Elizabeth: December 1571

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 4, 1571-74. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1905.

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'Elizabeth: December 1571', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 4, 1571-74, (London, 1905) pp. 60-75. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol4/pp60-75 [accessed 24 March 2024]

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In this section

74. The Regent Mar to Burghley. Elizabeth. [Dec. 3. 1571.]

Sends this bearer, his "cousing," to him again. He has commandment to solicit her majesty's special and good answer, to the speedy furtherance whereof he prays him to be a good means. Begs him to give him credit. Leith. Signed: Jhon Regent.

p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

75. Hunsdon to Burghley. [Dec. 4.]

The bearer, Captain Cunningham, has come this morning from the Regent with request that he may pass to the Court. Perceives his coming is only to hasten her majesty's resolution and to procure the levying of 200 horsemen presently, with the 500 footmen and the money he wrote of before. Surely it is needful they had it if her majesty means to set up the King's authority (as God forbid the contrary). Having proceeded this far delay will be a great hindrance to the cause. Is sorry the Duke has deserved so ill. Would not willingly counsel her to blood, but that he sees the preservation of her life and estates requires it. Berwick. Signed: H. Hunsdon.

Postscript:—Received his packet of the 29th of November, by which he finds some unlikelihood of her majesty sending any forces into Scotland, and then surely all the money that she has bestowed or shall bestow on them is but lost. It is neither honourable to her nor credit to him. [Matters about his son.] Signed: H. Hunsdon.

12/3 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed by Burghley: "4 Decemb. 1571. L. of Hunsd. to y L. Burghley."

76. Mary to Maitland and the Laird of Grange. [Dec. 10.] C.P., Vol. VII.

I wrote to you by Lady Levingstoun "quhilk I knaw ye have receved," but since her "parting" I have understood nothing of your state, "other nor it, quhilk I cannot beleve, having na certenty but by bruitis, that ye have appointed with my meubelles [sic] at the Quene of England's procurement." I trust, if it be so, it is rather for my advantage than otherwise, and will make no new alteration without my advice. I am in the same state (to be short) that Lady Levingston left me in, except that I am "contynewally prest to talk freily; qwhairin I have herunto kepid me within bowndes, qwhilk I intend not to excede for any thing I see zit." Notwithstanding "qwhat somever" they have discovered in other ways, I know perfectly it may be for their relief "qwha wold have jeopard them selfes for me." I dare not hazard you a long letter for this time "for the vehemency of this gokisstorme," but I pray you to remain constant, especially now in this extremity wherein your good affection may be tried, for all will not perish (God willing) who are in danger. If you shall hold hard to them on the one side, as I shall do on the other, "we sal yit wirk them a pirne that studyes to circumvene us." Since the heat of these troubles began I had not means to have great intelligence "mare from other partis nor from yow," saving that I have been oft "advertist" that friends beyond sea "haldes" good, awaiting convenient time to put to their hand.

I wrote to you in my last letter how T. [Note in the margin: "T. seemithe to be for the D. of Alva"] had . . . . es granted 10,000 crowns to serve the most urgent of your necessities, but knows not if you have received the same or more than was looked for, wherefore I send you herewith a letter in cipher to be sent the said T. in case you have not received his already, "and if the messager be wise, discreit and secret as he must be, and can by tong declare the stait of the contrey, I am assurid that he sal not only receave the said money, but also other." I hear that now "of new" the Queen of England has appointed to hold a parliament, "for qwhat effect I knaw not certen." But to the end the commons of Scotland and nobles also may be "writed agains her for the same, I wold ye sould cause the bruite ryn that it is for to establish ane new successour to the crowne of England, as it may fall in dede, and that they bewar qwha shawis theim fervent to advance my sonne for dispite of me, that they be not occasion of his disadvantage. Fair weil, the x of Decembre from Shefeild."

Postscript:—If E is returned to Scotland without the said money, "that the messager be direct to T. be him and yow twa." And if he be yet in M [Note in the margin: "M is Flanders or Spayn, for it is nether France nor England"] make the said letter be surely "convoyed" to him that he may present it with the other marked with this mark o——o for him self. There is another letter for the Earl of Huntly. (fn. 1)

1 p. Cipher.

Decipher of the same.

Indorsed: "x° Decembr. 1571 from the Q. of Scots to Liddington and Grange."

77. Mary to Lord Seton. [Dec. 10.] C.P., Vol. VII.

Because I am uncertain where you are, I will not tell you anything, except that if it is in Flanders that you shall learn from the Duke of Alva of my intention, which I have fully declared to him by divers ciphers, and I have given you all credit, and if you are in Scotland, Lethington and Grange will make you partaker of what I have written them. Following their advice you will employ for my service the 10,000 crowns that the Duke of Alva caused to be delivered. I have all trust in you, as you know. From my prison. Sheffield. Unsigned.

Postscript:—In whatever part you be, I pray you solicit by letters or otherwise all the succour and aid that you can from Flanders.

¼ p. Cipher on a slip of paper.

(2) Decipher of the same.

p. Indorsed by Burghley: "1571. The Q. of Scottes to Seton."

78. A Consideration of the Case of Scotland. [Dec. 10.] Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 222.

"A Consideration of ye case of Scotland." The controversy must be ended either by treaty or by force.

The consideration of the treaty.

First:—of our mere necessity the right of the crown must be acknowledged in one, and for many causes it must be established in the King, who is already crowned.

Reasons for the King, and against the Queen.

(1) She has committed such horrible facts as both her own conscience did condemn her, and moved her to yield her authority to her son; to which act all the three estates of the realm condescended, and none more earnest therein at that time than Ledyngton and Grange, who now are the principal persons by reason that the Castle is in their hands, who now withstand the King's authority.

(2) The King was anointed, crowned, and acknowledged by the homage of all his three estates, and has been so accepted continually by the greater number of his subjects—especially during the time of the Earl Murray's government.

(3) The Queen cannot be restored for divers causes. (1) Because she is in such danger by her attempts against the Queen of England, that by no good reason the Queen of England will or can put her to liberty to reign in Scotland; and thereof the Queen of England has sufficient matter to maintain her detaining of her by justice, answerable to all the world. (2) Her government cannot be endured by her subjects, whom by her evil deeds, and principally by maintaining Bothwell who was the murderer of the King, and become a manifest tyrant, she forced the nobility who obey the King to oppose themselves against Bothwell's tyranny, whereupon followed all her offence against them, which, as long as Bothwell lives, cannot be made remediable, and so, by her own faults, she has made herself "unhable of that kyngdom." As to that which is remembered, that certain motions were made at St Jhon's town by John Wade, in the Earl of Murray's time, to have a joint government both of the Queen and her son, it is to be answered two ways. (1) That motion was condemned at St Jhon's town. (2) The Queen of Scots' deportments against the Queen of England in seeking to marry with the Duke of Norfolk without the Queen's allowance, and her moving of a rebellion that was actually raised by her in England, and the rebels maintained by those who . . . . the Queen's government, and now last the Queen of Scots' friends moving of a new rebellion are sufficient causes to move the Queen of England . . . . Many other reasons may be remembered to maintain this assertion, that the Prince only is to continue King.

Now therefore follows to consider how both parties may be induced to bear obedience to the King, and to accord among themselves etc. (1) There is no doubt but that they of the King's part will continue their obedience to the King, but the difficulty only is to induce the others to his obedience. Wherein there is no great doubt, so as their particular interests may be well provided for. The difficulties are; it seems that, next to the question in whom the right of the crown shall be acknowledged—which must not become a question— the second is, who shall govern during the King's minority? It may be maintained that the government is now in the person of the Earl of Mar, who is one of those who were named capable by the Queen of Scots, and surely it will be hard during the King's minority to admit more than one to bear the name of Regent? And if anything may be objected to him—as that he should "empyre soly"—it may be well devised how to restrain his sole authority in cases needful, by his own consent, and to determine of a needful number of councillors without whose assent he shall not dispose things partially. If it be desired that the Duke or the Earl of Huntley be Regents, the Duke is aged and unable, and experience teaches that he was removed from the office in the Queen of Scots' minority. To conclude, none may seem meeter than the Earl of Marre.

It were reasonable that twelve or sixteen might be agreed to be of Council, and always four to be present with the Regent. It were reasonable that the whole nobility should have power to name them. That is, the Regent to name two, and every nobleman of the realm to name fourteen, and those who have the most voices to be admitted Councillors of the State. Or else let the nobility name twelve, the Regent two, and the principal towns other two. Yet because it is to be doubted that none of the lords who now are of the Queen's part shall have the voices of the rest, it may be accorded that the Duke and the Earl of Huntly for honour and their birth may be two.

As for the ordinary officers who attend upon the Council, it seems reasonable that such as are now placed, and obey the King, shall continue etc. (Attainders and forfeitures to be annulled on either side.)

As for ecclesiastical dignities which have been transferred from those who had the possession thereof at the time of the Queen of Scots' flying into England, it is reason that the party who is out of possession should have grant of the next avoidance.

As to the Castle of Edinburgh, it seems reason that it should be fully in some person assured to the King, and especially some such as hath not changed his obedience, and surely none may seem more meet than the Earl of Marr, from whom the Queen of Scots took it to please Bothwell. Yet if Grange will freely acknowledge the King's obedience etc., it might be devised that he might be the lieutenant to the Regent, being sworn and delivering some hostage to the Regent. [Marginal note: "Morton to be ye captayn."] If Grange will leave it utterly, it were convenient that he should have either the priory of St Andrews or some such like in recompense. If Grange will not yield the Castle, it is reason that he give good hostages, and that his number of soldiers be moderated etc. If the King's party will not consent to these reasonable means, then some persuasion is to be used to them to consider that the Queen's majesty deals herein as a Prince answerable to other Princes, and though she has particular cause to be partial for their favour, yet, seeing the other party has been content to commit the hearing and ordering of the whole difference to her majesty, she cannot in honour but set apart her avenge against the Queen's party, to propound means for pacifying of these bloody discords. [Reasons against English forces assaulting Edinburgh Castle etc.]

If the Queen's party will not yield to the said conditions, or such like, and that the King's party will be content to yield, then are the Queen's party to be sharply dealt with, and charged with craft to abuse her majesty with fair offers in words, and to be declared that her majesty means to continue her just quarrel against them for her own cause, as against such as have maintained her rebels, and have also been partakers with their Queen and others to move rebellion in her realm, and finally they are to be directly assured that her majesty will so use them until she has had a full avenge. If these reasons shall not move them to accept such conditions, then shall a consultation be had how the town and castle may be won, and how otherwise all their partakers may be prosecuted. For which purposes the things already demanded by Lord Hunsdon are to be considered.

[Recapitulates Hunsdon's demands.]

pp. In Burghley's hand. Indorsed by him: "10 Decemb. 1571. Consultation for Scotland for ye differ. betwixt ye K. syde, Q. syde." Notes by him on the back: "A shipp in ye fryth. Mony for ye soldiors," and names of some of the King's and the Queen's adherents.

79. Castellanus (fn. 2) to Burghley. [Dec. 11.] Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 226.

Clarissimo viro, Domino de Burlea, salutem. Circiter septem calend. Novembris Londonio ad me scripsit Provenchere eas quas tu ad dominum de Scherusbery misisti literas, ut cum regina de rebus illius privatis agerem: ad quasquidem responderim (non obsignatis epistolis) non dubito quin in manus tuas venerit. Nichilominus, tamen, cum id summa necessitas postulare videatur, iterum mihi in mente venit ad te breviter perscribere, quo loco ejusdem serenissimæ reginæ res positæ sint, quamque adversa laboret valetudine. Quâ de re ab eodem Provenchere postulabam, ut cum domino de La Motte, regis Christianissimi oratore, apud serenissimam Anglorum reginam ageret, priusquam in patriam rediret, et tum demum cum reginæ agnatis et amicis, qui sunt in Galliis. Ea erat tum principis valetudo, ut, cum me solum tanto oneri non solvendo esse facile judicarem, obnixe peterem, ut alii ad eam medici mitterentur, meique consilii breviter quantum potui rationem reddidi. Morbum, scilicet, ex melancholicis et biliosis, iisdemque adustis humoribus originem duxisse, et indies magis magisque augeri; tum propter solitas corporis execrationes intermissas; tum propter importunos et fere assiduos animi affectus: addebam me destitutum esse opera pharmacopolæ, et omnibus pæne medicamentis, quibus tantis malis occurrendum esset. Nunc vero omnia in deterius mutata sunt, utriusque periculum in regina diminuere videtur. Propter hypochondrii sinistri tumorem, frequentes e cerebro distillationes stomachi summam debilitatem (unde molesta et perturbata somnolentia), assiduos vomitus et alia quamplurima totius corporis symptomata. Quibus, nisi ocissime occurratur, preter periculosum exitum nihil expectare debemus. Quaquidem te nolui ignorare (vir amplissime), rogoque quantum in me est, ut eadem cum serenissima Angliæ regina conferas, per cujus summam benevolentiam, si aere liceret liberius frui, et corpus tot laboribus defatigatum saltem aliqua exercitatione reficere, ceteraque justa, ut par esset, adhiberet remedia, aliqua superesset spes recuperandæ sanitatis, quamdiu e contra circumscripta erit parietibus tantisque afficietur mæroribus, ea quibus hucuscque usi sumus remedia nulli usui esse poterunt; quod si coram regina Anglorum mihi liceret eadem aliaque multa presenti commemorare, non dubito quin vel ipse preter eam moveret, ut aliquem tantis malis modum statueret. Ceterum preter alia medicamenta et ipsis simplicibus destitutus sum, cum nec mihi ingredi liceat ad ea comparanda, nec hominem habeam cujus mihi fides probata sit; aut cujus opera tuto et libere uti possum in his quæ ad principis sanitatem spectant, adeo ut in me nihil preter nomen medici relictum sit: eadem omnia et dominum De La Motte scire magnopere cupio, ne in posterum pro crimine objiciatur mihi, quod officio non sim functus meo, ad eundem superioribus diebus scripsimus, ut ad reginam mitteret, aquam cinamonii compositam, nuces muscatas conditas, et nonnulla alia medicamentorum genera ad sedandos, tum hypochondrii sinistri, tum stomachi presentes dolores. Sed cum nihil rescripserit, cogor suspicari meas literas nusquam in manus illius pervenire. Postremo ut paucis dicam, obsecro quantum possum summam tuam humanitatem, ut ista diligenter perpendat, atque ante oculos serenissimæ principis reginæ Anglorum ponat, ut agnoscat (cum omnia alia deficiant) me aliqua ex parte officio satisfecisse meo. Interea faxit Deus opt. max. ut omnia tibi ex animi sententia succedant. Sheffield Castle. Signed: Castellanus.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed: "Clarissimo viro et illustrissimo domino de Bourgley." Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "6 Dec. 1571. Castellanus ye Scott. Q. phisitian to my L."

80. Shrewsbury to Burghley. [Dec. 12.] Cott. Calig., C.III., fol. 221.

Queen of Scots' health. Suffers her to walk on the leads, in his large dining chamber, and the court yard. Sure watch kept. Cannot perceive that she is in any present peril of sickness. Sheffield Castle. Signed: G. Shrewsbury.

1 p. No flyleaf or address. (Printed at length in Wright's "Queen Elizabeth and her Times," Vol. I., p. 401.)

81. John Bateman to Burghley. [Dec. 12.] C.P., Vol. VII.

My Lord was exceedingly comforted at her majesty's letters etc.

Touching the Latin book that I brought down, this Queen "semed" by the manner of her speech, though not with plain words, that I was directed by your lordship thereunto, but I have earnestly affirmed to the contrary, and only did it of my own will. She said then it was a shame to suffer it abroad. I answered that there appeared no authority either from the Qneen's majesty or any of the Council for the printing thereof, because there is no mention made either of privilege or allowance, but only being a book written and set out by some of her own countrymen, and spread abroad in many men's hands, I thought good to bring down one, and show it to my lord. Then she said she knew G. Buchanane was the author thereof, "a vile athiest," at whom she is not a little offended for the same, and for that he is schoolmaster to her son.

For the books in English or Scottish, although there are some in this house, yet she has not seen them, as far as I can learn, and my lord has ordered that none of them shall come to her hands or any of hers.

On her complaining at her restraint, my lord told her plainly and roundly in my hearing that she was the only cause thereof herself by her unlawful practices against the Queen's majesty and the realm, whch now are manifested to the world. And he told her also that the world do judge her to be the only cause of the destruction of the Duke of Norfolk and his house, with divers others. At which she seemed both by words and countenance to be very little moved, and so as little sorry thereat.

Her physician complains earnestly of the estate of her body, and says that she will fall again into some extremity of sickness, and would write to the ambassador of France to procure more liberty. But my lord being well acquainted with their devices will give no ear to any such motions, and will not trouble the Queen's majesty with any sending up or advertisements unless he sees some cause of great moment.

My lord showed her the Queen's majesty's letter to him, whereat she made little countenance, but said that his estate and calling required that before this time. At which my lord perceiving her little good meaning to him therein, gives her as small thanks therefor as the same deserves. My lady, who thinks herself singularly beholden to your lordship, desires to be most heartily commended unto the same. Sheffield. Signed: John Bateman.

12/3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "12 Dec. 1571. Mr Batman."

82. Hunsdon to Burghley. [Dec. 14.]

Not having heard from him since Mr Marshal's arrival at the Court, and being earnestly required by the Regent to send this other packet to be delivered to Captain Cunningham, he has thought good to advertise him some part of their neighbours' doings. There is daily conference between the King's side and them of the Castle, and sundry practices used to bring them to accord without the Queen's majesty, for surely they of the King's side as much mislike to have her majesty send in any force as the other side (a few only excepted), as Burghley will perceive by a "ballett" which he sends herewith, but it seems that the Regent nor Lord Morton will make any appointment without her majesty. [The French king's cost in maintaing Scotland.] They of the Castle "made meane" to him by Archibald Douglas that they might send Andrew Melville to the Queen's majesty, to whom he answered that if it were no other articles than they had sent me, it was to no purpose, for he was sure that their persuasions could not alter her majesty's resolution, and if they had any meaning to come to accord, they are not ignorant what authority he has to treat and conclude upon any reasonable conditions, and therefore their demand was and is but to delay time.

Was written to from Lady Hewme that he would procure her a safe-conduct from the Regent to come hither to treat with him for her husband, which he has done, and thinks she will be here this week. Thinks if he can make this appointment with the Regent, and procure him his houses at the Queen majesty's hands, it is like enough that he will return to the King. Prays him to let him know what answer he shall make for the re-delivery of his houses.

On Monday last there was a skirmish between them, when the Regent's side drove the others into the town, took 50 or 60 prisoners, with their best captain called Haggerstone, and slew four or five.

Sundry Scottish merchants affirm that of late a Council was holden at Brussels, whereat was the Cardinal of Lorraine. They also say that Lords Seton and Flemynge were also then at Brussels to procure some aid for their Queen, which is granted them, but it is said that Lord Flemynge requires money only without men. Sundry of the meaner sort of their rebels are presently returned into Scotland, forced by poverty, as it is said. Has laid baits for them. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

12/3 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "Ye L. of Hunsdon to my L." etc.

Inclosure with the same:—

Copy of No. 73. Indorsed by Burghley: "Novembr. a ballett to ye Regent ageynst comming in of Englishmen."

83. Cuthbert Reid to the Bishop of Ross. [Dec. 16.] C.P., Vol. VII.

Please your lordship, understand that there has been in the north parts of Scotland some slaughter betwixt the Gordons and the Forbeses. The Gordons being within the town of Aberdeen, and the Forbeses coming to the town, the Gordons marched them without the town. There are slain "blacke" Arthur Forbes, brother to my Lord Forbes, young Watterton, two brothers of "Petsligowis," one "meikle" Duncan Forbes of Aberdeen, with three "shoir moir" on both sides. The Master of Forbes is taken and put in Strabogie. The Lesleys, your lordship's friends, were with neither of the parties. I pray God to send peace betwixt them and all the rest of that realm. From the "synd of the Lillepott." Signed: Cuthbert Reid.

½ p. Holograph. Addressed: "To my speciall good Lord and maister, my lord Bishope of Rosse, Ambassador for the Quenes majestie of Schotland." Indorsed. No flyleaf.

84. Sir Owen Hopton to Burghley. [Dec. 17.] C.P., Vol. VII.

Sends herein a letter written by Cuthbert [Reid], the Bishop of Ross' steward. Donkynson, the bishop's cook, would have leave of his master to go into France, and would go away now with the Spanish ambassador. Knows the bishop makes account of him, therefore (if Burghley thinks good) he will stay him in some warder's house till the ambassador is gone. Signed: Owyn Hopton.

2/3 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "17 Dec. 1571, ye Lieut. of ye Towre. Cuthberts letter to ye B. of Ross."

Postscript on the back:—Since the writing hereof the cook told him that the ambassador means to go to Flanders, and to tarry at Brussels and Antwerp two or three months.

85. Hunsdon to Burghley. [Dec. 18.]

Received his letter of the 13th this morning, by which he perceives how unlikely it is of the having of any forces sent hither. Seeing her majesty resolved to set up the King's authority, is forced to hold his own opinion, which is to have her do it with her own people. They of the Castle have promised the French King that they will hold out and keep their obedience to their Queen to the uttermost. They know how unwilling her majesty is to send any forces, and therefore they do not "forslow" (fn. 3) practising with the Duke of Alva, by whom they are not only promised men and money, but it is most certain that Lord Seton has been twice on the sea with a good sum of money and some men, and Leonard Dacres with him, and put back again by the tempest, but they look for him daily. Whether Leonard Dacres comes with him now or not is uncertain, for he felt very sick at his last return. This support that Lord Seton brings is but to maintain them till the spring, at which time they have sure promise to want neither men nor money. The King's party is utterly overthrown in the north. Sent to the Regent for safeconduct for Andrew Melville and Lady Hewme to come to him, who flatly denied the same. Has written to him that unless he can have free access for anybody he shall have occasion to treat with, he will deal no further with him till he knows her majesty's pleasure. If the Duke be condemned, as his doings deserved, although he dare not presume to ask his house in London as a gift of her majesty, yet begs him to be a means for him to have the keeping of it. Prays him to move her majesty to send some wiser man hither to deal in these matters of Scotland. Berwick. Signed: H. Hunsdon.

pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

Inclosure with the same:—

(The Regent Mar to Hunsdon.)

"In thir Scottis shippis laitlie returnit from Flanderis I understand thaire is divers of the quenis Majestie zour soveranis rebellis, for the maist part rekkynit to be serving men, and nane of name or calling amanges thame." The ships are stayed by the wind at the mouth of the "firthe," wherefore I cannot yet learn what men are in them, but it is credibly shown me that some of them are "landit" in England. It is also reported for truth that Lord Setoun has received a large sum of money to the use of our adversaries. He was "schipped" to have returned therewith to Scotland, but being "drievin abak" by storm is stayed for this time. One of the eight men who landed from the ship at Holy Island, named Robert Kirkcaldy, passed directly to them in the Castle, and, as we hear, has brought them letters and "prevy advertismentes." In the north the gentleman obedient to the King are "hardlie intreatit," being "chargit to rander" their houses, to "subscrive and sweir" the obedience of the Queen's authority, and to enter hostages. We think long to hear from the Court. Leith. December 16, 1571. Signed: Jhon Regent.

2/3 p. Addressed: "To the richt honorable and my verie gude Lord, the Lord of Hunsdon," etc. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk).

86. The Regent Mar to the Master of Gray. Elizabeth. [Dec. 20. 1571.] Egerton MSS., 1818, fol. 56.

We have received your writing answering our letter and directions sent to you with your brother-in-law my Lord Ruthven's servant, whereof we stand well content, for assuredly there is no room belonging to you nor any other nobleman in Scotland professing the obedience of the King that I desire to be out of the hands of the just owner, nor made not this last motion to you upon any suspicion that ever we conceived of your own part; but being persuaded that such rooms as the house of Bruchtie is, may be assailed either by strangers or the King's enemies, we thought very convenient to forewarn you of the peril, "quhilk seing ze haif alreddy begun we pray zow to continew in it," according to your duty and your own favourable and good offer; and as we may understand occasion of danger, you shall be made privy to the same. Leith. Signed: Jhon Regent.

½ p. Addressed. No flyleaf.

87. Bishop of Ross to Cuthbert Reid. [Dec. 20.] C.P., Vol. VII.

"Cutbert Reid, I mervel yow cum so seildome to ye gatte, therefore pas to my L. Burghly, and sutte for licence to cum and visitte me sumtymes, which I trust shalbe granted unto yow," to speak with me in the presence of the lieutenant, that I may direct you to do my own particular affairs by word, and "sutte" at his lordship's hands to have the keys of my "granere" from "Maister" Wilsoun.

Item; suffer not "Wille" the cook to depart, for the same does not proceed of himself. Although I am not certain when I shall be put to liberty, yet I hope for it, and in the meanwhile I trust the lieutenant "will ressave him to remayne in his cumpany to do me service rather than he suld depart."

Item; "becaus the good tyme of Christmes is cuming caus provyde sum wyld foules of dyvers sortis sic as pertrikis, phasenes, turky cockis, birdis and sum other foules that be freshe, and send in on Christmes ewin," and cause the cook prepare some more of the bread he sent last "agane ye same tyme." Send me my "caishe of cames," (fn. 4) and the "two sewit clothes yerof" that are in the little coffer.

Item; "caus lyin Maister Thomas grograyn gown with baisse cloith, and ye forbrestis of Cumingis, and send it hether." Send me the names of those who are slain at the "feght" beside Aberdeen, and the manner thereof.

Item; "caus mak ane propir ring with a turcas stone, and wreit within it 'Pro principe.'"

Item, two other "secundar" with stones, and write in the one 'Pro patria,' and in the other 'Plurima passus,' and have them in readiness when I shall send for them, and "caus prepair ye Scottis knyfeis in ye best sort to be send to me with them."

Fail not to advertise the lieutenant of such news as you shall hear from Scotland, or from the Queen my mistress, and have me heartily commended to the French ambassador, and desire him to continue in his accustomed friendship toward me and labours at Court for my relief. Unsigned.

2/3 p. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "20 Dec. 1571. B. of Rosses memoriall to Cutbert."

88. Elizabeth to Shrewsbury. Elizabeth. [Dec. 22. 1571.] C.P., Vol. VII.

Forasmuch as we have occasion to have certain of our nobility to repair shortly to us for our service, and amongst the same we have thought meet to have you as one of the principal, both for your estate and for the trust which we repose in you, therefore we require you [upon the receipt of these our letters by the hands of Sir Ralph Sadler] to put yourself in readiness that you may be here with us at Westminster on the [9th] day of January next. And considering the charge of the Scottish Queen may in your absence be duly looked to, we have therefore sent to you Sir Ralph Sadler to hold your place, by whom you shall understand our further pleasure etc. Westminster.

½ p. Draft. Corrections and additions in Burghley's hand. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "Min. to ye Erle of Shrewsb. from ye Q." At the head: "By the Quene." The words in square brackets are in the next document.

89. Elizabeth to Shrewsbury. [Dec. 22.] C.P., Vol. VII.

(Fair copy of No. 88 with some additions and alterations.)

1 p. In the hand of Burghley's clerk. At the head: "To ye Erle of Shrewsbury." Indorsed: "Min. to ye Erle of Shrewsbury."

90. Mary to Elizabeth. [Dec. 25.] Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 245.

"Madame"; seeing the small regard which all this long time past you have made of my letters, minister, remonstrances, and humble requests, as far as to disdain to make me answer yourself or by your people, treating me from worse to worse, I have concluded not to weary you more nor to break my head (me rompre la teste) in vain, resolving to suffer what it shall please God to send me by your hands, in which I have put myself in good faith. Nevertheless, for proof of the suffering which it has pleased God to give me, not wishing to omit anything of that which is well becoming to a Princess desirous on all points to imitate the virtuous, and representing myself before His eyes that I am a Christian to whom charitable humility is necessary, and as being a lady, I ought not to hesitate by all lawful ways to seek again peace and public quiet; to which also the time has not a little stimulated me, being that when by the birth of the King of Kings universal peace was announced to all the world, and besides these respects required for the discharge of our conscience, I cannot forget that, for all the injuries which you have done me, I am your cousin, the nearest which you have in the world, and that formerly you have made show of loving me, and to which, giving credit, I have given you the means and not the occasion to illtreat me—and in prison as I am, and having considered all things with myself, these with my natural inclination to honour and court you when it should please you to take my demonstrations in good part, I have ventured once again to put before your eyes the wrongs which you have done me, the justice of my cause, and the integrity of my deportment, which, although they have not been agreeable to you, have never tended, as people have persuaded you, to do you any wrong, not having done anything unworthy of a true Queen and good relation, which, if it please you justly to weigh, you will lose a little of your rage and think what you would do in my place. I assure myself that you have such good judgment that you would condemn yourself for having so much scorned and outraged me as to have denied me your presence when I offered by my Lord Burle and "Mester" Myldmay to unburden my heart to you, rendering myself entirely yours, and having had the articles signed by my hand, in which I offered you my unique jewel for a testimony of my inviolable amity and close alliance with you, which, instead of accepting and concluding on your part, you have so little esteemed that. Contrary to your promise (pardon me, this is no more time to dissimulate), you allowed my rebellious subjects to go, without my consent, and without providing for the abstinence in anything on their part, but on the contrary not permitting them to be reconciled or to speak to me or to my people—fortificationing and strengthening them at the burning of Dombertren. I leave the former injuries and those which have since followed to my own person and honour by defamatory libels, and against my estate, ministers, and servants to come to the declaration on my part. When my Lord Burli and "Mester" Mildmay came to Chatsworth I put them on oath, if I did not show them by all means the extreme desire that I had not only to please you, but to devote myself to you from my heart. God be my witness if I had not the same intention without fraud or thought of breaking away on my side nor of seeking other aid or alliance but you, and, whatever one may tell you of it, on my honour and salvation I say the truth, and you will not find it otherwise. But when I have seen that you are . . . . of me by delays, not wishing to confirm anything between us, but rather to send my enemies back assured of their support whilst you only pretend to give me words (have I not this by heart, for I have good testimony of it?). What more can I hope for remembering so many other vain hopes? as when I sent to seek the [attestors] in France, and so many times do my good and loyal subjects lay aside their arms against my rebels at your request, which is not a just enough occasion to require aid and support of all my friends, and therein I could do nothing but what I have told you—written, promised, and protested since the commencement, when I saw myself detained against my will; whereof "Mester" Knoles, Lord Scrup, and, afterwards, Monsieur the Earl of Schreusberi, the Earl of "Hontinton," my Lord Bourli, and "Mester" Myldmay, and yourself can testify by the remonstrances which have been made to you by the Duke of Chatelerauld, Lords Heris and Boyd, and all my ambassadors and commissioners. The sum of it being that for four years I have done nothing but complain that you refuse me support. To my great regret I shall be constrained to seek it elsewhere. Wherefore, madam, can you blame me much, or complain of me when it was not thus, I would not have falsified my promise? But, on the contrary, you ought to esteem me as not one of those who say one thing and do another, and I pledge you my word that I have in no way dissimulated with you, nor will I do it. I have offered you all that I could, and I would have performed it faithfully, my intention being sincere towards you, and I will be so still if you wish to receive it, and me as a relation and good friend, which I say to you simply, without fear or flattery, for my heart is not capable of either. And in that case I would forget all the past injuries, and once again offer you that which should be in my power to do—honour and please you and take from you all suspicion or trouble to you or your countries, for I should not find any pleasure in the contrary if I were able to flee from it. I propose to show you my natural good affection towards you, to the end also to avoid all inconveniences to the prejudice of both the parties which could follow to the harm of this isle before anything may be attempted that could not be remedied [and] would be the cause of worse. Wherefore, if you please, to restrain your anger without illtreating anyone on my account, I will prepare myself more and more than ever to seek your good grace and to please you. If my offers, remonstrances, and reasonable excuses are agreeable to you, I will commence again anew, without pretence with you, honouring and respecting you more than ever, and to the end that you do not think that I flatter for fear of worse, and not for goodwill, I am constrained to tell you, that if it does not please you to have regard for me, you can have my life— little honourable, despoiled, and less profitable—but not my heart, and, having done my duty, to represent to you the inconveniences to put the offer before you to obviate them in time. I pray God that He direct you to take advice to His glory, to your honour, and the public utility, and for my discharge. To this effect, if it will please you to make me answer, I humbly pray you, such as you will please, I will review myself more at length to cause you to understand my devotion, recommend me to your good grace and to merit it; otherwise I will hold it quite irrecoverable if it does not please you to answer me anything, as you have done for some time. "De Chefild en prison ce . . . de noel." Signed: "Vottre bien bonne sœur et affection . . . si il vous plest, Marie R."

4 pp. French. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

91. Hunsdon to Elizabeth. [Dec. 29.]

Perceives by her letter of the 21st that she cannot yet resolve how to proceed in these matters of Scotland. Has left nothing undone in dealing with them of the Castle that was in his instructions. Has never written for forces. Has sent the under Marshal to the Regent and the other party. Unless she deals otherwise with the Scottish Queen she will never bring them to accord by fair means. The way to bring them to accord by fair means is to deal harder with their Queen. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed: "To the Q. moste excellente mati." Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "29 Dec. 1571. ye L. Hunsdon to ye Q."

92. Robert Makesoun and Angelo Marie to the Bishop of Ross. [Dec.] C.P., Vol. VII.

Since your departing I have been "trobelet" with George "ye hakeneman" for the "heyr" of a horse, "ye quhilk zour lordship knawis yat I reyd done apone yis tyme thelmont." I beseech your lordship that it may be "satesfyeit" that I may be out of trouble. Since "Cowdbart Redes" departing we are left desolate of all things, and especially of our "burd" (fn. 5) wages, which I "swpone" is more than your lordship knows. We "swpone" that so long as it is the Queen's majesty's pleasure "to be retend" as her servants that you will not suffer us to be "ane apyntit." London. [The end of the letter is written by Angelo Marie in Italian.]

We are here like poor orphans, and have not received the wages which it pleased your lordship to give us for the expenses since your nephew departed. I beg your lordship, if it be your will, to send them. I beg you to give me a bow and a quiver. I will carry it in France for the love of you. I will always remain your servant. 1571. Signed: Robert Makesoun: Angello Marie.

2/3 p. Addressed: "A monsignor le vescho di Rossa &c."

93. Apology of the Bishop of Ross touching the Marriage of the Duke of Norfolk. [Dec.] C.P., Vol. VII.

"Extract of a breefe discourse conteyning a true Declaration of ye frendy and honest part kept at all tymes by ye B: of Rosse towardes ye Duke of Norffolke and otheres yt were touched in ye late proceedinges. Written in manner of an apologie for his defence."

Practice of marriage with the Duke of Norfolk.

Discoursing of his constant zeal and affection towards the said Duke both before and during the time of his troubles etc., he uses these words:—" And likewise in all tymes therafter I followed the Duke's owne pleasure and devise in entertayning the favour betwixt him and my mistres, thoughe against myne owne opinione and advise given to him often to leave of the same: because there was no apparance that ever it shold take effecte with the goodwill and consent of the Qu. of England etc."

And a little after he says:—"Which notwithstanding the same was still enterteyned, as it was knowen by sondry lettres and precious tokens gotten in the Duke's house, and delivered by his servantes to the Counsell, which made him to be accused as to have offended and done contrarye to his allegeance. Amongest the which lettres, there was a long discourse of such highe and frendly offers as the greatest Princes of Christendome had made to the Qu. of Scottes then lately before that tyme for her reliefe and helpe of her subjectes in Scotland: which was signifyed and assured to her by their lettres, ambassadors and speciall messengers etc."

Touching Barker's confession, where he says as follows:—"And for further confirmacion therof they caused Mr Barker, who was the principall mediator betwene the Duke and me at all times and knew most of all others to be brought face to face with me in presence of the Counsell to accuse me, and as he did very extreamely uppon diverse poyntes: where I asked him who did first open these matters to the Counsell, considering no man was of counsel to the most part of them, but the Duke, Barker and I only; but he soddainely answered with these words: 'Even I revealed them for the love I beare to my Prince and countrey, and so will I do all yat I knowe,' and yet notwithstanding all this loth I was to have answeared to any thing. But yet seing all the cheefest and principall matters confessed, and the Queen my mistress lettres and myne owne layd before mee, and namely the former discourse written with Hickfordes the Dukes principall Secretaryes hand and decyphred by him with the principall alphabet and many other such lettres partly in cypher and some one of cypher. This truly, as God is my wittnes, I determined with my self to have gladly borne all the burthen that I cold beare, as I had done often tymes before for the Dukes salftie, and so laboured I to excuse all purposes conteyned in yer discourse and letter so farre as was possible; taking a great part of the burthen uppon my self and putting the rest uppon Ridolphi and other strangers: and yet never confessing one word or jote more, but rather lesse then those lettres conteyned, and yat his owne servantes had done, but much lesse, for yat was the cause yat Barker was brought face to face with me before the Counsell, for that I wold not say so farre as he had said in some weighty poyntes, so yat I left nothing undone etc."

12/3 pp. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "Extract of ye Apologye of ye B. of Rosse touching ye Mariadge wth ye D: of Norff."

94. Grants to Morton and his Friends. [Dec.]

"A note of those thinges wherwith the Regent hath gratifyed therle of Morton and his freendes sithens the tyme of his regencie."

The parsonage of Glasgow. The inheritance of the Sheriffship of East and West Lothian. Escheat of 4000 marks of Lord Flemming's money. The bishopric of Murray. The young Laird of Carmichaell's servant, the forfeiture of the outlaws' lands. The young Laird of of Apilgirth, a pension of the fruits of the bishoprick of Glasgow. To George Douglas' (of Parkheid) brother, the escheat of Cuthbert Ramsay. Is ready to give the archbishopric of St Andrews to Lord Glencairn, reserving a pension given to the Provost of Dundee for good service, and two other small pensions to my servants Captain Thomas Crauford and Lawrence Nisbett. The ward and marriage of John Leirmonth, sometime captain of Thomptallon. The "tak" of the leadmines etc.

½ p. In a Scottish hand. Indorsed by Burghley.

95. Ballad.

A ballad of nine stanzas of five lines each. Commences:

"First quhen the newis begouthe to rysse, gretly thay maid me wondre
Quhow that so grett a gospellar so fellounly could sondre.
Bott seing quhow all erdly thingis wor subject to mutatioun,
Than, said I, it no grett mervell olbeit the congregatioun
Wor no les than ye puir Papistis inclynit to fornicatioun."

(Scoffs at the reformed clergy.)

"Knox is grown a king."

Ends:—

"The devill, yatt man kynd he may trumpe, tokis forme of angell boyte,

Bott at ye last ye grace of God his trumpry bringis to lychte.
Sa, Lolards, your hypocrisy yat se fane ye wald hyde
Ze se wyt tyme in spyte of zow dois peice and peice owtslyde,
Schawing quhow wolfs in lam skynnis ye puire scheip ze misgyde."

pp. Indorsed (by Burghley's clerk): "A lewd Ballet taken with ye 1. Setons writings."

Footnotes

  • 1. Symbol A.
  • 2. Mary's physician.
  • 3. Slacken.
  • 4. Combs.
  • 5. Board.