Henry VIII: October 1521, 21-31 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.

'Henry VIII: October 1521, 21-31', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523, (London, 1867) pp. 709-725. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol3/pp709-725 [accessed 25 April 2024]

October 1521



21 Oct. Calig. D. VIII. 117. B. M.	1698. [FITZWILLIAM to WOLSEY.]
	Was told today by the French king that he had heard from his Chancellor the King and Wolsey were going to send to him my lord Chamberlain and the bishop of Ely, to arrange the truce, "which, as we thought, he spake very strangely." I asked if the truce had not yet been taken, or what articles were objected to. He said the difficulty was about the banished men of Milan, and he had as lief give them his duchy as have any truce with them or with the marquis of Mantua. On my replying to this, he seemed to give in a little, but said he could not consent to an 18 months' truce, as it would be all for their advantage. Told him, if there were no greater obstacles than these, I trusted he would not refuse it. He said, when those two lords came he trusted the King would not urge him to anything against his honor and safety, and he would refuse nothing else. "And if he ... of credence he said he had little cause so to do, for ... that the Emperor and all his nobles be reculed to Ast ... they say that the King's highness will send t ... Englishmen, whereof he saith he is not advertise[d by one] or two ways, but by divers ways. And I showed [that] he had had many such untrue tales showed h[im, but] that this was the most unlikest to be believed [of all] the other, for and the King's highness were so [minded,] he might be sure my lord Chamberlain nor [my lord Ely] should not come hither." Francis said he did not believe it a whit.
	Finding him better disposed, Fitzwilliam asked if he would keep the field still, seeing the weather was so [bad]. He said it was honor enough that the Emperor had retreated, but the Emperor had left 6,000 lanceknights in the suburbs of Valenciennes, whom he was determined to drive out or hew in pieces. Afterwards he will visit Artois, and return home for this year; next year, perhaps, he will repent what he has done. He said Wolsey had advised him to withdraw his army, promising that the Emperor should raise the siege of Tournay; but he says he does not care about Tournay, as they have victuals enough in the town for six months, and in the castle for a year; "and the other day he showed me, as I wrote to your grace, that and he succoured it not within eight days, it was lost." So, as he changes his sayings to me about his going, I think he does not want me to know what way he intends to take. For all their fair words, they trust the King but little. They burn all the country as they pass. If the French king keep his camp 40 days longer his army will be weaker by 10,000 men, "for their horses waste sore away for stabling without, and men wax weary and sick very fast; and, for my part, I had never worse journey in all the wars that ever I had been in." Was in no little danger of his life, for the adventurers would have taken possession of his lodging, though it was ill enough for a man to set his horses in, and would have struck his servant before his face for telling them the King would be displeased at it, if he had not spoken them fair. "Howbeit they showed me expressly how that and I had fortuned to light among the adventurers of France they would hew me in pieces, for they said they never loved Englishmen." They were of Bourbon's band, who would have hanged them had I not interceded, for if he had, "I am sure I should never have comen [home alive]." This country of Cambresis supplies the King with victuals. He has put in Chateau Cambresis 500 foot and 15 spears. Some say he will garrison Cambray. If he do, he will greatly annoy Hainault. St. Ellier, in Hainault, 21 Oct.
	Pp. 4. mutilated. A decipher?
21 Oct. Galba, B. VI. 219. B. M.	1699. SIR RICHARD WINGFIELD and SPINELLY to [WOLSEY].
	Wrote on the 19th from Valenciennes, that the Emperor had charged Fonseca carefully to inspect the army. The commissioners found that two thirds of the Almayns were wanting, and only 8,000 remaining, of whom many were sick, and that there were but 3,000 out of 8,000 or 9,000 horse, in no better condition. Not daring to give battle to the French, and thinking that they might have made some "excorses" before Valenciennes, in which case there would be a scarcity of victual, the Emperor determined to garrison the frontier, and sent Lascaulx on Saturday night to inform the writer that he would depart next day to this town, leaving Lascaulx as his lieutenant-general. Accordingly came hither yesterday within five miles of Tournay. The French will crow over this retreat, little considering the long time the Emperor remained in their realm, and was only obliged to withdraw by the sickness of his army, and that the French king had never fulfilled his threats to meet him in the field. The French will not be able to do much in this weather. If they do not succour Tournay within 10 or 12 days it will be in great danger.
	When the Emperor saw the French had broken the neutrality of Cambray he sent D'Issilstein thither with 1,500 horse and 2,000 Almayns. The Emperor told them this afternoon that he had received letters from his ambassadors with [Wolsey's] advice touching his progress; which he intends to follow. He will therefore go tomorrow to Oudenard, thence to Curtraye and Lylle. Hearing it said by some that the conclusion of the truce lay in Wolsey's power, as if he could sway the French king at his pleasure, urged the Emperor to give no credence to any impertinent persuasion. The Emperor replied, "Je ne scauroye user beaucoup des belles parolles, mais vous savcz mieulx escrire mon intention, que je ne le scauroye dire, vous assurant que j'ai plus de confidence a le bon advis et counceille de monseigneur le Cardinal que en tous ceulx qui vouldront dire le contraire." Ate, in Hennego, 21st October. Signed.
	Pp. 2, mutilated.
22 Oct. R. O.	1700. PACE to WOLSEY.
	The King has ordered me to direct the accompanying packet to you; but I do not know the contents. The report here is that those two great armies are near together, and the King is anxious to know from you what they intend. Windsor, 22 October.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace.
22 Oct. R. O.	1701. CAMPEGGIO to WOLSEY.
	After signing my former letters, I heard that the courier who was carrying my last letters to the King and yourself was taken near Concordia, on the road to Mantua, by French partisans, and all his letters destroyed. I send, therefore, a copy of them. Rome, 22 Oct. 1521. Signed.
	Lat., p. 1. Add.: R., &c. Car^li Eboracensi, legato.
23 Oct. Calig. D. VIII. 119. B. M.	1702. [FITZWILLIAM to WOLSEY.]
	"I would have sent your grace this my ... day by the French post; but whatsoever Robertet meant, I could not, [for they had] dispatched the post before I was ware. And yesternight late I received [your letter], dated at Calais, the 19th day of this month, by a Frenchman which my s[ervant] hired to convey it to me, because he is fallen sick by the way." Has this day declared the effect of it to Francis, who says any man coming from the King will be welcome. In answer to Wolsey's request that he will not join battle with the Emperor, "he bad me to assure your grace, on his honor, that there s[hall] be no battle stricken at this time, for he saith he is sure the Emperor hath not no[w] 6,000 men together." As to Wolsey's request that he would proceed no further till he heard the overtures of my lord Chamberlain and the bishop of Ely, he says the Emperor, when he was strong, would never forbear for any request Wolsey could make, and it is not reasonable that he should lose his advantage, now that he is at great expense with his army; that the Swiss would fain be at home, and say they will not make war in winter, nor stay with him if he do not go forward now; and that he means to raise the siege of Tournay. I begged him to rest but for four or five days, or even for two or three, but he said he would not promise, nor stay his army even for one day; but at last said, if it did not occasion inconvenience he was willing to make a little delay. They seem to imagine they have the [Emperor] at great advantage, and think very little of him and his men.
	Tomorrow the French king crosses a river where he has made a bridge of boats, and his vanguard besieges count Porsyne in Bushey, three leagues from Valenciennes. If the place holds out till my lord Chamberlain come, thinks the French king will be ruled by reason; for the gentlemen of his army are weary of war, and Fitzwilliam is daily asked if the King will not effect a peace. People say both Princes repent what they have done. If the castle of Bushey hold but one week, Francis will not be so obstinate; for there are no villages near for his men to lodge in, and all his victuals must come from St. Q[uentin], 15 leagues off; and if the Burgundians burn up the [hay] and straw for three or four leagues, they will not be able to abide in the field. And this day I hear that the Admiral cannot get Fontarabia. Goes tomorrow to St. Quentin's to meet my lord Chamberlain, and convey him to the camp. Has spoken for some conductors to bring him to the French king, for it is hazardous coming among these men of war. Begs that he may come home with the lord Chamberlain; so many of his servants have fallen ill by lying on the cold ground that he has almost none to serve him. St. Ellier, in Hainault, at the camp, 23 Oct.
	Pp. 3. In Tuke's hand.
23 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 127. B. M.	1703. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SPINELLY to WOLSEY.
	Wrote from Hast in Haynnygo on the 22nd. Lay last night at Oudenarde, and this evening came to Cultrike, intending tomorrow to go to Lisle, if the plan be not changed by a report of sickness there. The Emperor has no news that the French king has yet moved from Castell Cambrasys. The Emperor says his garrison at Knoy has met with 100 Swiss, slain about 30, and taken the rest prisoners, who, on payment of their wages, will return home. The Emperor expects every hour to hear of the entry of Issilstein into Cambray. The prince of Orange, the Great Esquire and many gentlemen of the Emperor's household went back from Hast to Valenciennes; but a good band still remains about the Emperor. News used to come from Italy every day; but the last was dated at Casall Maggyore, in the duchy of Milan, on the 2nd. This is thought rather a good sign, as they would have been sure to have known of a defeat; and it is suspected, the Venetians, hearing of Wolsey's negociations, have intercepted the posts. The governor of Bresse and Don Hugh went to examine the passages about Tournay, whether they should be defended or not against the French by inundation and breaking bridges; but have not returned. My Lady has demanded 40,000 men from Gaunt, for the conquest of Tournay. The Emperor has sent us copies of her letters to the town and to himself. Cultrey, 23 Oct. Signed.
	Pp. 3, mutilated. Add.: To my lord Cardinal.
23 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 129. B. M.	1704. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Received this morning, at Oudenarde, your letters dated Calais, 21st inst., with an extract of news from Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam, to be declared by me to the Emperor. The latter said he had heard it from his Chancellor, and was also aware of the sending of my lord Chamberlain and the bishop of Ely to the French king, and hoped that upon your instructions to them some good would ensue. He trusted the French king would not victual Tournay in the time mentioned in the extract, of which he reckoned six days to be passed, and that as yet he had not got much nearer than the place where Fitzwilliam's letters were written. He said Francis had done the worst he could, in burning two or three villages; and he hoped, if he would remain within his countries till the power of Flanders was assembled, which would be about 40,000 men, he should reckon with his host before his departing. The news of Italy he counted but "fraskys," saying if there had been anything unfavorable he should have heard it. He had been informed by his ambassadors of your most prudent handling of the French ambassadors, sometimes pleasantly and sometimes otherwise, to his great satisfaction. I thank you for joining me with the lord St. John's and Sir Thos. Boleyn, of whose despatch you inform me. Curtraye, 23 Oct. Signed.
	Pp. 2, mutilated. Add. at ƒ. 130* b: To my lord Cardinal.
25 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 130. B. M.	1705. DOCWRA, BOLEYN and SIR RIC. WINGFIELD to the EARL OF WORCESTER and the BISHOP OF ELY.
	Arrived at Courtray yesterday at 1 p.m., and presented Wolsey's letters to the Emperor, and today after dinner told him the contents of our instructions in presence of the bishop of Palencia, the governor of Bresse and La Schault. Find his majesty well disposed to a simple truce; but we cannot persuade him to any conditions which will not stand with his honor. Being told of the three points without which Francis would not agree to it, viz. (1) the resort of Flanders and Artois to continue in their old train, (2) the rebels of Milan not to be comprised, and (3) the term to last four or five years;—he would not agree to them, especially to the two first, seeing that he had laid his garrisons upon the frontiers, and furnished his towns sufficiently. Curtraye, 25 Oct.
	Copy, p. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal. Endd: "Copy of a letter sent to the lord of Worcester and the bishop of Ely by the lord of St. John's, Sir Thos. Boleyn and Sir Ric. Wingfield, knts."
26 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 131. B. M.	1706. DOCWRA, BOLEYN and SIR RIC. WINGFIELD to [WOLSEY].
	Arrived at Courtray on Thursday last, and were accompanied the same evening towards the Emperor by the governor of Bresse and others. Taking with us Sir Ric. Wingfield, we delivered your letters. Next day after dinner we declared our charge to him, in presence of the bishop of Palencia and others. He thanked you for your friendly counsel, in which he placed full confidence, and for sending the lords of Worcester and Ely to the French king, with letters to him and his mother. At his desire we sent Richmond yesterday, to know of their expedition, with a letter, of which we enclose a copy. The Emperor told us, that if you would tell the French king plainly, that if he began the war and did not consent to a truce, England must take part with the Emperor, he was sure it would bring him to terms. We assured him we heard you declare as much to the French king's Chancellor, which he took very thankfully. He told us of the sickness in his army, of which Wingfield and Spinelly wrote to you. Have sent Spinelly to inform you of the state of the Emperor's affairs. You will see by the copy of the letter sent by Richmond, that his majesty will only consent to a simple truce. As to the insufficiency of the Pope's commission, the Emperor says the Pope's ambassadors here offer to remain in prison till they get more ample powers. Have not yet spoken with Jeronimo Adorno about the Pope's commission for his consent to the truce, nor with the duke of Alva nor Fonseca; but at the next lodging will repair to them according to our charge. Spinelly will tell you the news from Italy and Switzerland. Today the Emperor goes to Oudenarde. Curtraye, 26 Oct. Signed.
	Pp. 3.
27 Oct. Calig. D. VIII. 125. B. M.	1707. WORCESTER, WEST and FITZWILLIAM to [WOLSEY].'
	After leaving Calais, we lay at Guisnes, on Saturday 19 Oct, and on Sunday morning came to Dorncham in the foulest weather and greatest wind we have seen. After dinner rode to Thor ... where we were received by the Captain, who showed himself very desirous of peace, and early on Monday morning had the gates of the town opened to us. Rode thence to St. Pol in as bad or worse weather than the day before, and rested there that night, the ways being deep in water. On the way from Therouenne to St. Pol, Richecrosse overtook us with your letters and instructions. Despatched Clarencieux the same Monday to the French king, desiring him to speak with Fitzwilliam to meet us at Peronne. Left St. Pol on Tuesday the 21st, and came to Dorlans to dinner, where also the Captain made us good cheer. Rode the same day to a little village called Anckir, six long leagues thence, where we rested that night. On Wednesday came to Peronne to dinner, where we hoped to have found Fitzwilliam; but Clarencieux did not meet him, as he had ridden to meet us at St. Quentin's, as we learned from a letter he sent us that evening. Being informed by captain Gabriel, who lay at Peronne to convey victuals to the host, that the French king had passed five leagues beyond Cambray, towards Valenciennes, left the way of St. Quentin's, and went straight to Cambray, despatching a post to Fitzwilliam to meet us there next day, Thursday. He did so, and we showed him your instructions. Being uncertain in what part of the camp we should find the King, we sent Fitzwilliam to him on Friday morning, with a letter showing that we had come to make overture of such things as we were charged with, and desiring to know by Fitzwilliam when and where we should come to his presence. That Friday afternoon the King sent to us the lord Humerys, captain of Peronne, with 100 horsemen, to conduct us to him. On Saturday, left Cambray, and c[ame] through the castle of Bushey, which the French have taken in Hainault, to the v[illage] of Dyenewe, three leagues from Valenciennes, where the King lay; a league beyond that lay the Swiss and his vanguard.
	Immediately on our arrival, without having changed our apparel, we were brought to the King's presence by mons. de Pallys, the bishop of Lisieux and others, who met us a mile from the village, and presented your letters. Found him very "difficile" and untoward at every point in the discussion, and almost despaired of effecting our purpose; but we handled him so roundly, and reasoned so sore, that he consulted four or five times with his council, each time changing his mind. First he said he would conclude a truce for two months, that he might victual Tournay, and afterwards he would take a truce for eighteen months. Said we saw he meant to take a truce till he had his advantage, and then be at liberty whether to have truce or not. We put him from five or six devices, which he had taken with his council, and brought him somewhat nearer to our purpose, when we departed to dinner. After dinner he sent for us again, and broached new devices, too long to write. At last we got him to consent to a truce for eighteen months, on condition that he should be at liberty to victual and garrison Tournay, and that the resort of Flanders should be used as in the time of king Philip. He desired also articles inserted that the Emperor should not go to Italy, or marry, during the truce; but at last consented that if the Emperor would promise, by letters apart under his hand and seal, not to go to Italy, the truce should pass. He was not satisfied with Wolsey's assurance on this point; as if the Emperor chose to do the contrary, Wolsey could say nothing, but that he had be[guiled] them both. He insisted for a long time on having similar letters from the Emperor, engaging not to marry; but we persuaded him to speak no more of it. As to the striking of battle, he said we need not press him on that point, for his enemies would not abide him. He objected to withdraw his army; but at last consented not to besiege any town or move one league from hence for three days; and we think if the Emperor will withdraw his army, he will do the same on condition of being allowed to victual Tournay. He is willing that each comprehend his own friends, but not that any mention be made of the rebels of Milan. We said we had no doubt the Emperor would be content not to pursue them into other men's dominions. He is willing, for the King's sake, that my lady Margaret's lands be neuter, though her subjects have done him much damage.
	Finding him so far favorable, did not think it necessary to send Fitzwilliam to my Lady, as he was very useful with Francis, by reminding him of former promises. Francis declares that he would not have consented to a single thing but for the King's sake, and trusts Henry will not deceive him. While writing, have received a letter from the lord of St. John's and the other ambassadors with the Emperor, which we inclose, showing that the Emperor will not consent to the resort of Flanders or to the omission of the s[ubjects] of Milan. See no likelihood of a truce, unless Wolsey apply his hand to it. Enclose articles which Francis has put in writing to show his mind. Will write to the ambassadors with the Emperor. No news but that Fontarabia is taken by the French admiral, and Francis says he will not have it mentioned in the truce, but each party must be left in possession of their conquests. The King asked us several times about our commission. We said we had only your letters and instructions, as our authority remains at Calais with you and the two Chancellors, and we only act as mediators.
	Have had two alarms; one at midnight, occasioned by a fire, when the King himself came and called us out of our beds, but the wind happily blew it from us; the second about three hours after by the watch, on which every man put himself in order for battle. The King will this day remove. Finding that Francis was aware we had received a message from the ambassadors with the Emperor, were obliged to let him know the difficulties we found on that side, and urged him to make further concessions. He said he could make no other answer than he had done. Told him we thought this simple truce, to let everything be determined in the treaty, would be for his advantage; for if he demanded the resort of Flanders, they would demand restitution of Fontarabia. On this he mused awhile, and at last said, If I grant this, how shall I be sure that he will not go to Italy? We said you would assure him of that, for you meant to convey him into Spain. He then paused again, and sighed, saying, "Let this post run for this ..., and if he will not agree to it, it shall be worse for him;" and so departed to mass. We think if you will assure him that the Emperor will not go to Italy, and that the rebels will not be mentioned in the comprehension, he will take this simple truce for eighteen months, leaving the rest to be determined in the treaty. Desire to know your mind as soon as possible, "for here we lie in terrible war, without meat or drink or lodging for our folks, and in great dangers both of sickness and other things, for our folks lie every night in their clothes upon the ground." Most of Fitzwilliam's servants are ill. "Writ in haste in the [field] upon a bank without the town, which was set on [fire] before we could depart out of the town." 27 Oct. Have had no leisure to read this letter before sending it. Signed.
	Pp. 10, mutilated.
27 Oct. Calig. D. VIII. 130. B. M.	1708. WORCESTER, WEST and FITZWILLIAM to [DOCWRA, BOLEYN, and WINGFIELD].
	Perceive by your letters that the Emperor will not agree to a truce for four years, nor to the resort of Flanders, nor to the comprehension of the rebels. The utmost we can induce the French king to agree to, is a truce for eighteen months, he being allowed to victual and garrison Tournay, the resort of Flanders to be as in the time of king Philip, with liberty to merchants to trade as before. During the truce, the matters at variance can be agreed upon, and a perpetual peace made; but if the peace be not made before the expiration of the truce, it shall be lawful for him to prosecute his old claims and injuries, which he rehearsed to us at our first interview. As to comprehension, he is willing that each comprehend his own friends; but will not suffer any mention of rebels, and insists on the retention of conquests, without mention of Fontarabia. Beg you will bring the Emperor to consent to this overture; and if you can get him to consent not to go to Italy during the truce, and to say nothing of the rebels, we have good hope of an arrangement. Can write no news, "they be so heavy and piteous, that it grieveth us to think upon them;" but the bearer will explain. Marquet, 27 Oct., between 3 and 4 p.m. Signed.
	Pp. 2, mutilated.
27 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 133. B. M. St. P. I. 76.	1709. PACE to [WOLSEY].
	The King has received his letters of the 14th and 22nd, with an extract of two letters from Clerk, five from Wingfield, two from Fitzwilliam, two of the affairs of Italy from Moye to Nassau, his answer, writs for the adjournment of term, and a minute for the lieutenant of Ireland. He entirely assents to the minute, and will move his lieutenant, as of himself, to urge Sir. Piers Butler to be Deputy. He has ordered Sir Thomas More to search the patent in the rolls to discover whether the lieutenant has power to appoint a deputy. If he cannot have Arde, he will be glad to have it destroyed, as he doubts not that Francis, on any advantage against the Emperor, will make it stronger than before, to the damage of the English marches. The King is sorry to hear of the diminution and sickness of the imperial troops, as danger may ensue now that the French king has so puissant an army. He approves of what Wolsey has done, in sending ambassadors to both Princes for an abstinence of war, and hopes he will so look to the Emperor's honor and profit, that the French king gain no advantage. He will be able to persuade the French more easily by reminding them of their disasters in the duchy of Milan, as appears by Wingfield's and Spinelly's letters of the 9th and 15th. The King has diligently marked the correspondence of Moye and Nassau for peace between the two crowns, and perceives the little trust the French king puts in him, by his attempting to establish a peace without the King's mediation, and he desires you to cast out some word thereof to the French chancellor. He is very anxious to have Wolsey home, and if he perceive that the two Princes intend delay, and matters will not come to an honorable conclusion, Wolsey is to return, "considering that he hath great need of you here, as well for the ministration of justice as the ordering of his realm otherwise." Is glad to see by Clerk's letters how lovingly the Pope hath accepted his book against Luther. Windsor, 27 Oct.
	Hol.
27 Oct. R. O.	1710. FITZWILLIAM to WOLSEY.
	On Thursday last I met the lord Chamberlain and "my lord of Elle" (West) at Cameray, and have attended on them since. They did not think it well for me to go to my Lady, but I shall be ready with all possible diligence to do so when they think fit. I do not write the news because they have done so. I am forced to ask that I may come home with them, for my servants are ill, and my clerk is not expected to live, "and it is not possyboll for me to sarf thow Kyng and yow as I have done with hout hym; for an ye wold gyf me all thow goud in thow world, I canot lerne to make thes syfers." Lesheus, Sunday, 27 Oct.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace.
27 Oct. Mon. Habs. 401.	1711. GATTINARA to CHARLES V.
	The bad state of the Emperor's finances at Naples is owing to the Viceroy and other officers, who pay away the money without warrant. The Viceroy uses it to pay for his own banquets and dances, and to keep a gentleman or two at the Emperor's court as well as at Rome. Discusses the subject at great length, proposing plans for its amendment. Calais, 27 Oct. 1521.
	Fr.
28 Oct. R. O.	1712. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	I hear from the lord of St. John's and Boleyn that you have appointed Knight to stay here in my place; and I thank you for it, asking that you will arrange that I may return with Docwra to wait on you at your passage into England. Unless money is sent me "I shall be shortly dispurveyed, as well for longer continuance as for my dislodging and return." Boleyn has heard from England of Poynings' death, and hopes to become treasurer; and I beg you to favor me in obtaining the comptrollership, for "I cannot use any other way to come to further promotion but by the advancement and setting forth of your grace." Owdenarde, 28 Oct. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's good grace.
29 Oct. R. O. St. P. I. 79.	1713. PACE to WOLSEY.
	Understands by Sir Thomas More, to his great discomfort, that Wolsey is displeased with him, first, for reading his letters directed to the King "diminutely"; secondly, for obtaining the King's favor for a canon of Yorkshire; thirdly, for a singed bill for an office in Chancery for a servant of the master of the Rolls. Hopes, when Wolsey hears the truth, he will cease to be offended. "First, I never rehearsed your grace's letters, diminutely or fully, but by the King's express commandment, who readeth all your letters with great diligence, and my answers, not by my device, but by his instructions." One of the letters of which Wolsey complains was the King's, for Pace had devised it very different; but the King would not approve of it, "and commanded me to bring your said letters into his privy chamber with pen and ink, and there he would declare unto me what I should write. And when his grace had your said letters, he read the same three times, and marked such places as it pleased him to make answer unto, and commanded me to write and to rehearse as liked him, and not further to meddle with that answer; so that I herein nothing did but obeyed the King's commandment, and especially at such time as he would upon good grounds be obeyed, whosoever spake to the contrary." Never gave the King false information of Wolsey's letters; "for though I lack wit, yet for faith and truth I dare compare with any servant the King hath;" and this besides would be evident ruin, for the King reads them with great deliberation. Did not interfere in the election of the canon, but wrote by the King's direction to the dean of York, that he should be elected prior in preference to a stranger. Did not know that the office in Chancery was in Wolsey's gift, until he was told so by Sir Thomas More. Had acted in this case "at the instance of my faithful friend in his absence," who has deserved of the King for his long and acceptable service. Desires Wolsey to lay aside all suspicion, for he has no servant or friend living who could have served his grace more faithfully than Pace has done. Windsor, "xixx."(29 ?) Oct.
	Hol. Add.
29 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 136. B. M.	1714. DOCWRA, BOLEYN and SIR RICHARD WINGFIELD to [WOLSEY].
	Wrote from Curtraye on the 26th, and came to Oudenarde the same day. Next day visited the Pope's ambassadors, and Docwra and Boleyn. According to your instructions asked Jeronimo Adorno if he had brought with him sufficient powers for the Pope's consent to a truce. He said they had a universal commission to consent to all that the King and Wolsey thought good for the Pope's honor. Told him it was needful the commission should be sent to Wolsey, that there might be no delay. His colleague replied that they ought to see the conditions of the truce before they delivered the Pope's consent; that his master held you in higher honor than any Cardinal of the College, "reputing you in manner as his brother," and trusted that you would not consent to any truce prejudicial to the Cardinal de Medici and others of the court of Rome having benefices in France, and that the Florentine and Siennese merchants might be released from their sureties. From this we infer they have their commission and consent all ready, although they profess to wait for it. Jeronimo said he saw no likelihood of success on the part of the French, and would refuse to accept an indifferent truce; for though Francis had invaded the Emperor's country, and burned some towns, the Emperor had done the same in France; and even if the season were favorable to invasion, the worst of them could keep him pastime for a month or two; that unless he could victual Tournay, which was not likely, he must return with dishonor; and that in Italy he would either lose a great part of the duchy of Milan, or win nothing there. He said he had received letters of the 15th from the field there, stating that the Swiss and their army would join in two or three days; that the French had withdrawn seven or eight miles towards Milan, and that the town had refused to receive the company appointed to enter it. All this agrees with what the marquis of Mantua wrote to his ambassador here on the 12th and 13th, which we charged Spinelly to explain to you.
	On Sunday last, received your letters dated Calais the 25th, with two extracts of letters from Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam. Had been with the Emperor the same afternoon, who had received like extracts in French from his ambassadors resident with you, so we did not think it necessary to return to him till next morning, when we told him your advice, which he promised to follow. Before the arrival of your letters, the town of Busshenes was abandoned to the French; at which the Emperor was displeased, and said it was little mastery to take towns which were so soon abandoned, and if "Bayard had so done, Masieres had been likewise taken." From the Emperor went to the duke of Alva and Fonseca, to whom we declared our charge. The Duke said, his master took you as his chief councillor and his father, and that they had seen the errors which had ensued by not following your counsel; that if he had been called to council when you were at Bruges, he believed his master would have consented to a truce when his Majesty's affairs were in good condition, and that the cause of all the mischief was with you at Calais, meaning the Chancellor. Last night Richmond returned with letters from my Lord Chamberlain and the bp. of Ely. This morning we delivered to the Emperor an extract of the conditions mentioned in that letter, of which we send a copy. The Emperor says he will give us an answer after consulting with his council. Oudenarde, 29 Oct.
	P.S.—No mention is made in the extract from my lord Chamberlain's letter of the forbearing of his Majesty's expedition to Italy for 18 months, because my lords of Worcester and Ely have not informed us what would be the effect if the Emperor consented to it. Signed.
	Pp. 4, mutilated.
30 Oct. Galba, B. VII. 138. B. M.	1715. DOCWRA, BOLEYN and SIR RICHARD WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Wrote yesterday. Were sent for about 5 o'clock in the evening. On our coming to his presence, the Emperor, having in his hand the extract of Worcester and Ely's letter, said that he had discussed the contents with his council, and gave answer as follows: (1.) He would agree to a truce of 18 months, and that victual might be conveyed as merchandise to Tournay; but as for reinforcing the garrison, even though he allowed it, which he would not, he was sure England would not consent, as it was against the treaty of London. (2.) He did not think it reasonable that the resort of Flanders and Artois during the truce should be as in the days of the king his father; he had 20,000 good subjects there, and if the French king should have the sovereignty during the truce he might confiscate their goods; that by the treaty of Arras the French king's predecessors had released these countries of their said resort, but he was willing for the sake of a good truce that it might continue in the interim. (3.) He is content that merchants freely pass and repass. (4.) He would be glad to consent to peace if consistent with the arrangements made by Wolsey at Bruges. (5.) If no peace be made during the truce, he is willing that each party renew old claims and grievances. (6.) As to the condition that each should comprehend his friends, and no mention be made of the rebels of Italy, the Emperor said, if the French would comprehend Gueldres, Robt. de la Marche, or the duke of Virtenberg, who were rebels to him, he would comprehend those of Italy, especially of Milan, which was a member of the empire; and if Francis would comprehend John de la Bret he would not leave out one of his friends in Italy. (7.) He could not consent to the article that each should remain in possession of his conquests, and no mention be made of Fontarabia, for he considered that in these parts the French king had gained nothing to his advantage; and though he had taken Busshenes, and burnt Beaupasmes, Charles had taken Mortaigne and St. Amand. He says if he had carried on the war with the same inhumanity as the French king, burning all as he passed by, and cutting off little children's fingers, his men might have burnt without resistance every place through which they had gone; and though some indiscreet fellows had burnt in some places against the will of their captains, for one house burnt they had spared 100. We enclose the extract in French. Today we shall send Richmond to the lords of Worcester and Ely to inform them of the Emperor's resolution. Oudenarde, 30 Oct. Signed.
	Pp. 3, mutilated. Add.: To my lord Cardinal.
31 Oct. R. O. St. P. I. 81.	1716. PACE to WOLSEY.
	The King sends him a copy of his letters directed to his lieutenant in Ireland. He has changed his mind since Pace's last, and altered Wolsey's minute accordingly, that the lieutenant may return home sooner. Explains the mistake of the mayor of London sending Wolsey the transumpt. Complains of the negligence of the English merchants in their own matters. Windsor, 31 Oct.
	Hol. Add.
31 Oct. Mon. Habs. 421.	1717. GATTINARA, DE PLEINE and others to CHARLES V.
	Yesterday the Cardinal told them he had heard from the lord Chamberlain and the bishop of Ely that they had found the king of France but little inclined to listen to a truce, but that although they could not bring him to such good terms as they desired, still they had persuaded him to send by them, to the Cardinal, the writing which Charles will find closed; and he said, that if Charles would not consent to the terms prescribed in it, he would fare worse" than he had yet done. He will not consent to any abstinence of war while they are treating of a truce, but will remain three or four days in his camp at Valenciennes. The Legate said that he had discussed some of the articles with the president of Paris and Gedoyn, the Chancellor being absent through illness, when he told them there was no chance of the Emperor's consenting to the resort of Flanders and Artois, during the truce, which must be given up as a thing acquired by war; but they said they had no power to make alterations, and would inform the Chancellor. He said also he must return to England for important business, and for his health, and because the passage would soon be dangerous; and he intends to draw up what he considers reasonable articles, and send a copy to each Prince. Told him there were several difficulties in the said writing. First, the French would be able to revictual and reinforce Tournay, which would be contrary to the treaty of London, and to the treaty between the people of Tournay and Charles. Secondly, Charles would be bound not to go to Itlay, which he has not decided to agree to. The third is the resort, and the fourth is the rebels of Milan, whom it would not be honorable to abandon. As there were other difficulties, asked for a delay till this morning to look over Charles's letters, and to draw up articles for the truce. When Wolsey has seen these he will frame the articles which he intends to send to both princes.
	Gattinara drew up the said articles, and sent them this morning to the Cardinal. Their contents were: truce for 18 months, for merchandise and intercourse, each prince retaining what he now holds, their subjects to be restored to their possessions before the war, except Robert de la Marche. It was also stipulated in general terms that the resort should cease, that each might supply forts and towns with victuals, but not arms; that neither prince should send troops through the territory of the other without licence; that Tournay should not be revictualled by force or garrisoned; Henry to be conservator of the truce; Henry d'Alebrech, Messire Robert and others, on the French side, to be comprised, on condition of not molesting the Pope or the Emperor. This puts him in a different position to former treaties, by which Francis has always been in peace, but Charles has been molested by his allies. Encloses the said articles. While deliberating on the articles, discussed the affair of Fontarabia. If the truce be not hurried on, the French army, which is very strong, and has done much damage in Haynault and Artois, will do still more on its return, even if it is unable to reach Tournay. When they have garrisoned their frontier, the truce will be more difficult, and Charles is not prepared to sustain a war during the winter, and still less next summer. Ask for orders about Fontarabia. Sent the articles this morning to the Legate, who informed them that the French ambassadors had been with him, and, by using fair words and threats, he had brought them to agree to the revictualling of Tournay without arms, and to the omission of any mention of the resort, the exclusion of the rebels of Milan, and the Emperor's voyage to Italy, if the King and Cardinal will engage that he shall not go during the truce. He sent for them after dinner, and said he had shown their articles to the Frenchmen, saying, that he had drawn them up; which they would not believe, and refused assent.
	His letters of the 29th arrived while they were with Wolsey, who read them through, and at the same time another post arrived, with his letters written last night. The final resolutions were, that the master of the Rolls and Gattinara should put in writing the articles proposed by each side; that the Cardinal should press the French for the restitution of Fontarabia, and show them these articles; and that he should write to the Chamberlain and the bishop of Ely to induce the king of France to restore Fontarabia. He says they have prevented Charles from laying siege to Quesnoy, and doing other mischief, and wishes Charles to know this, that his troops may not do any exploit of importance, as it might endanger the persons of the Chamberlain and the Bishop. The truce must be decided soon, for the Cardinal will not stay much longer. If Francis consent to restore Fontarabia, the truce will be settled; if not, each party will return, unless they have orders to the contrary. Wolsey thinks a truce will be more advantageous than war, even if Fontarabia be not restored. If Francis has abandoned Bouchain, troops should be sent there immediately, and also to Bapaulme, Landrechie and other places, lest he claim to hold them during the truce. Calais, Eve of All Saints.
	Fr.
Titus, B. XI. 361. B. M. Lamb. 611. f. 329. St. P. II. 88.	1718. [HENRY VIII. to SURREY.]
	Is sorry to hear of his illness, and is agreeable for his return if a suitable deputy can be provided in his absence. He is to propose to Sir Piers Butler, calling himself earl of Ormond, as of himself, to take the office, telling him that the King intends to diminish his retinue there. If he can be induced to accept it, the King will send Surrey a licence for his appointment; but he is by no means to let it be known that the appointment is otherwise than temporary, with a view to Surrey's return. Otherwise they will "so extremely stick to their advantage that hard shall it be to bring them to any reasonable ways." The King does not propose hereafter to appoint any lieutenant there "with like retinue as ye have now," because of the expense. (fn. 1)
	Contemporaneous copy, with a line struck out, which is retained in the printed copy.
R. O	1719. The EARL OF SURREY.
	Bill for Thomas earl of Surrey, appointed lieutenant of Ireland by patent dated Westm., 10 Mar. 11 Hen. VIII., to appoint Peter Butler, knt., earl of Ormonde, as his deputy. Signed.
	Endd.: A bill, signed with the King's hand, for making of the earl of Surrey the King's lieutenant in Ireland.
Le Glay, II. 563.	1720. FRANCIS I.
	Memoranda to be used in answer to the bishop of Ely and the Chamberlain, if they attempt to show that Francis is the infringer of the treaties. (fn. 2)
	1. Six proofs that the war of Robert de la Marche must not be imputed to Francis. 2. Francis was obliged by oath to assist the king of Navarre in recovering his kingdom, and had reserved his right to do so, in the treaty of Noyon, in case the King Catholic did not compensate him. That cannot be supposed to have broken the treaty, for Charles had defied Francis, and considered the treaties broken, before that time. 3. Charles cannot pretend that he did not defy Francis, or that the defiance meant civil action, and not war; for he immediately made levies, and laid waste Francis' territory. 4. Charles is the infringer of the treaty, on account of his refusal of the 100,000 cr. mentioned in the treaty of Noyon; his attempts to marry some other than madame Charlotte; the conspiracies of his ambassadors at Rome with cardinal Sion and the duke de Bar, ending in war in Milan and Genoa; the sieges of Mouzon and Maisieres; his detention of French posts and letters, and using soldiers not his subjects, which is contrary to the treaty of London. 5. States the differences between the two Princes as to a peace between them. Charles's refusal of the demands of Francis, which are just and reasonable, shows that the latter is not the cause of the war, or the obstacle to peace. 6. Francis might also reasonably demand the confiscation of Flanders, Artois and other lands held of him by Charles, on account of the proclamations he has made there, and to be exempt from his homage for Milan on account of Charles's conspiracies against him. 7. Francis suspects the truce proposed by the King Catholic, as he would not listen to such a proposition till the siege of Masieres was raised, and he desires the truce, not for the sake of peace, but that he may marry the daughter of Portugal, pacify Spain, raise money, deprive Francis of his allies, and then continue the war. It would be better for Francis to proceed with the war, as his army is entire, and has already conquered their enemies; but still he will make a truce, for the sake of Christendom, in which time a perpetual peace can be secured. 8. The war made by the King Catholic is against all reason. His assistance of the Pope in besieging Parma was against his oath to preserve the rights of the empire, and his invasion of France and war in Navarre are both unjust.
	9. The king of England should be more inclined to help Francis than Charles, for the following reasons:—He is bound to do so by the treaty of London. Francis sent, at his request, his ambassadors to Calais with the necessary powers, while those of Charles had no authority to speak of peace or truce, or to make Henry mediator. To gratify Henry, Francis sent letters patent for an abstinence of war for six weeks; but Charles, on the day fixed, refused to do it. He has not kept himself so carefully in a state of defence, owing to his expectation of a truce, and has been surprised from this reason at Navarre, Mouzon and Parma. His consent to send ambassadors to Calais has caused the Pope to leave him, and ally himself with Charles; for he said that a union between the Princes would injure him, and he would be no more than their chaplain. He has made Charles promise not to make peace, so that he has asked for a brief to prevent him from doing so. Francis was previously bound not to treat with Charles without the Pope's consent; and when Henry asked him, by Jerningham, to do so, he wrote repeatedly to the Pope for his consent, who did not answer, but commenced negotiations with the ambassador of the King Catholic, contrary to his agreement with Francis. Henry should, therefore, consider that Francis has lost the Pope's assistance, and caused the war in Italy, by complying with his request. Charles has made use of the fact that Francis' ambassadors have waited at Calais, at Wolsey's request, for his return from Flanders, saying that Francis is half conquered, and has sent to Henry to intercede for him. Six weeks have passed during which neither the ambassadors of the Pope nor of Charles have shown their powers, and the latter have always used words more likely to irritate than lead to peace. When the siege of Maizieres was raised they began to talk of truce, and offered what has been already stated. It is clear that Charles only sent his ambassadors to Calais to lull the suspicions of Francis, and to get a chance of surprising him. Charles has never been willing to do anything for Henry, even when he was weaker than Francis. If Charles will not consent to a reasonable peace now, he will never do so. Wolsey has always promised [to declare for France] if the King Catholic would not listen to reason. Francis has always borne affection to Henry and Wolsey; and, considering the affinity made between them, Henry should reckon his welfare and profit as his own, as the whole will one day belong to their children. (fn. 3)
Calig. D. VIII. 232. B. M.	1721. FRANCIS I. and CHARLES V.
	Memorandum for Guillaume Delys to show the King (Francis) that Mons. de Vendosme is dissatisfied with me because I have caused my men to make incursions upon the enemy, which he had forbidden any man to do, even the captain of Terouenne. I had no letter from him to that effect. The principal cause was, that Messire Pierre de Bellefourriere was keeping the affair of Flanders and Artois in neutrality, and that Picardy was to be also neutral (fn. 4); and it is true that Bellefourriere had made overture to Vendosme, who would have written to the King but for marshal Chabannes, who advised him to the contrary. I don't know if they are afraid of losing their lands there. Cannot imagine any other cause of dissatisfaction. Since the King has written to me, I have equipped three barques for war with my own money. Vendosme has also by the Receiver General ... the money of a district ("fayt ars ... l'argent d'ung cartier des gens de cest ..."), saying that it was to victual Therouenne. Nevertheless, "tous les a ...mortespayes de Picardye" have been paid for two quarters. See the treatment I have had. I have not said a word. The King wrote to me that I should take the artillery at Ardre, and the captain was ordered to deliver it to me, but he has sent it elsewhere, "s^e (?) cons ... argent du Roy de vj. ou vij^xx chevaulx, qui s[ont] aux despens dudit Sieur, depuis dix ou douze jours, à 5 sous par jour, là où je les eusse fayt v ... sans qu'il eulst rieus couste audit Sieur."
	Fr., mutilated, pp. 2.
R. O.	1722. The PRIORY OF THE HOLY TRINITY AND ST MARGARET, POUGHLEY.
	Before you, Edmund, bishop of Salisbury, part of the religious men of the chapter of the priory of St. Margaret, Poughley, Salisbury dioc., and the Convent there, say as follows with respect to the election of dan John Devynyshe as prior:
	That in the convent, hitherto governed by a prior, a vacancy has occurred by the death of William Mordon, late prior, on 5 Oct. instant. To avoid inconvenience, a congé d'élire was obtained from the prioress and convent of Ambresbury of the order of Fontevraud, its patrons. That William Gerves, sacrist and president, Nicholas Dybys and Thomas Goodere, brethren, assembled on the 7 Oct. 1521, appointed Tuesday the 8th for the election, and sent letters to absent brethren. On that day mass of the Holy Ghost was chanted in the choir, and between 8 and 11 a.m. Gerves, Dybys, and Goodere entered the chapterhouse. They chose Master Richard Arche, LL.B., to be their councillor, director and scribe, whereof Thomas Dan, M.A., and William Symson, rector of Est Shifford, are witnesses. The licence of the said prioress and convent, and an admonition and protestation, were read. Arche then expounded the chapter or constitution of the General Council, commencing Quia propter. The president and chapter then referred the nomination of a prior to you, their ordinary, and made out an instrument accordingly. They appointed Thomas Yonge, LL.B., and Thomas Dan, M.A., their procurators to notify this to you. You therefore nominated John Devynyshe, canon of Bradenestock; and Arche on the 14th announced to them your choice; which they ratified, singing Te Deum laudamus, and leading the elect to the high altar, where the president published the election to the clergy and people. After dinner, Yonge, at the request of the chapter, went to the elect, who was in an upper chamber of the priory, and obtained his consent to the election, after licence obtained from Thomas Walshe, prior of Bradenestock. He is a fit person, and of good fame; is of the order of St. Augustine, a priest, of lawful age, legitimate, grave and learned.
	Lat., pp. 2. Endd.
Oct. Vit. B. IV. 193. B. M.	1723. EXTRACT from Letters of _.
	The Pope desires that these princes should show some liberality towards the Church out of their acquisitions from the French, and wished letters to be sent on this matter to the Emperor, the king of England and Wolsey, and that in the conclusion of the truce made at Bruges they should show some gratitude to God, by some increase of his patrimony; but as such a request was too great for his modesty, he thought it best to leave it to the inspiration of God and their own consciences. Wishes Wolsey would undertake it, and suggests how it might be done.
	Lat., mutilated, pp. 2. Marginal note, written before the burning: "Capuan' litera, Oct. 1521."
Oct. Calig. D. VIII. 134. B. M.	1724. [WOLSEY to SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SPINELLY.]
	"In [right hearty] manner I commend [me unto you, thanking you for the advertise]ments made unto me by your sundry letters as well of the Emperor's progress [as of the exp]loyte of his army before Mesirys, with the devices that ye had lately with the [duke of] Alva." I have been laboring for such a pacification between the Emperor and the French king as you advise, and have gained the confidence of the chancellor of France here, and of the French king's mother by my letters, and induced the French king to consent to a truce on honorable conditions, though Francis protests that he would have been loath to consent to them, but for the King's sake and mine. But the more the French give way, the more obstinate I find the Emperor's chancellor, who not only declines a truce, but refuses to pass the articles for the surety of the fishers on either side and the indemnity of the King's subjects, which were agreed to before, both by the Emperor and his Chancellor. If the object of this diet is defeated by this change in the Emperor's chancellor, the King will be much displeased, and be led to distrust the Emperor.
	Draft, in Ruthal's hand, p. 1, mutilated.
Oct./GRANTS.	1725. GRANTS in OCTOBER 1521.
	11. Bristol. Admission of John Shipman to be mayor of the Staple at Bristol, and of John Dawes and John Rowlond to be constables. Westm., 11 Oct.—Pat. 13 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 14.
	11. John Cooke, of Charke, Cornw. Pardon for killing Hugh Nothille, of Lostwithiell, in self-defence. Westm., 11 Oct.—Pat. 13 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 27.
	16. Th. Broke. Licence to enfeoff John Hales, Wm. Goldwell, Nich. Tufton, (fn. 5) John Lucas, Hen. Scott, Th. Scott and Th. Lucas. of an annual rent of 7l. 10s. out of the fee-farm of Canterbury; to hold to the use of John Lucas, for the fulfilment of his last will. Westm., 16 Oct.—Pat. 13 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 11.
	20. Sir Wm. Compton, Grant, in tail male, of the manor, castle and park of Maxstok, Warw., late of the duke of Buckingham. Del. [Westm.], 20 Oct. 13 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 3, m. 11.
	20. Sir Wm. Compton. Grant, in tail, of the reversion of the manors of Scotton and Brereton, York, at the annual service of 1d., on surrender by Simon Conyers; the same having been granted by patent, 7 Nov. 7 Hen. VIII., to Sir John Carre, with remainder to the said Simon in default of heirs of the said John, who has surrendered his part of the patent. Del. [Westm.,] 20 Oct. 13 Hen. VIII. Endorsed: "Warrants to be filed."—S. B. Pat. p. 3, m. 11.
	20. Edw. Stokwood, of Westminster, and Agnes his wife, kinswoman and heir of Thos. Stokes. Licence to alienate possessions in the parish of St. Clement's Danes, to Wm. Godiere, Th. Turpyn, Edw. Norreis, John Pountfrett, Wm. Millis, Th. Brikman, Ric. Tailour, and Wm. Quernby, and their heirs, for ever. Westm., 20 Oct.—Pat. 13 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 4.
	28. John Hales, Wm. Goldwell, Nich. Tuston,* John Lucas, Hen. Scott, Th. Scott, and Th. Lucas. Licence to enfeoff John Crips, Wm. Fyneux, junr., Wm. Rooper, Christ. Hales, Rob. Maycott, John Chilton, Hen. Scott, junr., and John Lachynden, of an annual rent of 7l. 10s., out of the feefarm of Canterbury; to hold to the use of John Lucas, for fulfilment of his last will. Westm., 28 Oct.—Pat. 13 Hen. VIII. p. 1, m. 8.
	29. Th. Hylton and Elizabeth his wife, d. and h. of John Clervaux. Livery of lands in Escowton and Warlabe, York, part of which were in the tenure of Ric. Peper and Rob. Peper. Del. ... 29 Oct. 13 Hen. VIII. Endorsed: "T. R. apud Cales' 29 die Oct. anno 13."—S. B. Pat. p. 2, m. 3.