, in prejudice of our lord the king, and in damage and loss to all the commonalty. Also, they secretly use another device in court Christian; that is to say, blank charters sealed with authentic seals of the office of officials or deans; wherefore the commons of the land wrongfully have such short summons, citations and prosecutions in the court Christian in the aforesaid causes, that they are openly ruined and destroyed. Wherefore may it please our lord the king and his council to ordain suitable remedy in the aforesaid articles, in salvation of his crown and of his right and in ease and profit of all the commonalty.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Quant au primer poynt, la commune loy sert; et quant as blanches chartres, monstront en especial, et reson serra fait. As regards the first point, the common law serves; and as regards blank charters, they shall be declared individually, and right will be done.
23. XI. Item, prient la commune: qe come par nostre seignur le roi et son conseil fust ordeigne et graunte en plein parlement, qe les purveiours de son hostiel, et des auteres seignurs, dussont tout outrement cesser de lour ditz offices, pur damages q'ils fesoiont a people, quant ils pristront lour bienz firont a eaux tailles sanz autere paiement. Sur quel chose fust ordeigne en le dit parlement qe achatours dussont estre ordeignez en lieu des purveiours, de feare achates des vitailles pur son dit hostiel, paiant mentenant pur ycells solomc ceo qe les ditz vitailles fuissont preisez par conestables et bonz gentz des villes ou les ditz vitailles fusont pris. (fn. ii-316-98-1) Qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi et a son bon conseil qe la dite ordeinance puisse estre tenuz en sa force en manere [col. b] come ele fust ordeigne et grante. Et si ascun des ditz achatours face al encontre de la dite ordeinance, et soient desturbez par ascuny des voz communes, ou si nul de voz < ditz > communes font execucion del dit ordeinance de ceaux qe font le contrarie, qe nul de voz ditz communes soit mys en contempt ne damage par nul voie par cause des ycells. [XI. Purveyance.]
23. XI. Also, the commons pray: that whereas it was ordained and granted in full parliament by our lord the king and his council that the purveyors of his household and those of other lords ought utterly to cease their said offices, because of the damage which they did to the people by taking their goods and making them tallies without other payment. Upon which matter it was ordained in the said parliament that buyers ought to be ordained in place of purveyors, to purchase victuals for his said household, paying at the time for the same according to that at which the said victuals were priced by the constables and good people of the vills where the said victuals were taken. (fn. ii-316-98-1) May it please our lord the king and his good council that the said ordinance might be upheld in its force in the manner [col. b] that it was ordained and granted. And if any of the said buyers act to the contrary of the said ordinance, and shall be impeded by any of your commonalty, or if any of your said commonalty enforce the said ordinance upon those who do the contrary, that none of your said commonalty shall be put in contempt or damaged in any way because of the same.
[memb. 4]
Le roi voet qe l'ordenance ent faite se tiegne; et si nul se vodra pleindre, droit lui serra fait. The king wills that the ordinances made thereon shall be upheld; and if anyone will complain, justice will be done to him.
24. XII. Item, monstrent la commune: qe come les ministres nostre seignur le roi et auteres gentz acomptables en l'eschequer nostre seignur le roi ont pleinement paiez les dettes dues a roi par vertue de lour acomptz, et puis chargez des mesmes les dettes par inquisicions devant voz justices ou auteres ministres, sont grantment travaillez et tariez; par qei ils prient qe si ascun tiel peot monstrer par record q'il ad paie le dette dont il fust charge, ou monstre son descharge resonablement par record, qe meintenant les barons del eschequer examinent le record, et facent le pleintif estre deschargee et quite en lour presence en toutz les places del eschequer touchant cel dette, sanz plus tarier, ou rien de lour doner. Et si ascun face le contrarie, qe punisement ent soit fait et ordeigne par vostre bon descressioun. [XII. Discharge from debts paid in the exchequer.]
24. XII. Also, the commons declare: that whereas the officers of our lord the king and other people accountable in the exchequer of our lord the king have fully paid the debts due to the king by virtue of their accounts, and then are charged the same debts by inquisitions before your justices or other officers, they are greatly harassed and pestered; wherefore they pray that if any such person can show by record that he has paid the debt for which he was charged, or reasonably show his discharge by record, that then the barons of the exchequer shall examine the record and cause the plaintiff to be discharged and quit in their presence concerning this debt in all the courts of the exchequer, without being further pestered or giving anything to them. And if anyone does the contrary, punishment shall be made and ordained thereon by your good discretion.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il y ad un estatut fait en le cas; (fn. ii-316-105-1) et si nul se sente grevez, viegne en l'escheqier et droit lui serra fait. There is a statute made in this case; (fn. ii-316-105-1) and if anyone feels himself aggrieved, he shall come to the exchequer and justice will be done to him.
25. XIII. Item, monstront la commune: qe come avant ses houres le cirograffer dust prendre pur l'engrossement d'un fyne forsqe quatre souldz, ore le cirograffer ne veot engroser nul fyne deinz le terme qe la pees del fyne est treet sanz autere quatre souldz, ou quarant deniers ameignes, en graunt extorcioun del commune people. De qei ils prient qe bon punissement et remedie soit ordeigne. [XIII. Fines in the common bench.]
25. XIII. Also, the commons declare: that whereas before this time the chirographer should have taken only 4s. for the engrossment of a fine, now the chirographer will not engross any fine during the term that the foot of the fine is made without another 4s. or at least 40d., in great extortion of the common people. Wherefore they pray that good punishment and remedy shall be ordained.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Celui qe se sente grevez viegne en commune bank, et droit lui serra fait. He who feels himself aggrieved shall come into the common bench, and justice will be done to him.
26. XIIII. Item, prie la commune: qe l'estatut des laboureres et artificers fait en plein parlement (fn. ii-316-112-1) soit execut quatre foitz par an ameignes. Et qe les justices de pees si bien come justices des labourers soient remuez en cas qe ascuny veot pleindre de eaux, pur profit de roi et de ses communes. [XIIII. Enforcement of labour laws.]
26. XIIII. Also, the commons pray: that the Statute of Labourers and Artisans made in full parliament (fn. ii-316-112-1) shall be executed at least four times yearly. And that the justices of the peace as well as the justices of labourers shall be removed in the event that anyone will complain about them, for the profit of the king and of the commonalty.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi le voet. The king wills it.
27. XV. Item, monstront les seignurs et les communes de la terre: qe come plusours villeines de la terre vignent comunement en Londres, et illoqes pursuiont briefs de dettes et d'autres contractz vers lour seignurs en la citee de Loundres pur estre franks, par mal engyn; quel citee n'ad conisance < de > villeinage, n'en quel lieu nul atteint gist. Par qei priont les seignurs et les communes de la terre d'ordeiner en ceo cas qe villeinage peot estre trie en le countee la ou le villeinage est allege, et qe ont conisance d'ycele sicom la ley soleit estre devant ses houres. Issint qe les seignurs ne les communes de la terre soient desheritez par lour faux engyn et compacement. [XV. Villeins resorting to London.]
27. XV. Also, the lords and the commons of the land declare: that whereas many villeins of the land commonly come into London, and there, by deception, pursue writs of debts and other contracts against their lords in the city of London in order to be free, which city has no cognisance of villeinage, and no court in which any attaint exists. Wherefore the lords and the commons of the land pray that he ordain in this case that villeinage can be tried in the county where the villeinage is alleged, and that they have cognisance of the same as the law was accustomed to be before this time. So that neither the lords nor the commons of the land shall be disinherited by their false deception and machinations.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Pur diverses perils et meschiefs qe purront avenir en ce cas, le roi et les seignurs ne sont pas en volunte a ceste foitz de changer la commune loy use avant ces heures. Because of the various perils and misfortunes which can occur in this case, at this time the king and the lords are unwilling to change the common law observed before this time.
28. XVI. Item, monstront les seignurs de niefs par tut Engleterre: qe come ils ont sovent foithe avant ses houres sywes en parlement par peticioun de lour anienticementz de lour avoir, et destruccion de la navie, en la manere q'ensust; c'estassaver, qe come lour niefs sont arestuz par divers temps a servir nostre seignur le roi, et demuront sur [p. ii-320][col. a] cel arest, ascun par demy an, et les autres par un quarter del an ou plus, avant q'ils passeront en lour viages; issint qe durant cel temps les seignurs de niefs, ne mariners d'ycels, rienz ne preignont des gages ne lowers, en grant anienticement et empoverisement de lour estates, par cause qe remedie sur ceo n'est ordeigne. Pur qei ils priont a nostre seignur le roi et a son conseil, en eovere de charite, ordeiner et graunter en cest present parlement qe les seignurs des niefs puissont estre paiez de lour gages del comencement de lour arest des niefs tanqe a fin de lour viage, en reconfort des seignurs de niefs, et encrees et amendement de tut la navie. [XVI. Requisitioning of ships.]
28. XVI. Also, the masters of ships throughout England declare: that whereas before this time they have often sued in parliament by petition concerning the destruction of their goods and the destruction of the fleet, in the manner that follows; that is to say, that whereas their ships are arrested at various times to serve our lord the king, and remain on [p. ii-320][col. a] this arrest, some for six months and others for three months or more, before they cross on their journeys; so that during this time the masters and mariners of ships have nothing in wages or payment, to the great detriment and impoverishment of their estates, because remedy is not ordained thereon. Wherefore they pray our lord the king and his council, in way of charity, to ordain and grant in this present parliament that the owners of ships might be paid their wages from the beginning of the arrest of their ships until the end of their journey, to the comfort of the owners of ships, and to the increase and amendment of the whole fleet.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Areste de niefs ne serra fait mes quant il busoigne, et paiement lour serra fait come ad este use resonablement. The arrest of ships will not be made unless necessary, and payment will be made to them as it has reasonably been done.
29. XVII. Item, suppliont les ditz seignurs de niefs: qe pleise a nostre seignur le roi et a son conseil qe aquel houre qe lour niefs sont en son service q'ils puissont estre rewardez et allowez pur les apparailmentz qeux les ditz niefs despendont en son dit service, en la manere come estoit ordeine en parlement nostre seignur le roi tenuz a Westm', quatre anz passez, (fn. ii-316-127-1) et ceo en eovere de charite, et encrees des estatz les ditz seignurs et meintenance de la navie. [XVII. Compensation for equipment used in ships on the king's service.]
29. XVII. Also, the said masters of ships petition: that it may please our lord the king and his council that whenever their ships are in his service that they might be compensated and paid for the equipment which the said ships used in his said service, in the manner as it was ordained in the parliament of our lord the king held at Westminster four years ago, (fn. ii-316-127-1) and this in way of charity, in increase of the estates of the said owners and in maintenance of the fleet.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Tiel regard n'ad pas este fait avant ces heures. Such compensation has not been made before this time.
30. XVIII. Item, monstrent ses communes: coment ils soi sentent tresgrantment grevez par my les reservacions et provisions faitz par nostre seint piere le pape des erceveschees, eveschees, abbeies, priouries, deanees et auteres dignitees, eleccions et benefices de seinte eglise deinz vostre roialme d'Engleterre, paront le tresor del roialme par my le paiement des premers fruitz des ditz prelacies, digniteez et auteres benefices, et par autere voie, est emportez as parties dedela, en poverissement de mesme le roialme et de tut le people d'ycel, et a confort et enforcement des enemys par qei la guere par entere vous et vostre dit roialme et mesmes voz enemyes est sustenu le plus longement adurrer; et auxint en desturbance de franche eleccions a les ditz benefices electivez, contre la grant chartre et l'entent de voz progenitours et des auteres nobles du dit roialme, foundours de les eglises. Le quel fait est sustenuz par les fermers, procurours et auteres voz liges fautours a ceux qe sont beneficez par la manere avandit. Et auxi par my ceo qe les religiouses alienes de vostre enemyte ont si graundes possessions en mesme le roialme, sanz sustener le nombre des moygnes et des chapleines, et les autres eovres de charite et charges ordeinez et establiez par les foundours. Et auxi par tant qe si bien mesmes les religiouses, especialment ceux qe ne sont en covent ne college, come Lumbardz et autres alienes demorrans en le roialme avandit, font par lour subtiltez apport du tresor de dit roialme, et descoverent par lour lettres les secreez de mesme le roialme, et les envoiont pardela a les enemys, a grant damage de roi et toutz les nobles, grauntez et autres liges et subgiz d'ycel. Les qeux griefs les ditz communes ne poont ovesqe la reverence de vostre roial mageste ascunement soeffrer, n'endurer ovesqe les autres charges quels lour covient a supporter, en eide de sustener cestz presentz guerres pur la salvacioun et defense de roialme avandit. Dont ils priont remedie. [XVIII. Papal provisors.]
30. XVIII. Also, his commons declare: that they feel themselves very greatly aggrieved by the reservations and provisions made by our holy father the pope of archbishoprics, bishoprics, abbeys, priories, deaneries and other dignities, elections and benefices of holy Church in your realm of England, whereby the treasure of the realm is carried to parts overseas through the payment of the first fruits of the said prelacies, dignities and other benefices, and in other ways, in impoverishment of the same realm and of all the people of the same, and to the comfort and strengthening of enemies, by which the war between you and your said realm and your same enemies is sustained and prolonged; and also in disturbance of free elections to the said elective benefices, contrary to the Great Charter and the intent of your progenitors and of other nobles of the said realm who founded the churches. Which deed is sustained by the farmers, procurers and other of your lieges who support those who are beneficed in the aforesaid manner. And also because of this the alien religious of your enmity have such great possessions in the same realm, without sustaining the number of monks and chaplains and the other works of charity and charges ordained and established by the founders. And also because of this the same religious, especially those who are not in a convent or college, as well as Lombards and other aliens dwelling in the aforesaid realm, by their cunning, cause treasure to be taken from the said realm, and by their letters discover the secrets of the same realm and send them overseas to the enemies, to the great damage of the king and all the nobles, great men and other lieges and subjects of the same. Which wrongs the said commons, with respect for your royal majesty, are somewhat unable to suffer or endure with the other charges which are necessary to support them, in aid of sustaining these present wars for the salvation and defence of the aforesaid realm. Wherefore they pray remedy.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi ad mande ses honurables messages a la court de Rome sur les griefs compris en ceste peticion. Pur qoi le roi se voet desporter de faire ordenance tanqe il soit respondu de la messagerie. The king has sent his honourable messengers to the court of Rome on the wrongs contained in this petition. Wherefore the king will abstain from making ordinance until he has an answer from the mission.
31. XIX. Plese a nostre seignur le roi de sa bone grace especial granter qe vostre graciouse chartre faite a voz liges [col. b] burgeys de vostre ville de Bristuyt, contenant qe la dite ville ovesqe les suburbes et purceinte d'icelle soit countee par soi, et les franchises par vous granteez as voz ditz burgeys par mesme la chartre soient par vous ratefieez et confermeez en ceste present parlement; en semblement ovesqe la perambulacion ent faite par vostre commission, et returne en vostre chancellerie de la dite purceinte et des boundees d'icelle. Et priont la comune qe ceste bille soit conferme en ceste present parlement. [XIX. Confirmation of Bristol's charter.]
31. XIX. May it please our lord the king of his special good grace to grant that your gracious charter made to your liege [col. b] burgesses of your town of Bristol, stating that the said town with the suburbs and precincts of the same shall be a county by itself, and the franchises granted by you to your said burgesses by the same charter, shall be ratified and confirmed by you in this present parliament, together with the perambulation made thereon by your commission, and the return in your chancery of the said precincts and bounds of the same. And the commons pray that this bill shall be confirmed in this present parliament.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Assentuz est et accorde en parlement qe les chartre, franchises et perambulacion dont ceste ville fait mencion soient ratifiez, approvez et confermez as burgeys de la ville de Bristuyt et lour heirs et successours perpetuelment, desoutz le grant seal le roi. (fn. ii-316-140-1) It is agreed and accorded in parliament that the charter, franchises and perambulation of which this town makes mention shall be ratified, approved and confirmed under the king's great seal to the burgesses of the town of Bristol and their heirs and successors forever. (fn. ii-316-140-1)
32. XX. A nostre tresredoute seignur le < roi; > monstront vos leges: qe pur vostre profit et le sauvete de vostre roialme vous pleise ordener qe nul Fraunc priour aliene soit demurrant pres les costes de meir par vint leukes; eiaunt regard q'il sount Fraunceys en lours corps, et espiont les secretz et ordynancez de temps en temps a vostre parlement et consail; et mandont siben lours espies et messagers devers lours abbes et sovereyns en le royalme de France com arkes, setes, or et argent, et autres artelries, en comfort de vos enemys, et destrucion de vostre pais et vos leges. Et sur ceo vous plese mettre remedie, en overe de charite. [XX. Alien priors.]
32. XX. To our most dread lord the king; your lieges declare: that for your profit and the safety of your realm, may it please you to ordain that no French alien prior shall dwell within 20 leagues of the sea coasts; considering that they are French in their bodies, and from time to time spy upon the secrets and ordinances at your parliaments and councils; and they send their spies and messengers to their abbots and superiors in the realm of France as well as bows and arrows, gold and silver, and other weapons, in comfort of your enemies and to the detriment of your country and your lieges. And thereupon may it please you to provide remedy, in way of charity.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Le roi ordeinera, par avys de son grant conseil, ceo qe lui semblera qe soit affaire. The king, by the advice of his great council, will ordain as it seems to him should be done.
[[The following text has been deleted:
Item, prie la comunalte des marchauntz: qe par la ou les mariners sanz assent des marchantz au Saundewys, qant la flote de nostre seignur le roi fuist illeqes, granteront deuz soldz de le toneau de vin outre les deuz soldz grantez en parlement; qe plese a nostre seignur le roi de anienter le dite grante, de repeler les commissions faitz de lever les ditz deuz soldz.]]
[[The following text has been deleted:
Also, the commonalty of merchants pray: that whereas the mariners, without the assent of the merchants, at Sandwich when the fleet of our lord the king was there, granted 2s. on the tun of wine in addition to the 2s. granted in parliament; may it please our lord the king to annul the said grant, and to repeal the commissions made to levy the said 2s.]]
33. XXI. Item, prie la commune: qe la ou genz sont enditez des felonies devant le viscont a son tourne, qe sont mainparnables, et mys a mainprise par mesme le viscont, vient chescun autre viscont du dit counte qe apres serront ordeinez, et prengnont novell meinprises et outrageuse suretes de prisone, chescun par soi, par cause qe nulle deliverance est des gaoles par justices cell temps, en grant oppression et damage du dit commune, et nomement el counte de Cumbr'. Dont il prie remedie, pur Dieu et eovre de charite. [XXI. Bail imposed by sheriffs.]
33. XXI. Also, the commons pray: that people are indicted of felonies before the sheriff at his tourn, who are bailable and granted bail by the same sheriff, and some other sheriff of the said county who is appointed afterwards comes and takes new bails and outrageous securities from prisoners, each by himself, because there is no delivery of gaols by justices at this time, in great oppression and damage of the said commonalty, and especially in the county of Cumberland. Wherefore they pray remedy, for God and in way of charity.
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Il y ad estatut fait en ce cas; (fn. ii-316-150-1) par qoi si nul se sente grevez, viegne et face sa pleinte, et droit lui serra fait. There is a statute made in this case; (fn. ii-316-150-1) by which if anyone feels himself aggrieved he shall come and make his complaint, and justice will be done to him.
XXII. A nostre seignur le roi; monstre sa commune: qe come par estatut fait en soun parlement tenuz a Westm' en l'an de son regne d'Engleterre .xlij., fuist ordeigne qe come nul serroit mys a respondre sanz presentement devant justices ou chose de record ou due proces par brief originale solonc l'auncien leye; et si riens fuisse fait a encontre, qe ceo serroit voide en leye et tenu pur errour. (fn. ii-316-152-1) Nientmeyns diverses gentz ont este fait venir en l'escheqer par sugescion et accusacion de lour enemys par brief, et mys a respondre as ditz accusementz et suggescions, a contrarie de dit estatut. Par qoi supplie la dite commune qe plese a nostre seignur le roi mesme l'estatut ratifier, et ajouster a ycell qe nul, par la maner avantdit ou a contrarie du dit estatut, soit mys ou tenuz a respondre en le dit escheqer ou aillours devant justices de nulle chose touchant le roi ou partie; et si ascun proces soit pendant devant justices, ou tresorer et barons susditz, par tiele manere, qe ceo soit repele et adnully. Et qe chescun qe se vodra pleindre estre grevez contre la fourme du dit estatut puisse avoir brief de la chancellerie [...] as quant il le vodra demander sibien a tresorer et barons de l'escheqer come as autres justices, q'ils surserent et deschargerent les [...] . [XXII. False accusations at law.]
XXII. To our lord the king; his commons declare: that by statute made in his parliament held at Westminster in the forty-second year of his reign of England it was ordained that no-one shall be put to answer without presentment before justices, or matter of record, or due process by original writ according to the ancient law, and that if anything is done to the contrary it will be void in law and treated as null. (fn. ii-316-152-1) Nevertheless various people have been made to come into the exchequer by the suggestion and accusation of their enemies by writ, and put to answer to the said accusations and suggestions, contrary to the said statute. Wherefore the said commons petition that it may please our lord the king to ratify the same statute, and to add to the same that no-one, in the aforesaid manner or contrary to the said statute, shall be put or held to answer in the said exchequer or elsewhere before justices concerning anything touching the king or the party; and if any process is pending before justices or the aforesaid treasurer and barons in the same manner, it shall be repealed and annulled. And that everyone who will complain that he is aggrieved contrary to the form of the said statute might have a writ of the chancery . . . . . . as regards he who will request it to the treasurer and barons of the exchequer as well as to other justices, that they surcease and discharge them . . . . . .
[editorial note: Responsio.] [editorial note: Answer.]
Se pleigne en especiall, et droit lui serra fait. He shall complain in detail, and justice will be done to him.

Appendix 1373

1

Contemporary transcription of the common petitions of 1373 relating to the staple at Calais and Scottish money (item 17, no. V; item 18, no. VI); the reply to the first petition is included, as on the parliament roll (but without the final two words, 'au roi'), but the response to the second is not included. Whereas in the versions on the parliament roll each petition begins 'Item prient les ditz communes', in this transcription the entries begin 'Item' and proceed immediately to the substance of the petitions. This suggests that this is a fragment of a larger document (not extant) representing an alternative, and probably earlier, draft of the common petitions from this parliament.

Source : C 49/67/6.

2

Contemporary transcript of the two substantive clauses of the legislation printed as the statute 47 Edw III in SR , I.395. The status of this transcript is uncertain: it could be a draft of legislation intended to be placed on the parliament roll but omitted from there by intention or accident; or it could be a chancery copy of material evidently sent to the exchequer as information of decisions taken in parliament on the enforcement of the assize of cloth and the value to be accorded in England to denominations of Scottish currency. The record of the legislation printed in SR itself derives from exchequer materials.

Source : C 49/8/14.

3

Formal statement of the establishment of a new staple at the town of Lynn, specified as granted in parliament, and issued as a chancery instrument dated 11 December 1373 and warranted 'by petition of parliament'.

Source : C 67/22, m. 2.

4

Petition of the burgesses of Bristol for confirmation of their charter of 8 August 1373 granting the town the status of a county, and the letters patent of 30 October 1373 confirming the perambulation of the new county. The matter was taken up by the commons and is included among the common petition on the parliament roll (item 31, no. XIX). The resulting royal charter granting the confirmation is specified as having been made with the assent of parliament and was issued on 20 December 1373.

Sources : SC 8/269/13401; CChR, 1341-1417 , 228.

5

Petition of Esmon Rose to 'le roi et son sage conseil de cest present parlement': he was granted the custody of the castle of Gorry (Jersey) for a year, which expired at Easter last; he is unable to reclaim the expenses incurred in his office. No endorsement. Rose had been appointed under letters patent dated 25 March 1372, so this petition must have been made in the parliament of 1373.

Sources : SC 8/294/14672; Catalogue des Rolles Gascons, Normans et François , ed. T. Carte, 2 vols. (London, 1743), II.106.

6

Petition of Adam of Wykemere. warden of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, on his dispute with the prior of Binham, resulting in a writ dated 26 January 1374 referring to the petition as having been heard in the parliament of 1373 and ordering the chief justice of king's bench, upon the resolution made in parliament, to have the record and process of the relevant case sent before the chief justice of common pleas.

Sources : SC 8/206/10288; CCR 1374-7 , 9, printed in full in RP , II.461, no. 134 and transcribed onto the king's bench plea roll whence it is printed in full in SCCKB , VI.173.

7

Petition of Thomas Hatfield, bishop of Durham, heard before king and council in parliament, and resulting in a commission of inquiry concerning the bishop's rights in the waters of the Tweed, dated 10 August 1374 ( sic ) issued without warrant.

Sources : SC 8/44/2185, printed in full in Northern Petitions , ed. C.M. Fraser, Surtees Society 194 (1982); CPR 1370-4 , 495; CPR 1374-7 , 64.

8

Petition (not extant) of William Montagu, earl of Salisbury, made in the parliament of 1373 concerning his rights to the honour of Denbigh, assigned (so he claims, in error) to Roger Mortimer, earl of March, in 1354. The petition to the parliament in 1373, and another registered in 1372, are referred to in a further petition to parliament in 1377 which stated that no action had previously been taken because the new earl of March, Edmund Mortimer, had then been a minor. An extant petition on this matter of uncertain date may be that submitted in 1372 or 1373.

Sources : SC 8/15/735, printed in full in RP , II.392; RP , III.7; Calendar of Ancient Petitions Relating to Wales , ed. W. Rees (Cardiff, 1975), 34-5.

Footnotes

  • f1373int-1. For further discussion, see D. Rayner, 'The forms and machinery of the "commune petition" in the fourteenth century', EHR 56 (1941), 225-6.
  • f1373int-2. RDP , IV.659-62; J.E. Powell and K. Wallis, The House of Lords in the Middle Ages (London, 1968), 371.
  • f1373int-3. Return of the Name of Every Member of the Lower House of Parliament 1213-1874 , 2 vols. (London, 1878), I.190-2.
  • f1373int-4. A.K. McHardy, 'The representation of the English lower clergy in parliament during the later fourteenth century', SCH 10 (1973), 100 (n. 13).
  • f1373int-5. K.L. Wood-Legh, 'Sheriffs, lawyers and belted knights in the parliaments of Edward III', EHR 46 (1931), 385.
  • f1373int-6. Judgments on Gaunt's expedition are surveyed in A. Goodman, John of Gaunt: The Exercise of Princely Power in Fourteenth-Century Europe (Harlow, 1992), 233-4.
  • f1373int-7. See further discussion by G.L. Harriss, 'The formation of parliament, 1272-1377', in The English Parliament in the Middle Ages , ed. R.G. Davies and J.H. Denton (Manchester, 1981), 40-52.
  • f1373int-8. J.G. Edwards, The Second Century of the English Parliament (Oxford, 1979), 9-10.
  • f1373int-9. R. Butt, A History of Parliament: The Middle Ages (London, 1989), 334.
  • f1373int-10. G.L. Harriss, King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369 (Oxford, 1975), 356-75.
  • f1373int-11. See Introduction to parliament of 1372.
  • f1373int-12. For details see M. Jurkowski, C.L. Smith and D. Crook, Lay Taxes in England and Wales 1188-1688 (London, 1998), 55.
  • f1373int-13. CFR 1369-77 , 227-8, 273.
  • f1373int-14. CFR 1369-77 , 260.
  • f1373int-15. CFR 1369-77 , 267-70, 273.
  • f1373int-16. 'The Anglo-French negotiations at Bruges, 1374-1377', ed. E. Perroy, Camden Miscellany XIX , Camden Society 3rd series 80 (1952), 37.
  • f1373int-17. Harriss, King, Parliament , 320-7.
  • f1373int-18. Handbook of British Chronology , ed. E.B. Fryde, D.E. Greenway, S. Porter and I. Roy, 3rd edn (London, 1986), 563.
  • f1373int-19. SR , I.395, is a special case: see further discussion in Appendix no. 2.
  • f1373int-20. For details, see W.M. Ormrod, The Reign of Edward III (London, 1990), 192.
  • f1373int-21. For details, see Ormrod, Reign of Edward III ., 173-4.
  • f1373int-22. C.D. Liddy, 'Urban communities and the crown: relations between Bristol, York, and the royal government, 1350-1400', D.Phil. thesis, University of York (1999), 166, 200-2.
  • f1373int-23. T.F.T. Plucknett, Statutes and their Interpretation in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century (Cambridge, 1922); H.L. Gray, The Influence of the Commons on Early Legislation (Cambridge, Mass., 1932) .
  • f1373int-24. 45 Edw III c. 4: SR , I.393.
  • f1373int-25. The Anonimalle Chronicle , ed. V.H. Galbraith (Manchester, 1927), 183.
  • f1373int-26. 2 Ric II st. 1 c. 8: SR , II.11
  • ii-316-18-1. Below, item 12
  • ii-316-61-1. SR , I.395 (c. i) (but note that this entry is not on the statute roll)
  • ii-316-63-1. SR , I.115 (c. ix)
  • ii-316-68-1. See Introduction for the problems associated with the identification of this statute
  • ii-316-76-1. SR , I.395 (c. ii) (but note that this entry in not on the statute roll)
  • ii-316-88-1. SR , I.393 (c. iii)
  • ii-316-93-1. SR , I.209
  • ii-316-93-2. The most recent formal confirmation of this legislation was SR , I.388 (c. vi)
  • ii-316-98-1. SR , I.371-2 (c. ii)
  • ii-316-105-1. SR , I.32 (c. xix)
  • ii-316-112-1. SR , I.311-13, 366-7 (c. ix), 388 (c. vi)
  • ii-316-127-1. This ought to refer to the parliament of 1369, but there is no reference to the matter on its roll. Cf. parliament of 1371, item 32
  • ii-316-140-1. See Introduction, and Appendix no. 4
  • ii-316-150-1. SR , I.30 (c. xv)
  • ii-316-152-1. SR , I.388 (c. iii)